A New

Topographical
Dictionary
of Ancient
Rome
L. Richardson, jr

The Johns Hopkins University Press

Baltimore and London
Page 459 constitutes a continuation o f the copyright page.

This book has been brought to publication with the

generous assistance of the National Endowment for the
Humanities.

1992 The Johns Hopkins University Press

All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Richardson, Lawrence.
A new topographical dictionary of ancient Rome / L.
Richardson, Jr.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
ISBN 0-8018-4300-6 (alk. paper)
1. Rome (Italy) Buildings, structures, etc.
Dictionaries.
DG68.R5 1992
9 1 3.7'003 dc20 91-45046
Contents

L ist o f Illu stra tio n s ix

P reface xv

In tro d u ctio n xvii

B ib lio g ra p h ica l N o tes and A b b rev iation s x x v ii

D ictio n a ry E n tries 1

G lo ssary 435

C h ro n o lo g ica l L ist o f D ated M o n u m en ts 445

Vll
 Illustrations

The ruins of Rome are well known. They have been G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
drawn repeatedly, beginning in the earliest Renais (R om e, X R ipartizion e d el C om u n e di R om a
sance, and since the invention of photography they 1960), p i 8
have been the object of countless lenses. I am neither
3. Amphitheatrum Flavium, Temple of Divus
a draughtsman nor a photographer of any profi
Claudius, Ludus Magnus, and Adjacencies,
ciency, and it would be the sheerest folly for me to
Representation on the M arble Plan in Relation
try to compete with those who are so much my su
to Modern Streets
periors. Fortunately Ernest N ashs P ictorial D iction
G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
ary o f A ncient R o m e2, 2 vols. (London 1968) has ap
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
peared relatively recently, and it relieves me of much
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
of the task of illustration. It not only presents supe
1960), 62
rior photographs of every ancient monument of
which substantial remains still survive but also in 4. Amphitheatrum Flavium, Plan in Four Storeys,
cludes a selection of drawings and plans to illumi Reading Clockwise from the Upper Left
nate monuments that have been lost since the Ren G. C ozzo, II Colosseo (Anfiteatro Flavio)
aissance and to elucidate points that photography (R om e, Fratelli P alo m bi 1971), 35, fig. 14
cannot deal with. Everyone working with the mon
5. Amphitheatrum Flavium, Plan and Sections,
uments of ancient Rome must consult this admirable
Showing the Pattern of Communication
collection constantly. I have therefore limited the il
J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
lustration of this dictionary to plans, of which Nash
ture (H a rm o n d sw orth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
offers relatively few, a selection of fragments of the
69, fig. 31
M arble Plan, and a few line drawings. I hope that
the plans will make the text easier to understand and 6. Temple of Apollo (Medicus, Sosianus), Re
complement Nashs work and that the evidence of stored Plan Showing Actual Remains
the M arble Plan will make the reader aware of the E. L a R occa, Amazzonomachia (R om e, D e
nature of much of our evidence and its virtues and L u ca E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 14, fig. B (after G.
shortcomings. The line drawings illustrate recent F o g lia )
work and new discoveries.
7. Temple o f Apollo (Medicus, Sosianus), Order
and Entablature (Architects Drawing)
1. Adonaea, Representation on the M arble Plan
E. L a R occa, Amazzonomachia (R om e, D e
G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
L u ca E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 2 3 , fig. 3 (after R.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
Falconi)
[R om e, X R ipartizion e d e l C om u n e di R om a
1960), pi. 34 8. Area Sacra di Largo Argentina, General Plan
F. C oarelli, I. K ajan to, U. N yberg, an d M.
2. Adonaea, Drawing o f Its Representation on the
Steinby, Larea sacra di Largo Argentina
M arble Plan in the Codex Orsinianus (Cod.
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
Vat. Lat. 3 4 3 9 -F o 18r)
1981), pi. 2 7
G . C arettoni, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.

ix
IL L U S T R A T IO N S

9. Area Sacra di SantOmobono, Plan of the Twin G. G atti, Topografia ed edilizia di Roma antica
Temples, Final Phase (R om e, l erma d i B retsch n eid er 1989), 84,
La parola del passato 32 (1 977): 11, fig. 1 pi. 1 (c o r r e c te d )
(A. M. Colini)
19. M ons Capitolinus and Adjacencies, Plan Show
10. Area Sacra di SantOmobono, Plan of the Ar ing Remains of Antiquity in Relation to M od
chaic Temple (Restored) ern Streets and Buildings
M. C ristofan i, d ., La grande Roma dei Tar- F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
quini (R om e, l erma d i B retsch n eid er 1990), (Verona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 4 0
134, fig. 2 (M. C ristofani)
2 0 . Career, Plan of Both Storeys and Section
11. Area Sacra di SantOm obono, Faade of the F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
Archaic Temple (Restored) (Verona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 77
M. C ristofani, d ., La grande Roma dei Tar-
2 1 . Casa Romuli, Plan and Sections of Floor and
quini (R om e, l erma d i B retsch n eid er 1990),
Post Holes
135, fig. 3 (M. C ristofani)
Monumenti antichi 41 (1 951): 129, fig. 1 (A.
12. Atrium Vestae, Plan of Republican and Early D avico)
Imperial Remains
2 2 . Casa Romuli, Reconstruction of Framework
E. B. Van D em an , The Atrium Vestae (W ash
Monumenti antichi 41 (1 951): 130, fig. 2 (A.
ington, D .C ., C arn egie Institution P ublications
D avico)
1909), plan A
23. Temple of Castor in the Forum Romanum, Plan
13. Atrium Vestae, Plan after the Severan Re
Showing Three Building Periods, Together with
building
Sections
E. B. Van D em an , The Atrium Vestae (W ash
Acta Archaeologica (C open hagen ) 5 9 (1988):
ington, D .C ., C arn egie Institution P ublications
2, fig. 1 (I. N ielssen )
1909), plan E
24. Temple of Castor and Pollux in Circus Flami-
14. M ons Aventinus, Emporium, Mons Testaceus,
nius, Representation on Marble
General Plan Showing Known Remains of
M. C on ticello d e Spagnolis, II tempio dei Dios
Antiquity
curi nel Circo Flaminio (R om e, D e L u ca Edi-
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
tore s.r.l. 1984), 15, fig. 7
(V erona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 293
25. Circus Gaii et Neronis, Restored Sketch Plan
15. Basilica Constantini, Floor Plan, Restored
Superimposed on Existing Buildings
Papers of the British School at Rome 12
Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia Romana
(1932): pi. 7 (A. M in oprio)
di Archeologia 4 5 (1 9 7 2 -7 3 ): 39, fig. 1 (drawn
16. Mons Caelius, General Plan, Showing Known by C. Saleri fo r F. M agi)
Remains of Antiquity and Modern Streets
2 6 . Diribitorium, Divorum, Minerva Chalcidica,
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
and Serapaeum, Representation on the Marble
(V erona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 179
Plan
17. Southern Campus Martius, Porticus Octaviae, G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
Porticus Philippi, Temple of Apollo Medicus, G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
Temple of Bellona, Theatrum M arcelli, and (R om e, X R ip artizion e d e l C om u n e di R om a
Adjacencies, Representation on the Marble 1960), pi. 31
Plan in Relation to Modern Streets
27. Domus Augustiana, Upper Level, Plan
G. C arettoni, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
W. L . M acD on ald , An Introductory Study, vol.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
1 o f The Architecture of the Roman Empire
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e di R om a
(N ew H aven, Yale University Press 1965),
1960), 90
fig40
18. Campus Martius, Area along the Southern
28. Domus Augustiana, Lower Level, Plan
Stretch of Via Lata (Via Flaminia), Porticus
W. L . M acD on ald , An Introductory Study, vol.
Minucia Frumentaria (?), Statio Cohortis I
1 o f The Architecture of the Roman Empire
Vigilum, Temple of Divus Hadrianus, and
(N ew H aven, Yale University Press 1965),
Columna M arci Aurelii
fig. 58

29. Domus Augusti, Plan, as Known
G. C arettoni, Das Haus des Augustus auf dem
Palatin {Mainz, P hilipp von Z abern 1983), 10,
plan 2
30. Domus Aurea, Lower Storey of Remains on the
Oppius, Restored Plan
Analecta romana Instituti Danici, suppl. 10
(19 83 ): pi. 3 (L. Fabbrini)
31. Domus Aurea, Upper Storey of Remains on the
Oppius over the Octagon Complex
Analecta romana Instituti Danici, suppl. 10
{1983): pi. 1 (L. Fabbrini)
32. Domus, Iohannes et Paulus, Plan of the Build
ings Excavated under the Church of Santi
Giovanni e Paolo
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
(V erona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 184
33. Domus Tiberiana, General Plan with Areas
Recently Investigated by the Swiss Institute in
Rome Marked
R. L o c h e r a n d B. Sigel, eds., Domus Tiberiana,
nuove ricerche, studi di restauro (Zrich, Ver
lag d er Fachverein e 1985), fig. 158
34. Domus Tiberiana, General Plan with Conjec
tural Restoration of the Ground Storey
R. L o c h e r a n d B. Sigel, eds., Domus Tiberiana,
nuove ricerche, studi di restauro (Zrich, Ver
lag d er Fachverein e 1985), 131, fig. 141
35. Emporium, Horrea Galbae, and Porticus
Aemilia
Roma, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
E d itore s.r.l. 1985), 2 .4 3 5 , fig. 2 (R. M ene-
ghini, a fter G. Gatti)
36. Forum Augustum and Forum Iulium, Restored
Plan
H . K ahler, Der rmische Tempel (Berlin, Gebr.
M ann Verlag 1970), fig. 6
37. Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium, Plan
of the Ancient Remains, as Known
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma
(Verona, A. M o n d ad ori 1974), 2 8 0
38. Forum Holitorium, Temples of Spes, Iuno Sos-
pita, and Pietas (?), Plan of Existing Remains
with Reconstruction
Memorie della Pontificia Accademia Romana di
Archeologia 13 (1981): pi. 1 (L. C rozzoli Aite)
39. Forum Nervae, Porticus Absidata, and Basilica
Paulli (Aemilia), Restored Plan
Rom a, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
IL L U S T R A T IO N S
E d itore s.r.l. 1985), 1.249, fig. 2 (R. Volpe,
a fter H . B au er 1977)
4 0 . Forum Romanum, Central Area, Plan
Jo a n Jo n e s (ad a p ted fro m C. F. G iuliani an d P.
Verduchi, Larea centrale del foro romano
[Florence, L e o S. O lsch k i E d itore 1987], 10,
fig1)
41. Forum Romanum, Rehandling of the Central
Area in the Time of Diocletian, Reconstruction
C. F. G iuliani a n d P. Verduchi, Larea centrale
del foro romano (Florence, L e o S. O lsch ki E d i
tore 1987), 163, fig. 233
4 2 . Horologium Augusti, Birds-eye View, Showing
Relation to Ara Pacis Augustae and Via Lata
(Flaminia)
E. Buchner, Die Sonnenuhr des Augustus
(M ainz, P hilipp von Z abern 1982), 43, fig. 13
43. Horrea Galbae and Porticus Aemilia, Repre
sentation on the M arble Plan
G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
(R om e, X R ipartizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
1960), pi. 24
44. Horti Sallustiani, Pavilion (Palazzo di Sallus-
tio), Plans of Ground Level and Upper Level
G. C ipriani, Horti Sallustiani2 (R om e, Istituto
N az io n a le d elle A ssicurazioni 1982), 34, figs.
1 5 -1 6
45. Horti Sallustiani, Pavilion (Palazzo di Sallus-
tio ), Cross Sections, Front and Rear
G. C ipriani, Horti Sallustiani2 (R om e, Istituto
N azion ale d elle A ssicurazioni 1982), 35, figs.
1718 (a fter surveys o f 1935)
4 6 . Iseum Campense and Serapaeum, Area as Rep
resented on the Marble Plan
G. C arettoni, A. M. C olini, L. C ozza, a n d G.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e di R om a
1960), 98
47. Iseum Campense and Adjacencies, Plan, as
Known
G. G atti, Topografia ed edilizia di Roma antica
(R om e, l erma d i B retsch n eid er 1989), pi. 4
(fo llo w in g 168)
48 . Temple of Divus Iulius, Arcus Augusti, Temple
of Vesta, Regia, and Adjacencies, Restored
Plan, after R. Gamberini-Mongenet
E. N ash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome2
(L on d o n , T h am es an d H u dson 1968), 1.93,
fig 94
XI
IL L U S T R A T IO N S

49. Temple of Divus Iulius, Plan of Existing J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
Remains ture (H arm on d sw o rth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
Rom a, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca 435, fig. 2 9 6
E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 1.70, fig. 5 (M. G.
60. Nymphaeum Alexandri, First Level, Plan of Ac
C ecchini)
tual State
50. Temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus in the Lucus Roma, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
Furrinae, Plan of Remains, All Periods E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 2 .4 9 9 , fig. 13 (G . T edeschi
M. M ele an d C. M occh eg ian i C arpan o, eds., Grisanti)
Larea del santuario siriaco del Gianicolo
61. Nymphaeum Alexandri, Second Level, Plan of
(R om e, E d izion i Q u asar 1982), 89, pi. 1
Actual State
(after P. G au ckler)
Rom a, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
51. Lacus Iutumae, Statio Aquarum, and Adjacen E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 2 .4 9 8 , fig. 12 (G . T edeschi
cies, Plan Grisanti)
E. M. Steinby, Lacus Iuturnae I (R om e, D e
62. Mons Oppius and Mons Cispius, General Plan
L u ca E d ito re s.r.l. 1989), 1 7 6 (after G. B on i,
Showing Known Remains of Antiquity in Rela
Notizie degli scavi 1901, fig. 13)
tion to Modern Streets
52. Ludus Magnus, Restored Plan F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma (Ve
E. N ash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome2 ron a, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 192
(L on d o n , T h am es a n d H u dson 1968), 2 .2 4 , fig.
63. M ons Palatinus, General Plan of Remains of
698 (after L . C ozza)
Antiquity, as Known
53. Temple of the Magna Mater, Temple of Victo F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma (Ve
ria, and Adjacencies, Plan of Existing Remains rona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 1 3 6 - 3 7
Roma, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
64. Pantheon, Floor Plan with Adjacencies
E d itore s.r.l. 1985), 1.188, fig. 7 (P. Pensabene)
F. E. B row n , Roman Architecture (N ew York,
54. Mausoleum Augusti, Plan G eo rg e B raziller 1961), fig. 6 7
G. G atti, Topografa ed edilizia di Roma antica
65. Templum Pacis, Representation on the Marble
(R om e, l erma di B retsch n eid er 1989), 27,
Plan
fig- 3 G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
55. Mausoleum Augusti, Restored Elevation by G. G atti, La pianta marmrea di Roma antica
Gatti (R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
G. G atti, Topografa ed edilizia di Roma antica 1960), pi. 2 0
(R om e, l erma di B retsch n eid er 1989), 47,
66. Templum Pacis, Plan, as Known
fig. 13
G. G atti, Topografa ed edilizia di Roma antica
56. Mausoleum Hadriani, Plan and Axonometrie (R om e, l erma d i B retsch n eid er 1989), fig. 1
Section of the Ancient Remains
67. Pomerium of Imperial Rome with Location of
Rmische Mitteilungen 8 6 (1979) 3 1 9 , fig. 1
Cippi Found in Situ, Showing Relation to the
(M. Eisner)
Aurelian Walls
57. M ercati di Traiano, Axonometrie Drawing D raw ing by Jo a n Jo n e s
Showing M ain Levels and Multiple Storeys
68. Porticus Liviae, Representation on the Marble
W. L . M acD on ald , An Introductory Study, vol.
Plan
1 o f T h e Architecture of the Roman Empire
G. C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
(N ew H aven, Yale University Press 1965),
G atti, La pianta marmrea di Roma antica
fig. 75
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
58. Murus Servii Tullii and Principal Roads Enter 1960), pi. 18
ing Rome, with the Gates in the Walls Num
69. Porticus Minucia (Vetus) and Temple of the
bered
Lares Permarini, Plan, as Known
Jo a n Jo n e s (a d a p ted fro m Roma medio repub-
F. C oarelli, I. K ajan to, U. N yberg, a n d M.
blicana [R om e, A ssessorato A ntichit, B elle
Steinby, Larea sacra di Largo Argentina
A rti e P roblem i d ella Cultura 1973], en d paper)
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
59. Nymphaeum (Tempio di Minerva M edica ), 1981), 80, pi. 2 6 (after L . C ozza)
Plan, Showing Two Building Periods

xu

70. Porticus Octaviae and Porticus Philippi, Repre
sentation on the M arble Plan
G . C aretton i, A. M. C olini, L. C ozza, an d G.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
(R om e, X R ipartizion e d el C om u n e d i R om a
1960), p i 29
71. Porticus Octaviae, Restored Plan
P. Fidenzoni, II teatro di M arcello (R om e, Edi-
zion i L ib e r 1970), 146, fig. 8 7
72. Collis Quirinalis and Collis Viminalis, General
Plan Showing Known Remains of Antiquity in
Relation to Modern Streets
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma (Ve
rona, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 2 1 8
73. Regia, First Period, Restored Plan
E. G jerstad et al., Les Origines de la republique
romaine (Entretiens Hardt 13) (V andoeuvres
G en eva 1967), facin g 55, fig. 4 (F. E. B row n)
74. Regiones Quattuor and Sacraria of the Argei,
as Known
D raw ing by Jo a n Jo n e s (after L . Quilici)
75. Septimontium
D raw ing by Jo a n Jo n e s (after L . Q u ilici)
76. Sepulcrum Scipionum, Plan, Actual State
F. C oarelli, II sepolcro degli Scipioni a Roma
(R om e, Fratelli P alom b i 1988), 11
77. Sepulcrum Scipionum, Faade, Restored
F. C oarelli, II sepolcro degli Scipioni a Roma
(R om e, Fratelli P alom bi 19 8 8 ), 13
78. Sessorium, Amphitheatrum Castrense, Circus
Varianus, and Thermae Helenae, Plan
Memorie della Pontificia Accademia Romana di
Archeologia 8 (1955): plan facin g p. 178
(A. M. Colini)
79. Stadium Domitiani, Restored Plan
A. M. C olini, Stadium Domitiani (R om e,
Istituto d i Studi R om an i 1943), pl. B (by I.
G ism ondi)
80. Theatrum Balbi, Crypta Balbi, and Adjacencies,
Plan, as Known
F. C oarelli, I. K ajan to, U. N yberg, an d M.
Steinby, Larea sacra di Largo Argentina
(R om e, X R ipartizion e d el C om u n e di R om a
1981), 79, pi. 25 (after G. Gatti)
81. Theatrum M arcelli, Restored Plan
P. F idenzoni, II teatro di M arcello (R om e, Edi-
zion i L ib e r 1970), 42, fig. 22
82. Theatrum Pompeii and Porticus Pompeii, Rep
resentation on the M arble Plan
IL L U S T R A T IO N S
G. C arettoni, A. M. C olini, L . C ozza, an d G.
G atti, La pianta marmorea di Roma antica
(R om e, X R ip artizion e d el C om u n e d i R o m a
1960), pi. 32
83. Thermae Agrippae, Plan by C. Hlsen Based on
a Plan by A. Palladio and a Fragment of the
Marble Plan
F. C oarelli, Guida archeologica di Roma (Ve
ron a, A. M o n d a d o ri 1974), 2 5 6
84. Thermae Antoninianae, Plan by A. Palladio
G. P icard, Living Architecture: Roman (N ew
Y ork, G rosset an d D unlap 1965), 145
85. Thermae Constantinianae, Plan by A. Palladio
J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
ture (H arm on d sw orth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
4 3 1 , fig. 292
86. Thermae Diocletiani, Plan by A. Palladio
J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
ture (H arm on d sw orth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
4 1 9 , fig. 282
87. Thermae Neronianae (Alexandrinae), Plan, as
Known, with Restorations
Roma, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
E d itore s.r.l. 1985), 2 .3 0 6 , fig. 1 (G. Ghini)
88. Thermae Titi, Plan by A. Palladio
J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
ture (H arm on d sw orth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
72, fig. 33
89. Thermae Traiani, Plan after A. Palladio
B. Tam m , Neros Gymnasium in Rom (S tock
h olm , A lm qv ist an d W iksell 1970), fig. 4 (F o to -
teca U nione, neg. no. 3560)
90. Mons Velia, Showing Remains of Antiquity
and Important Modern Features
Analecta romana Instituti Danici, suppl. 10
(1 983): 131, fig. 3 (A. M. C olini) (after R eina,
Media Pars Urbis, 1911)
91. Temple of Venus et Rom a, Plan of Existing
Remains
Roma, archeologia nel centro (R om e, D e L u ca
E d ito re s.r.l. 1985), 1 .1 1 1 , fig. 8 (S. Panella,
a fter G . G atti a n d A. C assatella)
92. Temple of Venus et Rom a, Original Plan,
Restored
J. B. W ard-Perkins, Roman Imperial Architec
ture (H a rm o n d sw o rth , Penguin B o o k s 1981),
122, fig. 59

The topographical dictionary offered in the pages
that follow has been more than a decade in genera
tion. It was begun when I was professor-in-charge of
the School of Classical Studies at the American
Academy in Rome in 1980. A few years earlier, in
the course of directing a summer seminar for college
teachers sponsored by the National Endowment for
the Humanities on problems in the topography of
ancient Rome, I had become acutely aware how in
adequate and out of date the standard reference
works on the subject had become. Then in the course
of a visit to the site of Lavinium with Professor Fer-
dinando Castagnoli to see the newly discovered sanc
tuary of Minerva and the terracotta sculptures un
earthed there I discussed the situation with him, for
I knew he had many years earlier projected a revised
version of the topographical dictionary of Samuel
Ball Platner and Thomas Ashby and I was anxious
to know when it might become available. And at that
time he told me that his work on Lavinium had come
to occupy most of his time and attention and the dic
tionary was still far from complete and had been put
aside indefinitely. In consequence of this conversa
tion I began to think seriously of writing such a dic
tionary myself, and the result is what is before the
reader.
It is almost inevitable that a work of the scope of
that presented here should contain at least occa
sional errors. It ranges in time over more than a mil
lennium and attempts to embrace all the pertinent
monuments within the sacred boundary of the
worlds greatest city. Consequently it calls for com
petence in more disciplines than almost any single
scholar can command. I can only hope that the blun
ders the reader may find are not so egregious as to
impair the books usefulness, for like any dictionary,
its primary purpose is to define the entries, to state
succinctly what is and is not known about them, and
to fit them into their place in a larger frame. But if
Preface
the errors are not intolerable or innumerable, that is
in large part owing to the help and advice I have re
ceived from many sources and many kind authori
ties. They are far too numerous for me to be able
even to remember all of them, let alone to thank
them adequately here. They are of many nationalities
and ages; many of them are no longer living. But it
would be invidious and ungrateful to omit the name
of any. The best I can do is to tender a general heart
felt thanks to all; my appreciation is not in any way
the less profound for that. The names of two, how
ever, deserve particular commendation, Professor
Fred S. Kleiner of Boston University and Professor
Robert E. A. Palmer of the University of Pennsylva
nia. They have taught me much and saved me from
countless stupidities, especially in the fields of nu
mismatics and epigraphy. Both have read the manu
script through and made incisive observations on al
most every page, correcting mistakes and omissions
and improving my reading of the evidence. This is a
much better book thanks to their generosity.
M ost of the text was written in the libraries of the
American Academy in Rome and Duke University.
The staffs of these libraries have been of constant
cheerful assistance and done much to make my work
easier and pleasanter. I have had the benefit of the
watchful eyes and willing hands of Steven M . Cerutti
and John Alan Stevens in checking my references.
For the production of plans and drawings I am in
debted especially to the lens of Lewis Parrish and the
pen of Joan Jones; other sources of the illustrations
are acknowledged in the list of these. And finally, in
the difficult and extended process of converting my
manuscript into a finished book, I have been the
grateful recipient of the expert advice and kindly for
bearance of many members of the staff of the Johns
Hopkins University Press, especially Jane Warth and
Eric Halpern.
xv

The tools of the topographer of ancient Rome are
very varied, everything that can be brought to bear
on any historical or archaeological problem, begin
ning with the ancient literary sources and descending
to the unearthing and analysis of any sort of physical
remains. The literary sources must be evaluated,
however; too often there is a tendency to take any
mention of a monument at face value and out of con
text, and the reliability of the source is too seldom
questioned, even by seasoned scholars. Inscriptions,
including the stamps of ownership on lead pipes and
brick-stamps, are another source of information. But
the stamps on lead pipes need not always indicate
ownership, and bricks are not always used within a
short time of their manufacture. They may even be
reused. The mutilated fragments of Forma Urbis
Romae known as the M arble Plan of Rome are a
marvelous help, every square inch worth study, but
the plan is not meticulously drawn, and there are dis
tortions in the surveying. Moreover^ of the 712
known and catalogued fragments, many of them
composed of several pieces, fewer than 50 have been
positively identified and located. New joins are made
from time to time, and new locations suggested or
discovered. Coins showing monuments have been ac
corded more attention and given more weight than
they deserve. As soon as a temple or other monument
was decreed, it might appear on a coin and be shown
in a form that had nothing to do with the ultimate
reality. This is especially true of coins issued at mints
other than that of Rome. Unless one knows the date
of both coin and monument, a coin is almost wholly
untrustworthy evidence. Even the representation of
an existing building on a coin is often arbitrary, and
we do not know the Roman conventions for such
representations as interiors. Worse than coins are
lead tesserae. However, old photographs, as well as
old prints, must never be neglected. Often in the
course of time the appearance of features may have
Introduction
changed, especially in a place as much frequented as
the Forum Romanum. Sometimes this is for cosmetic
reasons or convenience, sometimes because of dam
age, sometimes arbitrary or a mistake. In the past it
was common practice to repair damaged and un
stable monuments with ancient material that did not
belong to these but was found nearby, a practice that
is found also in antiquity. The work of the topogra
pher is a path through a maze, beset with pitfalls and
full of surprises, both pleasant and unpleasant.
There are numerous descriptions of the physical
city of Rome surviving from antiquity, none of which
is without value, but all of which require interpreta
tion. None is in any sense a topographical survey.
The descriptions range from Horaces poetical ac
count of a walk through the center of the city while
he is pestered by an insufferable leech and Vergils
description of Aeneass divinely inspired, dreamlike
visit to the Arcadian king Evander to attempts in
Livy and Tacitus to convey the magnitude of disas
trous fires, the confusion of battle, or the grandeur
of ceremonies. A few merit special mention: Plinys
attempt (H N 3 .6 6 67) to describe the enormous size
of Rome as a metropolis by measuring the distances
from the Milliarium Aureum in the Forum Ro
manum to the thirty-seven gates of Rome and then
the length of all the streets from the same point to
the limits of concentrated building and habitation;
Frontinuss careful account of the water supply (D e
A quis) with the time of construction of each new
aqueduct, its volume, and the regions of the city that
it served; and Strabos attempt (5.3.78 [2 3 4 35])
to define Rom es magnificence as a singular combi
nation of natural advantages, admirable organiza
tion of public works, and superb architecture. These
do not convey useful information, such as can be
quarried piecemeal from the works of Varro, Vitru
vius, and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, but they are
early attempts to treat the city as an entity, to see it
x v ii
IN T R O D U C T IO N
as a physical organism. The antiquarians must be
cited repeatedly for their interest in old and odd
place-names, curious customs, and religious lore; the
enormous learning of the Augustan scholar Verrius
Flaccus, transmitted in abbreviated and mutilated
form in the dictionary of Festus, the collection and
discussion of random information of interest by Val
erius Maximus and Aulus Gellius, and the erudite
inventions of Macrobius and Tertullian are all im
portant and often illuminating of what in greater
writers is taken for granted. In the study of the to
pography of the ancient city no ancient author writ
ing anything at all about the city can be ignored,
but each individually must be carefully weighed. A
scholiast will often include an explanation that he
thinks is plausible, rather than something based on
genuine knowledge; the scholia on Juvenal are no
toriously unreliable. Or there will be information
that he understands imperfectly, as is sometimes the
case with Servius. But until the onset of the Middle
Ages in the sixth century every scrap of writing
about the city is to be prized and scrutinized, from
Plautuss digression on the frequenters of the Forum
Romanum to Procopiuss spirited account of Belisar-
iuss defense of Rome against the Goths. There are
often nuggets of value in very unsuspected places, in
Senecas A p o co lo cy n to sis and Johannes Lyduss D e
M knsibus.
The ancient sources bearing on topographical fea
tures of most of Rome have been gathered together
in Fontes a d T op og rap h iam Veteris Urbis R o m a e
Pertinentes by Giuseppe Lugli in collaboration with
a number of his associates and students, published
from 1952 to 1969. Here, under convenient head
ings and with a wealth of cross references, one can
find the material of every sort pertinent to any fea
ture or monument from the general site and geogra
phy to the least dedication or image depicted on a
lead tessera. N o sort of evidence is neglected, and the
inclusion of brick-stamps and coins, even when their
pertinence is in some doubt, enhances the usefulness
of this work. The abundant subheadings make ref
erence easy, and brief footnotes provide dates and
identify obscure allusions. But a few areas were
not completed, and there is no discussion of these
sources, or their value, when it is questionable, and
inscriptions are only minimally described. The texts
of authors are taken from the latest Teubner edi
tions without apparatus, and the work is published
on very poor paper with few illustrations. Conse
quently, it serves more as an index to the sources
than a replacement for them, but as such it is tremen
dously valuable. Unfortunately, it was also a small
edition, and it is difficult to find a copy today.
The present book is a new dictionary in the sense
that every entry has been written entirely afresh and
XV lll
effort has been made to take into account the results
of the latest excavations and research. But significant
work on the topography of the ancient city goes
back as far as the Renaissance and such antiquarians
and architects as Bartolomeo M arliano and Pirro Li-
gorio, and systematic study of the subject has been
pursued since the eighteenth century. We have inher
ited a vast body of knowledge built up by some of
the best minds in the Western world, and I have seen
my task as one more of sorting and selecting than of
adding. I have added where the evidence showed ex
isting interpretations inadequate or implausible, but
I have tried to refrain from speculation.
The geographical limits of this dictionary are pro
vided by the fourteen region es of the Augustan re
organization of Rome, as far as they can be deter
mined. They are defined principally by the buildings
listed for each in the regionary catalogues of the
fourth century, and their outer perimeter follows ap
proximately the line of the walls of Aurelian, except
in the Transtiberim. On the left bank of the Tiber,
these walls also closely follow the o ctroi (customs)
boundary of the time of Commodus, which was
marked by cippi and so provides a convenient defi
nition of the city limits at the height of the empire.
But on the right bank the area included within the
walls was simply a wedge running to the top of the
Janiculan hill to prevent any enemy from seizing that
vantage point from which to bombard the city and
to protect the heads of the most important Tiber
bridges. Here the list of buildings given by the re
gionary catalogues for Regio X IV indicates an area
stretching from the sanctuary of Hercules Cubans, a
half-kilometer outside the Porta Portuensis on the
south, to the Gaianum and Naumachia Vaticana be
yond the Mausoleum Hadriani on the north, and
westward to the ridge of the Janiculan hill and slope
of the Vatican, including the Circus Gaii et Neronis.
This is a vast area and imprecisely bounded, but al
though parts of it were populous, it was not rich in
public buildings, so hard decisions on what to in
clude and what to exclude do not present themselves.
Within the boundaries thus set all significant sites,
monuments, and buildings from the earliest occupa
tion of Rome to the onset of the Middle Ages in the
sixth century have been included, with the exception
of most Christian churches and tombs. The study of
early Christian Rome is a separate discipline best left
to quite different specialists, and, although I have fre
quently drawn on their work, I am not competent to
judge it, especially in matters of liturgical impor
tance. While this is not a dictionary exclusively of
pagan Rome, it cannot cover everything, and Chris
tian monuments have been omitted, except as they
have bearing on the physical shape of pagan ones.
The most important of our sources of information,

apart from the literary sources, are the physical re
mains of buildings revealed in excavations. Few an
cient monuments survived above ground through the
centuries of neglect from the onset of the Middle
Ages to the reawakening of interest in antiquity and
its preservation in the Renaissance. And those that
did were generally rebuilt in other architectural
forms, becoming parts of towers, castles, churches,
and palazzi. The rediscovery of the surviving remains
in the foundations and walls of later buildings con
tinues today, and almost no year passes without im
portant fresh information coming to light. Apart
from additions to our knowledge of architecture and
city planning, excavations also yield a harvest of epi-
graphical material, especially inscribed pipes and
brick-stamps.
Along with these one must rank other, more im
portant inscriptions, the fragments of calendars, the
various fasti of Rome, and the fragments of plans
inscribed on marble. Inscriptions often untowardly
preserve topographical information of great value.
Among these pride of place must be given to the so-
called Capitoline Base (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073) now
in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, an inscription of the
time of Hadrian in which were listed the m agistri of
the vici of Rome headed with the name of each vicus
and divided among the Augustan regiones. Unfortu
nately, only somewhat less than one-half the whole
list survives, the magistri of Regiones I, X , X II, X III,
and XIV, but the information to be gleaned from the
names of the vici is very important. N ext to this we
should perhaps set the decree of Tarracius Bassus,
p raefectu s u rbi toward the end of the fourth century,
against miscreants who had cheated and usurped
public benefits to their own profit. These were iden
tified by name, together with those whom they had
wronged, identified by the name of their vicus. The
decree is known only in fragments, but there were
multiple copies, and there are more than a dozen im
portant fragments, which give many vicus names not
exampled elsewhere (C IL 6 .1 7 6 6 , 3 1 8 9 3 9 0 1 ; IL S
6072).
The fasti are numerous, amounting to more than
forty, and come from a great variety of sites, for the
most part near Rome, but they are all fragmentary
and of various date. The most important are the Fasti
Praenestini, believed to have been compiled by Ver-
rius Flaccus in a . d . 69 and displayed in the forum
of Praeneste, and the Fasti Antiates Maiores, painted
on plaster, of 8 4 55 B .C . The fasti have all been col
lected and handsomely published by Atilio Degrassi
in Fasti A nni N u m an i et lu lian i (In scription es Ital-
iae, vol. 13.2) (Rome 1963), a work of the highest
scholarship that includes extensive com m en tarii
diurni, which bring together the literary and epi-
graphical sources pertaining to religious observances
IN T R O D U C T IO N
for each day and include modern bibliography. This
supersedes Theodor M ommsens work in C IL 1.2
and is a mine of information.
O f the fragments of plans on marble, the most im
portant are those of the Forma Urbis Romae known
as the Marble Plan, a map of the city drawn between
a . d . 203 and 211 in the time of Septimius Severus. It
was inscribed on heavy rectangular plates of marble
at the scale of 1 :2 4 0 , and these were hung on a wall
in the Templum Pacis. The wall still survives today
behind the church of SS. Cosma e Damiano, and the
pattern of clamps and backing can be discerned. The
execution is careless and inaccurate in detail, with
occasional serious errors in the surveying, but the
plan is still invaluable. It showed the whole of the
center of the city of Rome, many of the buildings and
landmarks inscribed with their names, but it is ori
ented with the southeast at the top and excluded im
portant southeastern reaches of the city, including
the areas of the Baths of Caracalla and the Porta
Maggiore. The bronze clamps that held it to the wall
gave way in time, and the plates fell and broke at the
foot of the wall. The fragments were then in large
part dispersed. Their recovery began in 1562 on the
initiative of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, and the
subsequent history of these, the discovery of more
fragments, and their reassembly and publication by
various scholars is a fascinating story in itself. They
are now housed in Palazzo Braschi in Rome. The
most recent publications are those by a commission
of four scholars, G. Carettoni, A. M . Colini, L.
Cozza, and G. Gatti, L a p ian ta m arm orea di R om a
antica, 2 vols. (Rome 1960), and E. Rodriguez Al
meida, F orm a urbis m a rm o rea : A ggiorn am en to g en
erate, 2 vols. (Rome 1981). The first of these is a me
ticulous study of the monument from a great many
perspectives, together with fine plates of all the frag
ments at large scale. The second publishes many ad
vances made since 1960 in the joining and placing of
fragments, but large numbers of fragments still re
main unassigned. Moreover, it has been suspected
that some fragments may belong to another, earlier
version of the plan, probably Flavian in date, which
raises the question whether a master plan of the city
may not have been executed for Agrippa, acting as
Augustuss agent, at the time of his overhauling of
the water and sewer systems of Rome beginning in
33 B .C . If so, then all subsequent plans were prob
ably based on that. In 1983, in an excavation in Via
Anicia in the Transtiberim, there came to light part
of a thin plate of marble showing the bank of the
river and the Temple of Castor and Pollux on Circus
Flaminius. This is incised at the same scale as the
Marble Plan, 1 :2 4 0 , but much more delicately and
precisely. Walls are drawn with double lines, rather
than the single lines of the M arble Plan, and a range
x ix
IN T R O D U C T IO N
of refinements including identifications introduced.
This fragment overlaps with one of the Marble Plan,
and its place is certain, but it seems to have been
made earlier by perhaps a century and for a different
purpose. M ore fragments will probably come to
light, and the study of the plan continues to produce
new information.
From late antiquity come the two lists known as
the regionary catalogues, the C uriosum and N otitia,
lists of buildings and landmarks arranged according
to the Augustan regiones of the city, followed by
counts of buildings of various types. These are in
complete, and their purpose has been much debated.
After careful study, A. Nordh concluded that the Cu
riosum was compiled in or about the time of Diocle
tian from public lists and/or a map of the general
character of the M arble Plan and intended to be a
list of the regiones of the city with the neighbor
hoods therein contained identified by prominent
buildings or landmarks. This was then augmented by
interpolations and the addition of incidental infor
mation, such as the heights of the columns of Trajan
and Marcus Aurelius. At the end of the list for each
regio were added certain statistics for types of build
ings, amenities, and officials, some of which continue
to be enigmatic today. Finally, there were appended
two lists, one a compilation of significant features for
the city as a whole (obelisks, bridges, hills, and so
on), and the other statistical tables of buildings for
the whole city. The omission of a great many famous
buildings from these lists is puzzling; it is thought
that perhaps it is to be laid to their not having given
their name to any neighborhood. The N otitia was
then compiled before the end of the reign of Con
stantine, using an early version of the C uriosum as
basis. The N otitia has certain more correct readings
than any of the surviving manuscripts of the Cu
riosum and omits a few of the interpolations, but
contains other interpolations. The two appendices
that follow these lists and are to all intents and pur
poses the same the first of features most of which
are omitted from the regionary lists, the other a com
pilation of the numbers of various sorts of buildings,
many of which appear earlier in their regiones
must have been added somewhat later, the latter
first, but probably neither later than the fourth cen
tury.
To the fourth century also belong the works of the
Chronographer of 3 5 4 and Saint Jerom e (Hierony
mus). The former provides a list of the accomplish
ments of the kings of the early city and a list of the
emperors with the remarkable events that occurred
under each, beginning with Julius Caesar and ex
tending to Licinius. Because the compiler was espe
cially interested in building activity and such natural
disasters as fires, he includes much incidental infor
xx
mation of value but few details. The work is included
in Mommsens C h ron ica M in ora 1 (M onum enta
G erm an iae H istrica, vol. 9, Berlin 1892) 1 4 1 -4 8 .
The chronology of Saint Jerom e a translation into
Latin of the chronology of Eusebius for the history
of the world with additions extending it to a . d .
3 7 9 gives in parallel columns Eastern and Western
calendars and adds events of significance in Roman
history. These include much about literary figures, as
well as political events, and preserve a wealth of in
formation, not always accurate. Jerom es sources in
cluded Suetonius but are not otherwise precisely
known. Because notices of significant building and
catastrophes are also included, the chronicle is fre
quently of value for the topographer. Its latest edi
tion is the second edition by Rudolph Helm (Euse
bius, W erke, vol. 7, Berlin 1984).
A century later, toward the middle of the fifth cen
tury, Polemius Silvius constructed an annotated cal
endar, essentially Christian and astronomical, and
added to it lists of landmarks Q u ae sint R o m ae. Ap
parently writing somewhere in the south of France,
he relied on the work of the Chronographer of 3 5 4 ,
or something very similar, the C uriosum , and other
sources of the same sort. He adds to our knowledge
names for monuments in use under the later empire
but little else, and his list is studded with problems
of every sort.
Collections of these sources, together with an as
sortment of others of smaller value, have been gath
ered together and published from time to time, as
well as studies of the individual documents. The
most important and accessible of such publications
are those of C. L. Urlichs, C o d ex Urbis R o m a e T opo-
graphicu s (Wrzburg 187 1); H. Jordan, Topogra-
p b ie d er Stadt R om im A lterthum , 2 vols. (Berlin
1871); Theodor Mommsen, C hron ica M inora 1
(M onum enta G erm an iae H istrica, vol. 9, Berlin
18 9 2 ); and R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti, C od ice
to p o g rfico d ella citta d i R om a, vol. 1 (Rome 1940).
Urlichs collection is comprehensive but difficult to
find, and much valuable work on the nature and
quality of the texts has been done subsequently, es
pecially by Mommsen. Jordan includes admirable
discussions of certain texts that especially interested
him, although the notion that the basis of the region
ary catalogues was a list of the buildings that
bounded each of the fourteen regiones of the Augus
tan city, a notion prevalent everywhere in the nine
teenth century, is no longer accepted. Today we de
pend on Valentini and Zucchetti for these; their first
volume collects the most important sources from an
tiquity down through the sixth century, ending with
Johannes Lydus and pseudo-Zaccharias. Each text is
discussed in a preface and provided with an appa
ratus criticus and extensive annotation that takes full

account o f modern scholarship. The selection of lit
erary and epigraphical material from the classical pe
riod is necessarily limited and somewhat arbitrary,
but this is meant to be simply introductory. The body
of the work begins with the regionary catalogues,
and for these and successive documents this is now
our best authority. It is referred to repeatedly here,
cited as V Z.
After Constantine and the acceptance of Chris
tianity into respectability in Rome, one begins to get
Christian topographical documents, lists of the
burial places of popes and martyrs, and lists of the
churches and cemeteries with their respective graves.
These begin in a small way with the Chronographer
of 354. At first they are of small value to the topog
rapher, because the dead were still buried beyond the
pomerium, and it was there that churches dedicated
to them were built. Through the Middle Ages of the
sixth to ninth centuries Rome and interest in its an
tiquities continued to dwindle and decay. But about
the time of Charlemagne we begin to feel the winds
of change. An extraordinary portmanteau manu
script known as the C o d ex E insiedelnsis (Einsiedeln
no. 326) contains, among other things, a precious
topographical document in five distinct parts, each
written in a different hand: (1) the Einsiedeln sylloge,
a collection of inscriptions, both pagan and Chris
tian, copied from monuments, for the most part in
Rome, toward the end of the eighth century; (2) the
Einsiedeln itinerary, an itinerary for pilgrims ar
ranged in eleven crossings of the city of Rome in var
ious directions from gate to gate, with lists of the
sights to be seen on either hand, as well as in the
immediate path. This was composed before the cre
ation of the Leonine city in 8 4 8 852 and after the
foundation of the monastery of S. Silvestro in 7 5 2
7 6 7, so it may be placed close to the time of Charle
magne; (3) a description of the walls of Rome, of
fered as an appendix to the itinerary, which amounts
to a statistical inventory of features such as towers
and windows for the stretches of the Aurelian Walls
from gate to gate at a time when they were in serious
disrepair, so presumably between the time of Belisa-
rius and the eighth century, when their repair was
undertaken by four popes, Sisinnius, Gregory II,
Gregory III, and Hadrian I; the most likely date for
it would be early in the eighth century; (4) an appen
dix of the liturgical rites of Holy Week in Rome writ
ten sometime between 6 8 7 and the first years of the
ninth century; and (5) an anthology of Latin poems
including epitaphs of a . d . 7 9 9 and 840, originally a
separate volume. It is clear that the first four parts of
this miscellany were put together in Rome over a rel
atively short time, close to the reign of Charlemagne,
most probably by a well-educated and devout cleric.
The L ib e r Pontificalis, the official account of the
IN T R O D U C T IO N
res g estae of the early popes in biographical form, is
of varying value. The first collected edition of these
lives seems to have been made under Pope Boniface
II (5 3 0 -5 3 2 ). The earliest lives are very spare and
schematic. A little at a time they become richer and
more informative; toward the end of the fifth century
they begin to show the character of contemporary
compositions. In the sixth century they focus more
sharply on the politics and administration of the
church. The sequel, or second edition, extending the
history in similar form until the death of Pope M ar
tin V (1431), is very uneven. Through the ninth cen
tury the lives are the work of anonymous court func
tionaries, compiled during the lifetime of the popes
from official records and archives, and some of these
(Hadrian I, Paschal I, Gregory IV) are important. In
the tenth century and majority of the eleventh they
are dry catalogues with occasional mention of his
torical events. Then, beginning with Pope Gregory
VII (1 0 7 3 1086), extended biographies are the work
of various contemporaries, but are brought into a
semblance of uniformity by the editing of twelfth-
century scholars, and in such form continue until the
early fifteenth century. The topographical informa
tion contained in the L ib er is incidental, sometimes
casual, but it provides much that is valuable about
the transformation of the ancient pagan city into a
Christian one. In modern times the L ib er has been
edited by L. Duchesne in masterly fashion (vol. 1,
Paris 1 8 8 6 ; vol. 2, Paris 1892) and by Mommsen
(only vol. 1, until the death of Constantine in 715,
Berlin 1898). A small section, from Pope Paschal II
(1 0 9 9 -1 1 1 8 ) to Pope Honorius II (1 1 2 4 1130), the
work of the Roman Pandolfo (ca. 1137), has been
edited by J. M . M arch on the basis of a manuscript
in Tortosa (Barcelona 1925). The significant pas
sages for topographical studies have been excerpted
by Valentini and Zucchetti, using all three important
modern editions. In this dictionary citations are usu
ally made following Duchesne (cited as LPD), as well
as Valentini and Zucchetti (VZ). The significant
early Christian lists, Einsiedeln material, and L ib er
Pontificalis are collected by Valentini and Zucchetti
in their second volume (Rome 1942).
One of the more extraordinary productions of the
twelfth-century revival of interest in antiquity is the
M irabilia, originally composed, as Duchesne dem
onstrated, by Benedetto Canonico, cantor of the ba
silica of S. Pietro, between 1140 and 1143. It is a
guidebook for pilgrims, beginning with statistics
about the fortifications of Rome, and contains lists
of the principal monuments: gates, triumphal arches,
hills, baths, palaces, theaters, places associated with
the martyrdom of saints, and so on. The emphasis is
almost equally divided between sites of religious im
portance and conspicuous ruins and landmarks. Into
xxi
IN T R O D U C T IO N
this are woven bits of history and tradition, legends,
and lore of every sort. The author has let his imagi
nation run riot at times; he is extremely ignorant
about mainstream Roman history and loves the fab
ulous and the wonderful. But he knows the city of
his own day very well and draws heavily upon that
knowledge. His work is known in several versions,
having been subsequently more or less elaborated to
suit different audiences and successive generations.
An example of this is the G rap h ia A u reae Urbis of
the thirteenth century, which uses it as its central
part, preceding it with foundation legends and fol
lowing it with an account of the imperial administra
tion (dignitates). The M irabilia was enormously suc
cessful and exists in a multitude of manuscripts all
over Europe. A version in the vernacular known as
L e m iracole d i R o m a rearranges and abbreviates it.
After the invention of printing it went through nu
merous editions. For the study of the topography of
ancient Rome it is almost worthless, but it is a curi
osity of high antiquarian interest.
A work along some of the same lines is the D e
M irabilibus Urbis R o m a e by Magister Gregorius, a
churchman, very likely English, of the second half of
the twelfth or beginning of the thirteenth century. An
educated man, he wrote evidently following a pil
grimage to Rome at the instigation of, and for the
edification of, his colleagues (con so d a les). He is es
pecially impressed by statuary, but responds to the
aesthetic quality of buildings as well. Unfortunately,
his work is brief and unsystematic; it informs us of
what there was to be seen at the time that continued
to be awe-inspiring, but it does not add much to our
knowledge of topography, because Gregoriuss
knowledge of the names and purposes of the ancient
buildings was very imperfect, and at times his imag
ination runs wild.
Another work of Benedetto Canonico is the so-
called O rd o R om an u s B en edicti, a descriptive list of
the ceremonies of the church year, especially the pro
cessions in which the pope took part, the routes these
followed being given in detail that is often informa
tive about topography, together with lists of those
participating and their dress and order. This, as far
as the rituals are concerned, is based on an O rd o R o
m anus A ntiquus of the middle of the tenth century,
but the wealth of learning, especially antiquarian
lore, that Benedetto has lavished on his revisions
makes it very valuable. This O rd o was then revised,
after the return of the popes to Rome from an exile
of six years, by Cencio Savelli, called Cencio Camer-
ario, in 1188. Although he abbreviates Benedettos
O rdo, omitting much of topographical interest, he
includes a list of 305 churches whose clerics had the
right to a presbyteriu m for incense during the Easter
parade from the Vatican to the Lateran. Other lists
XXll
of churches, dependent in part on this but including
additions, are the catalogues of Paris (Bibliotheque
de 1Arsenal, no. 526) and Turin (Biblioteca Nazio-
nale di Torino, Lat. A, 381).
The topographical sources for the period of the
eleventh to thirteenth centuries, including much ma
terial that is pertinent only to Christian and medieval
Rome, such as Petrus M alliuss detailed description
of the Vatican basilica and its contents and adjacen
cies, are collected by Valentini and Zucchetti in their
third volume (Rome 1946). Here there is only inci
dentally information important for this dictionary.
Beginning in the fourteenth century, with the surge
of humanistic interest of the early Renaissance, men
such as Petrarch had an intense awareness of the for
mer greatness of Rome, which needed expression in
evocation of the physical city. By and large these
were men of letters, devoted to reading Livy and Ver
gil, who made no attempt to fetter their imaginations
with topographical exactness. They were in Rome
and conjured up the ancient landscape easily. W hat
they did not know, they made up, explaining things
as logically as they could, mingling Christian ele
ments with pagan ones. These were men such as
Giovanni Cavalieri, Fazio degli Uberti, and Nicolo
Signorili. Their work is seldom of real help to the
modern topographer, and their mistakes are often lu
dicrous, but their enthusiasm for antiquity led them
to copy numerous inscriptions, and sometimes their
inclusion of information about the state and location
of remains with relation to the landmarks of their
own day is useful. Among these one must single out
especially the so-called Anonymous Magliabechi-
anus, a name given by L. M ercklin, his first modern
editor, to the author of the Tractatus d e R ebu s Anti-
quis et Situ Urbis R o m a e of about 1411. His work
begins with a history of the world from its beginning
and is a rag bag of material drawn untidily from
many sources and with many errors. He was not a
learned man. In the topographical part, he is heavily
dependent on the M irabilia and G raphia, but he does
include a modern designation for each ancient land
mark, and this adds up to a fair coverage of the city
in the early Renaissance, one of our best documents
for the period.
With Poggio Bracciolinis D e F ortu n ae Varietate,
begun in 1431 and published in 1448, things change.
He chooses, as an eloquent example of the fickleness
of Fortune, the vicissitudes of the ancient city of
Rome and provides a detailed description of the
ruins of antiquity with precise identification of each
and some indication of its glory and history. He is
familiar with a great range of texts, including Fron-
tinuss D e A quis and Dionysius of Halicarnassuss
A n tiqu itates R o m a n a e, and can speak with more au
thority than his predecessors. He has collected and

studied inscriptions and knows the remains well by
autopsy, having even measured the walls and
counted the towers. Unfortunately, his description is
abbreviated and unsystematic, but he gives a vivid
picture of what remains and the state in which it ap
pears. Within the same period appeared the truly
revolutionary work of Biondo Flavio, R om a Instau-
rata, undertaken in 1444 and brought to completion
in 1446. This was a systematic topography of Rome
based on an extensive array of sources. The region-
ary catalogues and Frontinus are used properly for
the first time, and postclassical sources such as the
L ib e r Pontificalis, Symmachus, and Cassiodorus are
not slighted, nor are the ancient churches and mon
asteries. His is the first attempt at a scientific topog
raphy, and he was a man of keen intelligence and
lively imagination. While he was capable of egre
gious errors, they are the errors of a reasoning man.
He is in many ways the founder of modern topogra
phy, and on his work depends much that followed in
the succeeding century and a half. His book was re
peatedly copied, and after the invention of printing
it went through a dozen editions by the middle of the
sixteenth century.
The fragmentary remnants of a still more learned
work are the E x cerp ta, supposedly taken down from
the lectures of Pomponio Leto, while he was showing
a foreigner about the ruins of Rome. They date from
late in the fifteenth century, when Leto was teaching
at the Sapienza. The tour begins with the Colosseum
and proceeds to the Forum Romanum and imper
ial fora, thence to the Campus Martius, as far as S.
M aria del Popolo, and then clockwise through the
hills from the Pincian to the Aventine, and finally to
the Palatine and Capitoline. The work is full of cur
rent information and observation; errors are few,
and speculation is almost completely lacking. It is re
grettable that we do not have more from this bril
liant scholar.
There follows on these the brief work of Bernardo
Rucellai of the end of the fifteenth century or begin
ning of the sixteenth, entitled simply D e U rbe R om a.
Rucellai was a Florentine, an enthusiastic student of
epigraphy and numismatics who enjoyed the friend
ship and advice of D onato Acciaioli, Lorenzo
deMedici, and Leon Battista Alberti and profited
from their instruction, especially that of Alberti in
construction. Rucellai knows the latest discoveries
and has a wide knowledge of not only the sources
but also the scholarship of his time, but his work is
brief, and his contribution is chiefly in epigraphy. Fi
nally, there is the O pusculum d e M irabilibus N o v a e
et Veteris Urbis R o m a e o f Francesco Albertini, begun
in 1506 and finished in 1509. This contributes little
or nothing to our knowledge of topography, being
the work of a cleric of little scholarly proficiency; he
IN T R O D U C T IO N
freely confesses that in his compilation he is heavily
dependent on others, such as Pomponio Leto. But in
his account of modern Rome he is very complete, be
ginning with the churches, which he classifies by im
portance, proceeding to the palaces of the popes and
cardinals, then to hospitals, libraries, and other
buildings of public usefulness and interest, and con
cluding with the works of Julius II. The works from
Petrarchs in the middle of the fourteenth century to
Albertinis in the early sixteenth, for the most part
excerpted to emphasize the contribution to the study
of topography, are assembled by Valentini and Zuc
chetti in their fourth and final volume (Rome 1953).
The history of the study of topography as a branch
of knowledge, beginning with the humanists of the
early Renaissance, is too complicated and too
crowded with important figures, often in violent dis
agreement, to be discussed in detail here. While the
disputes and feuds add much to the interest and live
liness of the field, they contribute nothing in the way
of source material. The basic texts were by this time
almost all generally available, and quarrels over their
emendation and interpretation, although colorful
and engrossing, did little to advance knowledge. To
pographers such as the rivals Pirro Ligorio and Bar
tolomeo M arliano are worth studying for their in
trinsic interest, but they do not appear as more than
footnotes in modern treatises on the subject. New
information of real value could only come from the
physical remains themselves, and these to a very
large extent lay buried. The record of those that still
stood above ground was made by a succession of art
ists, some of them very gifted, such as Baldassare
Peruzzi (14611536), Antonio da Sangallo il Gio-
vane (1 4 8 9 1546), M arten van Heemskerck (1 4 9 8
1574), and Giovanni Antonio Dosio (ca. 1 5 3 3 -
1609), and they have left a legacy of drawings and
notebooks that enriches museum collections and
provides basic information about the appearance of
ruins. Often the exactness of their drawings is aston
ishing, but they do not cover the surviving monu
ments systematically, and, because the artists inter
est was especially pictorial, they did not choose their
views to be informative. Those who worked in ar
chitecture, such as Peruzzi and Dosio, do sometimes
make exquisite drawings with plans and measured
details of capitals and cornices, but these are for the
most part only of familiar buildings, the Colosseum,
Pantheon, and Arch of Constantine. Dosios sketch
book, now in Berlin, was published in facsimile by
Christian Hiilsen in 1 9 3 3 ; other drawings of his in
the Uffizi were edited by F. Borsi and others and pub
lished as G. A. D osio , R o m a an tica (Rome 1976).
Heemskercks sketchbooks are superb and a wonder
ful record of the glories of Rome in his day, including
sculpture as well as architecture, modern and an
x x ii i
IN T R O D U C T IO N
cient, but they include very little in the way of plans
and measurements. They have been published in fac
simile by Hiilsen and Hermann Egger (vol. 1, Berlin
1 9 1 3 ; vol. 2, Berlin 1 9 1 6 ; reprinted in Soest, H ol
land, 1975). Doubtless, there are still treasures of
this sort yet to be discovered in private collections,
but they are not apt to add much to our knowledge.
Those who have contributed significantly to the
study of ancient topography are Andrea Palladio
(1 50 81580), Etienne Du Perac (ca. 1 5 2 5 -1 6 0 4 ),
and A16 Giovannoli (ca. 1 5 5 0 1618).
Palladio, whose feeling for architectural volumes
and vistas was probably the finest the world has ever
produced, spent most of 1546 and 1 5 4 7 in concen
trated study of the remains of ancient architecture in
Rome and its vicinity. Although he drew everything
accessible with great care, he was especially drawn
to the great imperial baths and the problems in vault
ing and lighting that these presented, and he made
studies of not only the plans of these but also all the
elevations and sections that he could devise, a very
complete set for almost every example. For the Baths
of Caracalla, he included a number of capitals and
moldings. The ground plans are almost always com
plete and suggest that he must have done a certain
amount of discreet excavating; only occasionally
does he let a plan trail off. Some of the time he must
be filling in parts by conjecture, and throughout his
grand bath complexes are rigidly symmetrical, but
their symmetry has been borne out to be correct by
modern investigations. He is our best authority for
most of these now, because much has since been de
stroyed or built into other buildings. And in the mid
sixteenth century the ruins were still being inten
sively mined, not only for artistic treasures and
marbles, but simply for building material. At one
time he projected books of drawings of ancient
monuments, large collections divided among the var
ious types of buildings: arches, baths, temples, and
so on, but this came to nothing. However, he did
publish a small collection, L an tichita di R om a, in
Rome in 1554, the fruit of his stay in 1546 and 1547.
In contrast, Etienne Du Perac was a professional
antiquarian, as well as a painter and architect, a
Frenchman, as his name indicates, who came to
Rome in the late 1550s and remained for more than
twenty years, producing engravings, especially views
of the remains of antique buildings in their modern
setting. In this he was following in the tradition of
Pirro Ligorio and Dosio, and his first great work was
a panoramic birds-eye view of the city imitating
Ligorios great panorama of 1561 showing the
known ancient buildings restored to their former
splendor and the lacunae filled out with suitable in
ventions. This, Du Peracs monumental (1.04 m
x 1.56 m) Urbis R o m a e S ciographia, was issued in
x x iv
eight sheets in April 1574. To produce it he has
shamelessly mined Ligorios work, but changing
enough to avoid the charge of outright plagiarism.
He has reoriented a number of buildings, usually for
the better, and clarified the courses of the main
streets from the gates through the city, but it is per
fectly clear where he has gone for inspiration and
how he has worked. In the following year, 1 5 7 5 , he
published his Vestigi d e llan tichit d i R om a, a collec
tion of thirty-nine views of the best-known ancient
monuments, birds-eye views, somewhat simplified,
with modern buildings treated so as not to distract
from the ancient ones. These were provided with
lengthy captions explaining them. Here, too, Du
Prac was not above using the work of his predeces
sors, notably D osios, when it was to his advantage,
but much was his own, and he was a good draughts
man and a careful observer. He can often be called
on for details that are preserved nowhere else. This
work was a great success and went through no fewer
than eight editions, the last in 1773, proof in itself of
its importance.
Alo Giovannoli is different, a careful observer but
an inept draughtsman, willing to draw the most un
prepossessing remains of reticulate-faced walls and
concrete vaulting, but incapable of conveying accu
rately the spatial relation of masses and the correct
proportion of elements. Often one cannot tell what
is ancient from what is modern in his work. But he
was an indefatigable workman, and in 1616, shortly
before his death, he published in Rome a small col
lection of views, Vedute degli an tichi vestigi di
R om a. This was followed posthumously in 1619 by
R o m a antica, a collection of 126 plates in three vol
umes, assembled by his friends. The fact that so
many of the views are of otherwise neglected bits of
antiquity and all are accompanied by extended ex
planatory captions makes them valuable. But their
interpretation is often extremely problematical.
Systematic study of the topography of ancient
Rome combining the results of excavation, both
scientific and casual, with interpretation of the liter
ary sources and the information to be gleaned from
coins, inscriptions, and the M arble Plan begins in the
late nineteenth century. Much had been accom
plished before then, but Luigi Caninas maps of the
ancient city published in 1849 and 1850 show ad
mirably how little was known, how poorly the evi
dence of the M arble Plan was interpreted, and how
extravagantly imagination ranged in the reconstruc
tion of Roman grandeur. The movement toward a
more rational approach was led by H. Jordan, C.
Hlsen, R. Lanciani, and G. Boni. Jordan deserves
special credit; his T op og rap h ie d er Stadt R om im A l
terthum (vol. 1, parts 1 and 2 , and vol. 2, Berlin
187185) was exemplary for method, historical per

spective, and comprehensiveness, but it did not get
beyond a collection of special studies. It was then
taken up and completed by Hlsen (vol. 1, part 3,
Berlin 1906) in a splendid survey of the city, area by
area, whose composition shows the knowledge of a
great scholar who devoted his life to this study. Hl
sen was secretary of the Deutsches Archologisches
Institut in Rome from 1887 to 1909. Unfortunately,
his knowledge of other disciplines was greater than
his knowledge of architecture, and he is often a vic
tim of the notions of the architects he employed, who
were trained in the Beaux Arts tradition. Still, his ad
vances in the study of topography were very great,
and his works must still be consulted and studied.
They are cited with great frequency in this diction
ary. His counterpart and rival was Rodolfo Lanciani
(1847P -1923), who was trained as an engineer but
by the age of twenty was working as archaeologist
for Prince Torlonia at Portus. In 1872 Lanciani be
came secretary of the Commissione Archeologica
Comunale. His commentary on Frontinus, T op og ra
fa di R o m a antica, i com m en tarii di F rontino in-
torn o le a cq u e e gli acqu ed o tti, sillog e epigrfica ac-
qu aria, originally published in the M em orie della
reale A ccad em ia d ei Lin cei, ser. 3 .4 , Classe di Scienze
M orali (1881), was the first great work of a brilliant
career that embraced topographical studies of every
sort and size. In 1882 he was appointed to the chair
of Roman topography at the University of Rome. He
was a superb topographer and a gifted and prolific
writer, although his career as a writer was curtailed
by illness after 1912. Everything he wrote can be
read with profit, but two works stand out in impor
tance above the rest, his F orm a Urbis R om ae, a mag
nificent map of the city at a scale of 1 :1 0 0 0 and in
great detail, with the known remains of the ancient
city overlaid on the network of modern streets and
buildings. The first sheet of this map was issued in
1 893, and the forty-sixth and final one in 1901. It is
a marvelous example of cartography, as well as an
encyclopedia of topographical information, and is
still an essential tool for anyone working on the an
cient city. It has recently been reissued. In conjunc
tion with this Lanciani wrote his Storia degli scavi di
R om a e n otizie in torn o le co llezio n i rom an e d i anti-
chit, a collection of all the information available
about excavations and discoveries in the city be
tween a . d . 1000 and the death of Pope Clement VIII
in 1605, issued in four volumes (Rome 1 9 0 2 -1 2 ). It
was from this archive that much of the F orm a Urbis
was compiled, and it is regrettable that the collection
stops in 1605, but the Herculean effort that would
be required to continue it has so far been lacking.
The final member of this great quartet, Giacomo
Boni (1 8 5 3 1925), was director of the excavations
of the Forum Romanum and Palatine from 1890 to
IN T R O D U C T IO N
1922 and carried out the deep explorations that
brought to light the stratigraphy of the Comitium,
the Sepulcretum with its early graves, the Lacus
Iuturnae, and the archaic cisterns, or silos, of the Pal
atine, as well as the buildings buried under Domi-
tians Domus Augustiana. He was passionately inter
ested in the early history of Rome and the historicity
of the kings, and also in the full archaeological rec
ord of occupation and construction in the heart of
the city. He was a meticulous excavator and admi
rably precise in recording in detail exactly what was
found, and we are deeply in his debt. But he believed
fervently in a Romulus we no longer accept as valid,
and this colored his interpretation of his discoveries;
much of his work consequently has been repeated
and reinterpreted.
The following generation of scholars, many of
them pupils of Lanciani, pursued by and large more
specialized studies in their major publications.
Thomas Ashby and Esther Van Deman exhaustively
analyzed the courses and history of the aqueducts;
Ian Richmond worked on a definitive publication of
the Aurelian Walls and Gosta Saflund on the so-
called Servian Walls; Giuseppe Lugli, who inherited
Lancianis chair at the University of Rome, took the
history of Roman construction as his special prov
ince; and Herbert Bloch shaped the study of brick-
stamps into a fine tool. But Ashby also completed
Samuel Ball Platners A T op og rap h ical D iction ary o f
A ncient R o m e (Oxford 1929) after Platners death,
which immediately became a standard reference
work; Antonio M aria Colinis learned papers cov
ered several large areas of the city, notably a long
study of the remains on the Caelian; and Lugli pro
duced a succession of works covering the general to
pography of Rome and bringing the coverage abreast
of later developments. These begin with I m onu-
m en ti an tichi d i R o m a e su bu rb io (vol. 1, L a zon a
a rc h eo log ica, Rome 1930) and extend to his post
humous Itin erario di R om a an tica (Rome 1975). O f
particular interest is the map of ancient Rome in four
sheets that he produced in collaboration with Italo
Gismondi (Novara 1949). Despite the drawbacks of
its relatively small scale (1 :4 0 0 0 ), which makes
much of the representation schematic or simplified,
it continues to be useful.
Luglis successor at the University of Rome was his
pupil Ferdinando Castagnoli, who devoted his early
researches especially to ancient surveying and centu-
riation of land and town planning. Another pupil,
Lucos Cozza, has made the fortifications a special
field. And today there are a host of scholars of many
nationalities who represent a wide range of training
and a variety of points of view at work on the prob
lems of Roman topography, some excavating, others
reexcavating and restudying Bonis trenches, still
XXV
IN T R O D U C T IO N
others working largely at their desks. It is not pos
sible to mention even a small number of selected
names; they must be left to the bibliography for the
individual entries in this dictionary. However, no one
since Lugli has attempted a general survey of the
state of our knowledge today. Castagnolis surveys,
T opografa e u rban stica di R o m a (Bologna 1958)
and T opog rafa di R o m a an tica (E n ciclo p ed ia clas-
sica, sez. 3 .1 0 , Turin 1 9 5 7 ; 2d rev. ed., Turin 1980),
xxvi
are too concerned with the general outlines of the
discipline, m ajor complexes, and historical develop
ment of the city to give detailed attention to the in
dividual monuments. At his death in 1988 he left an
incomplete manuscript of a revision of Platner and
Ashbys dictionary on which he had worked occa
sionally for many years. It is as a replacement for
that dictionary that the present work is offered.

The bibliography on almost any monument of an
tiquity or topographical problem in Rome is enor
mous, and in recent years it has grown and continues
to grow much more rapidly than was the case even a
generation ago. It is impossible to compile anything
like a complete bibliography for the topography of
Rome, and even an extended bibliography of signifi
cant work on the m ajor monuments would swell this
dictionary to twice its size and materially reduce its
usefulness.
Fortunately there are already good bibliographies
available that make long lists of citations unneces
sary and undesirable. S. B. Platner and Thomas Ash
bys A T op og rap h ical D iction ary o f A ncient R om e
(London 1929) covers most of the significant work
up to the time of its publication. Giuseppe Lugli et
al., F on tes a d T op og rap h iam Veteris Urbis R o m a e
Pertinentes, 7 vols. (Rome 1 9 5 2 69) is admirably
complete for the ancient sources for most of the city.
Ernest Nash, P ictorial D iction ary o f A ncient R o m e1,
2 vols. (London 1968), includes very extensive and
accurate bibliography for every entry there, which
means, in effect, for everything in topography that
could be informatively illustrated. Ferdinando Cas-
tagnoli, T opografia d i R o m a an tica (Turin 1980) is
essentially a manual of bibliography, systematically
arranged, somewhat selective but very full. And in
recent years the Istituto di Topografia Antica of the
University of Rome has undertaken to produce com
plete annotated bibliographies for the ancient city
compiled by highly competent scholars working in
the field. The first of these covers the years 1 9 4 6
1961 and appears in the Bullettino com u n ale (Bul-
lettino d ella C om m ission e A rch eo lo g ica d el C om u n e
di R om a) 83 (1 9 7 2 - 7 3 ):5 -1 5 6 . It was compiled by
F. Castagnoli, A. M . Colini, C. Buzzetti, and G. Pis-
ani Sartorio. The second covers the period 1961
1980 and appears in the B u llettin o com u n ale 89
(1984): 3 0 5 -7 6 . The third covers the years 1981
Bibliographical Notes
and Abbreviations
1984 and appears in the B u llettin o com u n ale 91
(1986): 1 4 1 -2 3 2 . For years thereafter it is proposed
to issue an annual or biennial bibliography in the
B u llettin o: the first, for 1 9 8 5 -1 9 8 6 , appears in vol
ume 92 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 1 8 9 -2 3 8 .
Because every serious student of Roman topogra
phy must consult the B u llettin o com u n ale regularly,
almost daily, and these bibliographies are exemplary,
it seems otiose to try to excerpt or repeat any part of
them here; it would only encumber an already large
volume. I have therefore confined the citations of
modern work to those I thought particularly signifi
cant or interesting, those that presented a radically
different view from that commonly accepted or that
offered here, and those that are regarded as the stan
dard treatments of various subjects and questions.
For the sake of the readers convenience, I have tried
to err in giving more than seemed necessary, rather
than less, but o f that the reader must be the judge.
The abbreviations used in this dictionary are a
combination of those recommended in the Notes
for Contributors and Abbreviations of the A m eri
can Jo u rn a l o f A rch aeo lo g y and those used in the
O x fo rd C lassical D iction ary2 (Oxford 1970), ix
xxii. However, the name of an ancient author is not
abbreviated unless it is composed of more than one
element, and the abbreviations of titles of ancient
works have been kept to what it is hoped will leave
them readily recognizable. W hat follows is a list of
abbreviations used frequently in the dictionary. If an
abbreviation is not found here, it may be assumed
that it is regarded as standard and can be found by
reference to the works cited above.
XXVll
B IB L IO G R A P H IC A L N O TES AND A B B R E V IA T IO N S

AA A rch olog isch er Anzeiger.

A ctaA rch A cta arch aeolo g ica . Copenhagen.

Act. Fr. Arv. Henzen, W. A cta Fratrum Arvalium Q u ae Supersunt. Berlin 1874. Reprint.
Berlin 1967.

A di A nnali d ellIstituto d i C orrisp on d en za A rch eolog ica.

AE L A n n e epigraphiqu e.

AJA A m erican Jo u rn a l o f A rchaeology.

A JA H A m erican Jo u rn a l o f A ncient History.

Amici Amici, C. M . F o ro d i T raiano: B asilica Ulpia e b ib lio tech e. Rome 1982.

A n alB oll A n alecta B ollan dian a.

A n alR om A n alecta rom an a Instituti D anici.

Anderson Anderson, J. C., Jr. T h e H istorical T opography o f the Im p eria l F ora (Collection
Latomus 182). Brussels 1984.

Anon. Magliabech. Anonymous Magliabechianus. Tractatus d e R ebu s A ntiquis et Situ Urbis R o m a e

(VZ 4 .1 0 1 -5 0 ).

ANRW Temporini, H., and W. Haase, eds. A ufstieg und N iedergan g d er rm ischen Welt.
Berlin 1 9 7 2 -.

A rcbC l A rch eo log ia classica.

A rchN A rch a eo log ica l N ew s.

Armellini Armellini, M . L e ch iese d i R o m a d a l se co lo IV a l X IX 2. Rome 1891.

ArtB Art Bulletin.

Ashby 1927 Ashby, T. T he R om an C am pagn a in C lassical Tim es. London 1927. Reprint.
London 1970.

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A New Topographical Dictionary
of Ancient Rome
Acca Larentia, A ra: see Sepulcrum Accae
Larentiae.
Ad Spem Veterem: see Spes Vetus.
Adonaea (Figs. 1, 2): the reconstructed name for a
complex shown on a large fragment of the Marble
Plan that was copied in the Codex Orsinianus before
being broken up (FUR pi. 8) and has now been re
composed without substantial loss from four frag
ments (FUR pi. 3 4 ; Rodriguez pi. 35). This shows
that the inscription reads only a d o n , s o the recon
struction of the name is far from certain, and it is not
clear why the copyist has shown the inscription as
d o n a e a and relocated it. The complex itself is diffi
cult to read, the main block consisting of a long, nar
row central (?) rectangle surrounded by a single se
ries of small units with a curvilinear side toward the
rectangle and a straight back. These in turn are suc
ceeded by parallel rows of straight lines with serifed
ends, two banks of four each divided by a central
aisle on either side of the rectangle. Around the
square made by these run three rows of dots, closely
spaced, evidently equidistant from one another in
both directions. These are not apt to have been either
columns or trees; perhaps, as Lloyd suggests, they
are a double-aisled arbor. Beyond a wider interval
comes a fourth line of dots, similarly spaced, which
does seem apt to be columns, for along most of one
side it is backed by a wall that would read well with
the columns as a portico facing inward, while on
the two adjacent sides the wall is continued by lines
of dots that would make colonnaded approaches. If
the reconstruction of the inscription is correct, there
was originally an extensive addition to the right
west or south) and probably also left of what is pre
served, of the character of which we are almost en
tirely ignorant. Because the central block represented
would have covered an area of approximately 9, 200
m2 and there seems to have been ample open space
in the direction of the inscription (north or west), the
location of this complex in Rome is especially puz
zling. It can hardly be fitted anywhere within the Au-
relian Walls, and the likeliest location may be toward
the southeast corner of the plan, beyond the Aven-
tine in the neighborhood of the Via Ostiensis.
The interpretation of this complex as a garden
dedicated to Adonis the files of dots representing a
vine-covered arbor, the rectangle in the middle a eu-
ripus is attractive, but we know far too little about
the conventions used on the plan and too little about
the design of ancient gardens to be able to interpret
it convincingly. The banks of parallel lines are espe
cially puzzling.
The suggestion that the complex at the east corner
of the Palatine around the church of S. Sebastiano,
commonly known as the Vigna Barberini, might be
the Adonaea, or whatever else is represented on this
fragment of the Marble Plan, cannot be ruled out
until the area has been completely explored in exca
vation. The distortions produced in the composition
of the plan in this neighborhood make for great un
certainty about it.
A]A 86 (1982): 9 5 -1 0 0 (R. B. Lloyd); M EFRA 97
(1985): 5 3 1 -3 2 (M. Royo), 98 (1986): 2 1 7 -5 3
(J.-C. Grenier and F. Coarelli) 38797 (P. Gros, M.
Lenoir, et al.), 99 (1987): 4 8 1 98 (M. Lenoir et al.);
A then aeu m 65 (1987): 2 4 4 - 4 8 (C. J. Simpson).
Adonidis Aula: a hall in the Palatine palace, pre
sumably the Domus Augustiana, where Domitian
sacrificed to Minerva and received Apollonius of
Tyana (Philostratus, VA 7.3 2 ), but otherwise un
known.
Aedes, Aedicula, Templum, Delubrum, Fanum,
Sacellum, Sacrarium, Curia, Lucus: An a ed es is
properly the place where a god resides, a temple
 A E D ES T EN SA R U M
Figure 1
A d onaea,
R epresen tation on o s
the M a rb le Plan
Figure 2
A d onaea, D raw ing o f
Its R ep resen tatio n on
the M a rb le Plan in the
C o d ex O rsinian us
(Cod. V at. Lat.
3 4 3 9 F o 18r)
1
building, while an a ed icu la is the diminutive of this
and often a smaller shrine within an aedes. A tem
plum is a space defined by ritual augurii aut auspicii
causa (Varro, Ling. 7.8). M ost aedes were, in fact, so
constituted, or stood in a precinct so constituted, but
occasionally one was not. This was the case with the
Temple of Vesta. And many templa did not contain
an aedes; the rostra and curia senatus were always
templa, but would not be considered aedes. A delu-
brum was an area adsu m pta deu m causa, p raeter ae-
d em (Varro ap. M acrob . Sat. 3.4.2) or an area cum
p orticibu s (Probus, Keil, G ram m . L at. 4 .2 0 2 ), the te-
menos or templum in which an aedes stands, the al
tar court, but tending to be rather grand. A fanum
was any sacred area; fanum was an inclusive term
and embraced sacred groves, as well as temples (Livy
10 .3 7 .1 5 ). It is a term not much used in Rome and
used especially of the cult centers of Oriental divini
ties and pilgrimage shrines, but it seems to have been
the proper designation of Hercules Victor at Tibur.
A sacellu m is defined by Festus (422L): sacella dicun-
tur loca dis sacrata sine tecto and Trebatius (ap. A.
G ell. 7 .1 2 .2 ): sacellu m est locus parvus d eo sacratus
-ip
cum ara; that seems to need no further definition. A
sacrarium is defined by Ulpian (Dig. 1 .8.9): sacrar-
ium est locus in q u o sacra reponuntur, q u o d etiam in
aed ificio priv ato esse p otest; however, in the very an
cient sacrarium of Ops in the Regia there were sac
rifices offered. A curia is defined by Varro (Ling.
5 .155) as a place u bi curarent sacerd otes res divinas,
ut curiae veteres. This must have been an established
templum, as the refusal of seven of the curiae to al
low exauguration shows. It must have contained an
altar, for sacrifice was performed there for the For-
dicidia, and the Curiae Veteres got to be too small to
accommodate them all. However, the Curia Sal-
iorum, the headquarters of the Salii on the Palatine,
was a building containing a sacrarium in which the
lituus of Romulus was kept. Presumably their re
cords were also kept there, but whether the Salii per
formed any sacred rites on behalf of the people there
is not known; it is presumed that they did not and
that this curia was an anomaly. Finally, a lucus might
be a grove adjoining a temple and part of its precinct,
as the Lucus Iunonis Lucinae seems to have been,
!* * * **
or a grove without a temple building but dedicated
to a particular divinity, such as the Lucus Streniae.
But it was especially an extraurban sanctuary, either
in the near neighborhood, such as the Lucus Furrinae,
or at a considerable distance, such as the Lucus
DONAEA Feroniae and the Grove of the Arval Bre
thren.
PBSR 5 2 (1984): 3 - 2 0 (F. Castagnoli).
Aedes Tensarum: a building on the Capitoline used
to explain the location of military diplomata (C IL

16.4, 30), presumably the place where were kept the
silver and ivory cars in which the exu viae (symbols)
of the gods were borne to public games (cf. Festus
5 0 0 -5 0 1 L ). It was also called the Tensarium and
later, apparently after the removal of the car of Ju
piter to the Circus Maximus (cf. Suetonius, Vesp.
5.6), Tensarium Vetus.
Aedicula: see Aedes.
Aedicula C apraria: a shrine listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio VII, Via Lata, probably on the
Vicus Caprarius (q.v.), which would put it in the
southern part of the regio and suggests that it was
compital. Remains of it may have been a barrel-
vaulted chamber discovered in 1924 at the juncture
of Via delle Vergini and Via dellUmilta.
B u llC om 53 (1925): 2 7 2 -7 3 (E. Gatti).
Aemiliana: a district outside the pomerium (Varro,
Rust. 3.2.6) in the southern Campus Martius. Dur
ing a great fire in the Aemiliana, Claudius stationed
himself in the Diribitorium (q.v.) to oversee and re
ward the fire fighters (Suetonius, C laud. 18.1). Dur
ing the fire of Nero the fire, having been stopped on
the sixth day at the foot of the Esquiline, broke out
for a second time in the property of Tigillinus in the
Aemiliana and burned in the level parts of the city
with great loss of porticoes and temples (Tacitus,
Ann. 15.40). The Aemiliana was probably the area
along the Porticus Aemilia (q.v.) from the Porta Fon-
tinalis on the shoulder of the Capitoline to the Altar
of Mars, the latter probably just north of the north
transept of the church of the Gesu. Others would put
it along the Tiber, because of a puzzling inscription
that mentioned a navis aren aria (C IL 15.7150), and
derive its name from the Pons Aemilius, or properties
owned by Aemilii (cf. Cicero, R ep. 1.9.14), but this
seems very unlikely.
B u llC om 85 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 1 4 8 -5 0 (R. E. A. Palmer,
who believes that there were at least two Aemilianae
m Rome); Rodriguez 1 1 5 -1 8 , 1 6 7; Coarelli 1988,
14 7-55.
Aeolia: a joking name for the baths of a certain Lu
pus, famous for their discomfort and drafts. Martial
mentions them together with other buildings of
which those that can be identified are in the southern
Campus Martius.
Martial 2 .1 4 .1 2 (and cf. 1.59.3).
Aequimaelium: an open space on the slope of the
Capitoline, probably adjacent to the Vicus lugarius,
believed to be the site of the house of Spurius Mae-
lius, a rich grain dealer who aimed at monarchy. He
was executed in 438 B .C ., and his house was razed in
A E S C U L A P IU S , A ED ES
perpetual memory of the heinousness of his crime.
The story is told in most detail by Dionysius (Dion.
Hal. 12.1.14.6) and in abbreviated form by many
(Livy 4 .1 6 .1 ; Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 7 ; Cicero, D om . 101;
Val. M ax. 6.3.1c). It was a landmark big enough to
be mentioned in bounding a fire (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 ), a
place to which Cicero would send to buy a lamb for
sacrifice (D iv. 2.3 9 ). The land immediately above it
had to be terraced at public expense in 189 B .C . (Livy
3 8 .2 8 .3 ), presumably in consequence of the land slip
of 192 B.C . that brought a mass of rock from the
Capitoline down on the Vicus lugarius with great
loss of life (Livy 3 5 .2 1 .6 ). This puts it in the general
neighborhood of the church of S. Maria della Con-
solazione, but one cannot be more precise. Between
the Forum Romanum and the Forum Boarium, it
would be a natural place for purveyors of sacrificial
animals to congregate and may have been designed
to accommodate them.
Aerarium Saturni: see Saturnus, Aedes.
Aesculapius, Aedes (Fig. 3 7 .2 6 ): the single temple
of Aesculapius known for Rome. In consequence of
a plague in 293 B .C ., the Sibylline Books were con
sulted, and the following year an embassy was sent
to Epidaurus to bring the worship of the god Aescu
lapius to Rome. During the embassys visit to the
sanctuary a sacred serpent of great size is said to have
made its way to the Roman ship and coiled up in the
quarters of the leader of the embassy, Q. Ogulnius.
On the arrival of the ship at Rome, the serpent aban
doned the ship and swam to the Tiber island. Taking
this as an omen, the Romans built the Temple of Aes
culapius there and dedicated it on 1 January, the
same day as the dedication of the later Temple of
Vediovis on the island (Ovid, Fast. 1 .2 8 9 9 4 ; De-
grassi 388). The plague then abruptly stopped. Many
sources tell the story of the serpent; it is recounted in
greatest detail by Val. M ax. 1.8.2 (see also Livy
1 0 .4 7 .6 -7 and Epit. 11; Ovid, M et. 1 5 .7 3 6 -4 4 ;
Pliny, H N 2 9 .1 6 and 7 2 ; Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 94;
[Aur. Viet.], D e Vir. III. 12).
Embellishments and restorations of the temple are
poorly documented. Livy (43.4.7) records the dedi
cation by C. Lucretius Gallus of pictures from the
spoils of his conquests in Boeotia in a temple of Aes
culapius in 170 B .C ., but probably this was the
temple of Aesculapius at Antium. Varro {Ling. 7.57)
speaks of equ ites feren tarii, light-armed cavalry, de
picted in the old temple of Aesculapius (in Aescu-
lapii a e d e vetere), as though the temple had been re
built within memory and the painting was destroyed.
Presumably it depicted some great Roman battle and
was a victory dedication. Varros phrase has led to
the supposition that the temple was rebuilt about the
3
A ESCU LETU M
middle of the first century B .C . Suetonius {Aug. 59)
mentions a statue of the great Augustan physician
Antonius Musa set up beside that of Aesculapius. A
number of inscriptions, especially dedications to
Aesculapius by grateful suppliants, are known {C IL
6 .7 -2 0 , 3 0 8 4 2 - 4 6 ; IL S 2 0 9 2 , 2 1 0 1 , 2 1 9 4 , 3 8 3 3 -
37, 38 5 1 ), but few seem to have been found in the
vicinity of the church of S. Bartolomeo, which is be
lieved to stand on the site occupied by the temple.
The southeastern point of the island is revetted with
travertine to imitate a ships stern, and a staff wound
with a serpent and a bust, presumably of Aesculap
ius, are carved in relief on the side near the stern
(Nash 1 .5 0 8 -9 ). Otherwise there are no identifiable
remains of the temple or its temenos. Votive mate
rial, including statuettes and parts of the human
body, has been found in the Tiber in quantity; one
deposit laid down deliberately near the head of the
Pons Fabricius on the left bank is usually associated
with the temple but might equally well, perhaps bet
ter, belong to the Temple of Apollo Medicus (see
Apollo, Aedes).
R en dL in c, ser. 8.26 (1971): 26781 (M. Guar-
ducci); P. Pensabene et al., Terracotte votive dal
Tevere (StM isc 25 [Rome 1980]): passim, especially
1 7 -2 0 ; A then aeu m 65 (1987): 52127 (D. De-
grassi).
Aesculetum: a grove of oaks. Pliny (H N 16.37) tells
us that after a secession of the plebs to the Janicu-
lum, ca. 2 8 7 B .C ., because of the crushing weight of
their debts and following a bitter struggle with their
creditors, Q. Hortensius as dictator passed a law that
p lebescita, which earlier had not been binding on the
patricians, should be binding on the whole people.
This was done in a escu leto, and, because it was a Lex
Hortensia, must have been passed in the comitia cen-
turiata, normally assembled in the Campus Martius.
The discovery of a monumental altar to the Lares
dedicated by the m agistri vici A esculeti (C IL
6.30957) under Via Arenula just south of Via di S.
Bartolomeo indicates the existence of this vicus
nearby, probably toward the bank of the Tiber,
where the Via delle Zoccolette may show its course.
One side of the altar shows a Lar carrying a large
branch of what is usually identified as laurel but
might better be aesculus (cf. B u llC om 17 [1889]:
6 9 -7 2 and pi. 3). The Aesculetum might be pre
sumed to have lain between this street and the river,
but why Hortensius should have convened the com
itia centuriata there remains mysterious.
CEFR 98 (1987): 6 2 -7 3 (S. Panciera).
Ager, Campus, P rata: These three terms generally
designate land beyond the Servian Walls. A ger is
4
the territory of the city, exclusive of the city itself.
In the inauguration ceremony for Numa Pompilius
the augur took his station p rosp ectu in urbem
agru m qu e ca p to (Livy 1.18.7). A ger R om am is was
distinguished from ag er peregrinus but embraced all
the natural features, such as rivers, lakes, and moun
tains. C am pus was used for the territory near the
city, just outside the walls; thus the Campus Martius
and Campus Viminalis. How far it would have ex
tended is hard to say, but probably not much more
than a mile. There could also be campus inside the
walls, as the campus sceleratus shows, but this was
exceptional. Prata was a more particular term for flat
land suitable for cultivation, though not necessarily
under cultivation. It is rarely used for land in the
near vicinity of Rome and used only of land beyond
the pomerium.
Ager Albiona: see Albionarum Lucus.
Ager Apollinis Argentei: see Apollo Argenteus.
Ager L. Petilii: Land belonging to Petilius, a scriba,
located sub ianiculo, where in 181 B.C . were found
two stone chests, one said to be the sarcophagus of
Numa Pompilius, the other to contain his writings
(Livy 4 0 .2 9 .2 - 4 ; Val. M ax. 1.1.12). Numa is said to
have been buried across the Tiber on or under the
ianiculum (q.v.) (Dion. Hal. 2 .7 6 .6 ; Plutarch, N um a
2 2 .1 -5 ), and his sarcophagus is said to have come to
light after heavy rains, which suggests that the grave
lay near the point where the Via Aurelia crested the
hill, perhaps in the grounds of Villa Aurelia.
Ager Turax: see Campus Tiberinus.
Ager Vaticanus: see Vaticanus.
Ager Veranus: according to the L ib er Pontificalis
(LPD 1.25 [p. 155] and cf. p. 1 8 1 ; V Z 2 .2 2 7 ), in a . d .
258 Saint Lawrence was martyred and buried in Via
Tiburtina: in cy m iterio Cyriaces, in agrum Veranum,
in crypta, I I I id. aug. The name may be that of an
ancient owner of the land, but it is impossible to
bound the property or to identify its owner more
precisely. The names Veranius and Varus were not
uncommon. The site is in the basilica of S. Lorenzo
fuori le Mura.
Agger: see M urus Servii Tullii.
Agonus: Festus (304L) says this was the original
(pre-Sabine) name of the Quirinal and that the Porta
Collina was once called Agonensis (Paulus ex Fest.
9L). Although this has been widely questioned, there

is no real reason to doubt it. We know that four days
in the year were dies ag on ales: 9 January, 17 March,
21 May, and 11 December. Ovid clearly had no idea
what the true meaning of the word might be and of
fers a variety of improbable explanations (Fast.
1.31732). On each of these days a ram was sacri
ficed in the Regia. A different god seems to have been
especially honored on each occasion: Janus, Liber
Pater, Vediovis (?), and Indiges. Of these, only Sol
Indiges is closely associated with the Quirinal in the
historical period, but they may all have been fertility
festivals, and certainly these gods were very old di
vinities. It is possible to imagine a time when they all
had places on the Quirinal, from which they were
removed to make place for the Sabine divinities of
Titus Tatius, as Saturn was removed from the Capi-
toline. Certainly throughout history the Quirinal en
joyed a peculiar attraction for cults, thanks probably
to the traffic along the salt road.
Agri N ovi: see Campus Esquilinus.
Agrippae Templum: see Pantheon.
Aius Locutius, A ra Saepta (Templum,
Sacellum): an altar erected to the supernatural voice
heard by M . Caedicius, a plebeian, from the grove of
Vesta, where it came down to the Nova Via, warning
of the coming of the Gauls. Caedicius heard it in 391
B.C. in the still of the night, instructing him to warn
the tribuni plebis, but the warning was neglected be
cause of his humble station. There seems to have
been some difficulty in locating the exact point
where it was heard, but it was described as supra
je d e m Vestae. See Livy 5 .3 2 .6 , 5 0 .5 , 5 2 .1 1 ; Cicero,
Div. 1.101, 2 .6 9 ; Plutarch, Cam il. 30.3. Varros ac
count, as relayed by Aulus Gellius (16.17), placing
the incident in infim a N ov a Via, cannot be right and
probably is the result of corruption of the text; else
where (Ling. 5.43) Varro correctly puts the infima
Nova Via at the Velabrum. Possibly Gellius, know
ing that in his day the Nova Via stopped near the
Altar of Aius Locutius and knowing also that the
sum m a N ov a Via was at the junction of this with
the Clivus Palatinus, arbitrarily altered Varros
m edia to infim a.
Albionarum Lucus: a grove in the Albiona Ager on
:he right bank of the Tiber, a place in which a white
r.eifer was sacrificed (so Paulus ex Fest. 4L). This is
very mysterious. The area should be large, the god
desses honored important, and the sacrifice an im
portant holiday. The uncertainty of the reading
between A lbion aru m and albin aru m is further wor
risome. Paulus uses the past tense of the sacrifice, but
ALTA SEM ITA
the present tense of the Albiona Ager. No one else
mentions it.
Albula: the ancient name of the Tiber, presumably
from the whitish color of the sulfur-charged waters
of the Anio, which entered it just above Rome (Pau
lus ex Fest. 4L ; Servius a d Aen. 8.332). It is unusual
to find a considerable river named in the feminine in
Rome, where the feminine is generally reserved for
brooks and springs.
Almo Flumen: the stream known today as the
Fossa Almone, Acquataccio, Travicella, and Mar-
rana della Caffarella. It rises between the Via Appia
and Via Latina and flows northwest and west, cross
ing the line of the Via Appia about a half-kilometer
outside Porta S. Sebastiano (Porta Appia) and the
Via Ostiensis about a kilometer outside Porta S. Pa
olo (Porta Ostiensis). It was always a considerable
stream fed by numerous springs and an important
tributary of the Tiber. In it, at the point where it
emptied into the Tiber, the image of the Magna M a
ter, her carpentum , and her sacred implements were
bathed annually on 2 7 M arch, the anniversary of her
arrival in Rome. At this point the image had been
transferred from ship to carpentum (Ovid, Fast.
4 .3 3 5 -4 0 ; M artial 3 .4 7 .1 2 ; Amm. M arc. 23.3.7).
Alta Semita (Fig. 7 2 ): presumably the street along
the spine of the Quirinal on the line of modern Via
del Quirinale and Via Vend Settembre that gave its
name to the sixth regio of Augustan Rome in the re-
gionary catalogues. The street ran in almost a
straight line from the Porta Collina in the Servian
Walls southwest to the large Hadrianic temple on
Collis Salutaris below modern Piazza del Quirinale
(Montecavallo). Lugli believed it there changed its
name and continued as Vicus Laci Fundani, but, be
cause in the stretch in question it was descending the
series of heights at the southern end of the Quirinal
known as Collis Salutaris, Collis Mucialis, and Collis
Latiaris, if it had changed its name, it would have
become a clivus rather than a vicus. It eventually
must have linked up directly with the Vicus Iugarius,
for it brought the salt-seeking traffic of the Via Sa-
laria into Rome, and this was bound for the river and
its crossing just below the Tiber island. Because the
line of the salt route must be prehistoric, Alta Semita
must be a very old name, and no other street in Rome
is known to have been called sem ita, which is usually
a footpath. The northeastern stretch just before the
gate may have acquired the name Vicus Portae Col-
linae (C IL 6 .4 5 0 = IL S 3 6 1 8 ), though that is more
likely a street running southeast from Alta Semita
just inside Porta Collina.
5
A M IC IT IA E ARA
The Augustan Regio VI known by this name was
very large, including the Viminal, Quirinal, and
slopes of the Pincian, together with the valleys be
tween; but much of the northern part was taken up
by horti. It seems to have been bounded by the Ar-
giletum and Vicus Patricius on the south and south
east, the line of the Aurelian Walls, including the
Castra Praetoria, on the east, northeast, and north,
as far as Porta Pinciana, the ancient street following
the line of modern Via di Porta Pinciana and a con
tinuation of this running more or less due south from
its termination at Via del Tritone on the west, and
the line of the street isolating the imperial fora on the
southwest. Its principal landmarks were the baths of
Diocletian and Constantine, the Castra Praetoria,
the temples of Quirinus, Salus, and Flora, and the
Horti Sallustiani.
B u llC om 87 (1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 7 5 -8 2 (E. Rodriguez-Al-
meida).
A m icitiae A ra : decreed by the senate in a . d . 28,
together with an altar to Clementia (q.v.) (Tacitus,
Ann. 4.74 ), but it is not known where it was in
tended to stand or whether it was ever erected.
A m p h ith eatru m : a building type, serving especially
for the presentation of gladiatorial spectacles, appar
ently invented in Samnite Campania, where the tra
dition of gladiatorial contests was strong, essentially
an oval arena surrounded on all sides by banks of
seating for spectators. The main entrance was always
on the long axis of the arena and led in from the
exterior, so that the procession (pom pa) with which
such games began could make a grand entrance and
circle the arena. The oldest amphitheater known is
that of Pompeii, the date of which is disputed. It is
certainly at least as old as the time of Sulla, when
local magistrates were responsible for some sort of
construction there. This was commemorated in an
inscription in which the word for amphitheater is
conspicuously absent. Instead it is recorded that the
magistrates: sp ectacu la d e sua p eq . fac. coer. et co-
loneis locu m in p erp etu o m deder. (C/L 1 0.852 = ILS
5627). This amphitheater is without any arrange
ment under the arena, and the cavea is essentially a
mass of earth, made by excavating the interior and
piling up the earth removed from it around the cir
cumference. Access for the spectators was mainly
from a broad elevated walk around the exterior, with
stairs at regular intervals leading down between sec
tors. Only the very privileged had a better arrange
ment, and that may not have been original.
In Rome the earliest amphitheater that we hear of
is an invention in 53 B .C . of C. Trebonius Curio. He
built two theaters with caveas that revolved, so that
during the morning they could stand back to back
6
and plays could be performed simultaneously in
both, and then in the afternoon they could be
wheeled about and brought together, at which time
the combined orchestras became an arena (see Thea-
tra Curionis). Whether earlier gladiatorial games had
always been presented in the forum, or in some sim
ilar public space, is not known but seems likely. The
earliest gladiatorial show offered in Rome was at fu
neral games for D. Iunius Brutus Scaeva in 2 6 4 B.C .
(Val. M ax. 2.4 .7 ) and was offered in the Forum
Boarium. While such games might have been put on
in a theater or circus, their forming regularly a part
of funeral games and triumphs argues for an infor
mal setting. In 30/29 B .C . Statilius Taurus built the
first stone amphitheater (Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 3 .1 ; Sueton
ius, Aug. 2 9 .5 , Calig. 18.1) in the Campus Martius;
this was destroyed in the fire of Nero in a . d . 64
(Cass. Dio 62 .1 8 .2 ), so it must have been in the part
of the Campus Martius called the Aemiliana, or its
vicinity, evidently near the Capitoline Hill (Calpur-
nius Siculus 7 .2 3 -2 4 ). Unfortunately, we have no in
formation about its arrangements. All that can be
said is that it seems to have been used almost exclu
sively for gladiatorial shows and hunts. A second
amphitheater begun by Caligula next to the Saepta
Iulia was unfinished at his death, and the work was
abandoned by Claudius (Suetonius, Calig. 21), and
one built by Nero in a . d . 5 7 was of wood and evi
dently not intended to be permanent (Tacitus, Ann.
1 3 .3 1 .1 ; Suetonius, N ero 12.1), although some of
its appointments were lavish (Pliny, N H 16.200,
19.24). None of these buildings seems to have been
remarkable for its engineering, and while those in the
Campus Martius must have been freestanding and
patterned after the theaters of Pompey and Marcel-
lus, there is no suggestion that provisions for theat
rical effects were a regular concern. So also the mar
vels described by Corydon in Calpurnius Siculus
(7 .6 9 -7 2 ) could have been arranged without sophis
ticated engineering. Apparently advanced showman
ship with elevation of animal cages, artificial land
scapes, and multiple surprises does not antedate the
Flavian amphitheaters of Puteoli and Rome. It is per
haps worth noting that there was probably only a
single amphitheater in Rome until the time of the
construction of the Amphitheatrum Castrense in the
third century.
A m p h ith eatru m C a lig u la e: an amphitheater iuxta
S aepta begun by Caligula, but then not continued by
Claudius (Suetonius, Calig. 21). Space for this might
have been available to the east, it being quite uncer
tain when the Temple of Isis Campensis was built, or
to the north. The former is more likely. C1L
6 .1 2 5 2 = 1LS 205 refers to damage caused to the
Aqua Virgo by Caligula; very likely this was caused

by the amphitheater. The verb used is disturbare,
which suggests demolition, and it may be that Calig
ula intended to route the aqueduct around his am
phitheater, which would locate the latter near the
northeast corner of the Saepta.
Amphitheatrum Castrense (Figs. 16, 7 8 ): the
small amphitheater south of the Sessorium (q.v.)
near the church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme, later
included in the fortifications of Aurelian, at which
time the arcades of about one-third of the outer cir
cumference were walled up. It was a broad oval in
plan, with axes of 88 m and 7 5 .8 0 m, built entirely
of brick-faced concrete. It originally consisted of
three storeys on the exterior, and drawings of the
sixteenth century still show these, but today the top
storey and all but a very small part of the middle one
have disappeared. We are dependent on measured
drawings, especially two by Palladio (Zorzi, figs.
23132), for information. The lowest storey is em
bellished with an engaged order with Corinthian
capitals in brick. There are no bases, but plinths of
travertine blocks. In the second storey the engaged
order was replaced by pilasters, also Corinthian. In
the third storey rectangular windows replaced the ar
cades, and the elongated pilasters of the ornamental
order, also Corinthian, carried only plinthlike sec
tions of entablature as a crowning finish. Between
these were corbels for footing the masts that carried
awnings for the spectators. The cavea seems to have
been very narrow, restricted to a single bank of nine
rows of seats, unless, as Palladios drawing suggests,
there was seating above in a sum m um m aenianum .
The arena was provided with chambers underneath,
but there is no information about how these were
arranged.
The footing of the lowest order stands high above
ground level today, and it has been suggested that at
the time of the building of the Aurelian Walls the
ground was considerably lowered, but the brick fac
ing descends smooth to the top of the concrete foot
ing, showing that the level has been lowered only a
loot or two around most of the circumference. There
can therefore have been only a limited access, prob
ably mainly on the axes of the amphitheater.
After much debate, scholars have now reached a
general agreement that the building should be dated
:o the time of Elagabalus, who was responsible for a
good bit of construction in this area. The complete
absence of brick-stamps seems to support this date
Bloch 3013). Its identification as the Amphithea-
rrum Castrense of Regio V in the regionary cata
logues depends on interpreting Castrense as meaning
"belonging to the imperial residence but is gener
ally accepted. PA thought it would have been unus
able after the construction of the Aurelian Walls, but
A M P H I T H E A T R U M F L A V IU M
there is no proof of that. If Aurelian contemplated
having to defend the city seriously enough to have
turned the summum maenianum into an outwork of
the walls, the rest can still have continued to function
as before.
R endP ontA cc 8 (1955): 1 4 7 -5 4 (A. M . Colini);
Nash 1.1316.
Amphitheatrum Flavium (Figs. 3, 4, 5): the Col
osseum (a name it received only after a . d . 1000 from
the nearby Colossus Solis [Neronis] [q.v.]), begun by
Vespasian in the basin ringed by the Velia, Oppius,
and Caelian. This was the site of an ornamental lake,
one of the finest features of the Domus Aurea of
Nero, probably fed by cascades down the Caelian
issuing from the northeast face of the platform of the
Temple of Divus Claudius, which was turned into a
series of fountains and grottoes. Vespasian diverted
the water to public use, drained the lake, laid a deep
footing of concrete (deeper where the cavea was to
stand), and set about building the worlds largest and
most beautiful amphitheater where the lake had
been. The notion that he had to contend with a lake
or pond existing here before N eros time does not
seem correct, but there was certainly water in the
area, as a watercourse of some volume still runs in
the lowest level of the excavations under the church
of S. Clemente.
The amphitheater was remarkable for the clarity
of its architectural concept, yet several emperors
were involved in its construction. Vespasian carried
the building to the top of the second arcade of the
outer wall and the m aen ian u m secundum of the seat
ing and dedicated it before his death in 79 (Chron.
146). Titus added the third and fourth storeys of the
seating and rededicated it with magnificent games
lasting one hundred days in 80 (Suetonius, Tit. 7.3;
Cass. Dio 66.25). Domitian is said to have com
pleted the building a d clipea, presumably gilded
bronze shields that adorned the top storey of the ex
terior (Chron. 146).
Nerva and Trajan made changes and additions
(CIL 6 .3 2 2 5 4 55). It was restored by Antoninus
Pius (S.H.A. Ant. Pius 8.2). In 2 1 7 it was struck by
lightning and was so seriously damaged that it could
not be used for several years (Cass. Dio 7 9 .2 5 .2 3).
Repairs begun by Elagabalus (S.H.A. H eliogab.
17.8) were continued by Alexander Severus (S.H.A.
A lex. Sev. 24.3) and seem to have continued to 238,
in the time of Gordian III (S.H.A. M ax. et B alb. 1.4).
In 25 0 it was presumably restored by Decius after
another fire caused by lightning (Hieron. a. Abr.
22 6 8 ). It was damaged in the earthquakes of 442
(Paul. Diac., Hist. R om . 1 3 .1 6 ; C IL 6 .3 2 0 8 6 -
89 = IL S 5633) and 4 7 0 (C IL 6 .32091 = IL S 5 6 3 4 ,
C IL 6 .3 2 0 9 2 , 3 2 1 8 8 -8 9 ). After another earthquake
7
 A M P H I T H E A T R U M F L A V IU M

tury it had been reduced to more or less the state in

which we see the exterior today; van Heemskercks
drawings (1: fol. 28v, 70r; 2: fol. 47r, 55r, 56v, 94v)
give it its familiar appearance. Probably the plunder
of the interior continued until the eighteenth century.
Excavation and restoration began in the nineteenth
century, but there has never been a full study of the
building and the problems it presents. The north side
of the exterior still stands, with thirty-two entrance
arches numbered from X X III to LIV, together with
the part of the building between the faade and the
travertine wall that supported the colonnade at
the top of the cavea. Between this inner wall and the
arena, the skeleton of the building is concrete; the
two rings of radiating walls carrying sloping vaults
in which the stairs to the higher parts of the cavea
were arranged and on which the marble seating was
supported and the heavier ring on which the podium
with places for the senators and magistrates was sup
Figure 3 ported survive, but this part has been stripped of the
A m phitheatrum
marble seating, balustrades, and whatever there was
F lavium , Tem ple o f
Divus Claudius, in the way of decoration and furniture.
Ludus M agnus, The plan is highly logical. On the ground floor are
and A djacen cies, five annular corridors, the two outermost being, in
R epresen tation on the
effect, a double arcade around the whole, the inner
M arb le Plan in R elation
to M odern Streets
most interrupted only by four ceremonial entrances,
two on the long axis for the p o m p a and performers,
and two on the minor axis to the imperial box on the
south side and the box for the magistrates opposite
this. From these annular corridors one mounted to
ones seat by stairs arranged in sets of four, a stair to
a different level repeating in every fourth radial pas
sage, except where the ceremonial entrances inter
rupt. Spectators were provided with tokens on which
the numbers of their portal, m aenianum , vom ito-
rium, gradus, and locus appeared, and they could
Z : 1.-

**N -
readily find, or be directed to, their seats. The ar
* y* r- cades of the ground storey are decorated on the ex
< r';'
Figure 4 terior with an engaged Tuscan order carrying an en
A m phitheatrum tablature with a continuous blank frieze and an attic
Flavium , Plan in Fou r of the same depth as the entablature with projections
Storeys, Reading
over the columns that make plinths for the order
C lockw ise from the
Upper Left above. The ceremonial entrances are embellished
with projecting pediments carried on freestanding
columns and are unnumbered; the other seventy-six
it was repaired by the prefect Basilius, probably con arches were numbered at large scale just under the
sul in 508 (C IL 6 .3 2 0 9 4 = IL S 5 6 3 5 ), for the vena- architrave. The top of this storey on the exterior cor
tiones still being held there in 523 (Cassiodorus, Var. responds to that of the m aen ian u m prim um on the
5.42). The last gladiatorial games were held here in interior. The arches are 7 .0 5 m high and 4 .2 0 m
404 (Theodoretus 5.26). wide. The second storey reproduces the width of the
The destruction of the amphitheater seems to have arches of the ground storey but is 2 Roman feet (0.59
begun with the earthquake during the time of Pope m) lower. The columns are Ionic and unfluted, and a
Leo IV (ca. 847). Its ruins were apparently then used parapet ran across the base of each arch. The entab
as a shelter for a considerable community and plun lature again has a blank frieze and is surmounted by
dered for building material. By the fourteenth cen an attic similar to the one below. The top of this sto

rey on the exterior corresponds to that of the maen-
ianum secundum on the interior.
The third storey reproduces the width of the
arches below, but its arches are very slightly (0.05 m)
lower than those of the Ionic arcade. The order is
Corinthian, unfluted, and carries entablature and at
tic like the others, except that there is a small square
window in the attic over every other arch. The arches
of this storey on the exterior respond to a wall that
rose 5 m above the cavea and was pierced with doors
and windows to an annular corridor running just be
hind it. On the evidence of coins of Titus and Domi-
tian (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 pi. 5 0 .2 , 7 0 .1 ; Nash
1: fig. 12), on the line of the outer wall of the second
annular corridor of the ground storey was a Corin
thian colonnade carrying a flat wooden roof. The
columns of cipollino and granite, pieces of which are
still to be seen here and there, have been assigned to
the Flavian period. The fourth storey on the exterior
is a solid wall decorated with Corinthian pilasters
with a rectangular window between every other pair
of pilasters; the coins show large round shields in the
others. Just above the lintels of the windows runs a
line of corbels, three in each intercolumniation, cor
responding to piercings in the cornice. These braced
the masts on which awnings that covered the crowd
were rigged. A good bit of the cornice and low cop
ing above it survives, though much rebuilt. The total
height of the exterior is 4 8 .5 0 m. It stands on a trav
ertine podium of two steps and is surrounded by a
pavement of travertine 17.50 m wide. The outer edge
of this was marked by a row of travertine cippi, often
erroneously said to have served in rigging the awn
ings, but the five remaining show no sign of this.
Rather, there are holes cut on the inner face to secure
a barrier that ran radially toward the amphitheater
and facilitated the management of the crowds of
spectators.
It is often asserted that the arches of the second
and third storeys of the exterior contained statues,
or statuary groups, facing to the exterior, and they
are so shown on coins (and the relief of the Haterii?
Helbig4 1 .1076]), but we must doubt that this pro
gram was ever completed, possibly ever begun. These
arches in such representations are shown without the
parapets that the existing arches almost all show, and
no parapet is provided with a statue base. The relief
of the Haterii shows a quadriga mounted over the
main entrance; because this entrance has disap
peared, there is no way to confirm or refute this.
In the interior the podium of the cavea was raised
about 4 m above the arena and separated from it by
a narrow passage paved with marble. Spectators
were further protected from accident, especially with
the wild beasts, by a fence inside this. Presumably the
A M P H I T H E A T R U M F L A V IU M
Figure 5
A m phitheatrum
Flavium , Plan and
Sections, Showing
the Pattern o f
C om m u nication
passage was for armed guards. On the podium were
the places for the chairs of distinguished spectators,
assigned only to offices and collegia, not to individ
uals, until the time of Constantine, when they were
assigned to families. Later assignment to individuals
became common. The names and designations of
seat holders are carved and scratched in the pave
ment and especially on the corona that carried a
marble or bronze balustrade along the front of the
podium (C/L 6 .3 2 0 9 9 3 2 2 4 8 ; B u llC om 8 [1880]:
2 3 6 82 [R. Lanciani]). Inscriptions in erasures of
older inscriptions are common.
The podium was separated from the maenianum
primum by a balteu s or p raecin ctio. The maenianum
primum had about twenty rows of seats, and the
maenianum secundum had about sixteen, divided
between a m aen ian u m superius and a m aenianum in-
ferius. These were further divided into wedges (cu-
nei) by stairs leading down from entrances (vom ito
ria) at mid-maenianum and at the top. These were
reached by stairs in the first and second storeys, the
second having a mezzanine corridor arranged over a
lower interior corridor in the outer double arcade to
carry traffic bound for higher levels. The m aenianum
sum m um , raised 5 m above the secundum , was in
ligneis. Behind this was the colonnade carrying a
wooden roof that made a gallery and a working plat
form for those who rigged the awnings. The outer
corridor in the third storey had its ceiling lowered to
the height of the arches of the faade and a vaulted
9
A M P H IT H E A T R U M N E R O N IS
half-storey introduced behind the entablature and
attic to take the stairs serving this. It is this that the
windows in the attic lit. Spectators watching from
the colonnade, probably from stepped seating in
wood, are shown on the coins. Along the wall behind
this colonnade at least four stairs led to the roof.
These were of masonry, and two have left clear prints
on the wall, but, because for their installation some
of the windows in the exterior wall had to be bricked
up, they must be replacements for earlier wooden
stairs or ladders. No spectators are shown on the
roof of the colonnade on the coins, but accommo
dations for these may have been added later.
The arena itself is an ellipse, the long axis 86 m
long, the short axis 5 4 m. It was floored largely with
wood, sections of which could be removed for spe
cial effects. The deep substructures are complicated,
their plan essentially three concentric annular pas
sages enclosing four straight rows of cells parallel to
the long axis with broad passages between and a ring
of cells giving into the outermost annular passage.
On the main axis there are additional large rooms in
wedge-shaped annexes at either end, and there are
subterranean entrances at both ends of both axes.
That on the east communicated with the Ludus M ag
nus (q.v.). Some of these arrangements were clearly
for the cages for wild animals and the elevators by
which they could be hoisted into the constructions
popular in the presentation of venationes. Others
seem to be for machinery, cranes and catapults by
which special effects were achieved. The wide central
corridor was floored in part with a great framework
of wooden beams, resembling a railroad, the purpose
of which is obscure. There is also an extensive drain
age and sewer system following the main lines of the
design and emptying under Via di S. Gregorio. This
part of the amphitheater has received inadequate at
tention as yet.
The entrance on the north seems to have been con
nected with the Esquiline by a portico. A broad cor
ridor leads from it directly to the box of the magis
trates and Vestals. A cryptoporticuslike passage
starts not far to the east of the ceremonial entrance
for the princeps on the south side and leads in the
direction of the Temple of Divus Claudius on the
Caelian; it is sometimes assigned to Commodus. Re
mains of stuccowork coffering in a poor state can be
found in the vaults of the north corridor and this
cryptoporticus. Whether the interior corridors were
all stuccoed seems very doubtful, but there must have
been a decorative finish of some sort.
The construction is of concrete, with and with
out brick facing, with a travertine faade and skel
eton and travertine in very large blocks as high as the
second storey wherever strength was required. The
10
travertine for this work was evidently specially
quarried near Tivoli and of the best quality. Where
slightly less pressure had to be withstood peperino is
used in the inner walls. There is also some sperone
and tufa in lower parts of the inner walls. The seats
were all of marble, some of it colored, but colored
marble seems to have been used sparingly for such
parts as the imperial box. The whole building mea
sures 188 m on its long axis and 156 m on its cross
axis.
It is shown on the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 19; Rod
riguez pi. 11) in a number of fragments covering
about one-quarter of the whole. The conventions
used by the makers of the plan make it a remarkably
uninformative representation. It was apparently la
beled simply am p h ith e a tru m . It is listed in the re-
gionary catalogues in Regio III and said to have
eighty-seven thousand loca. Modern estimates of its
capacity put the maximum seating at no more than
forty-five thousand.
It is the most impressive ruin in Rome, massive
and awe-inspiring in its proportions and the size of
the blocks of the travertine of the faade, while in
the interior it has a remarkably light construction of
concrete in which the stone of the caem en ta is graded
according to the thrust it must bear and deliver, as in
the dome of the Pantheon. As a feat of engineering it
is brilliant, and that it could have been built in so
short a time is amazing. That its effect as architecture
should be so aesthetically satisfying, despite the great
blank attic, is perhaps almost accidental and due in
large part to the rhythmic play of its arcades around
the oval form. This may explain why it was finally
felt unnecessary to fill them with statuary.
R. Colagrossi, L an fiteatro flavio (Florence and
Rome 1913); G. Cozzo, U ingegneria rom an a (Rome
1928), 2 0 3 - 5 3 ; Lugli 1946, 3 1 9 - 4 6 with bibliog
raphy; Nash 1 .1 7 -2 5 ; Boethius and Ward Perkins
2 2 1 -2 4 ; Lugli 1975, 3 8 2 - 9 2 ; M . di M acco, 11 colos-
se o : Funzione sim bolica, storica, u rban a (Rome
1971); Coarelli 1974, 1 6 6 -7 4 ; R ivlstA rch, ser. 3.4
(1981): 9 - 6 9 (C. Mocchegiani Carpano and R. Lu-
ciani); R om a sotterran ea (show catalogue, directed
by R. Luciani [Rome 1985]), 10811, 17986 (C.
Mocchegiani Carpano); R o m a : A rch eolog ia nel
cen tro (Rome 1985), 1 .1 2 2 -4 6 (C. Mocchegiani
Carpano et al.); B u llC om 92 (198788); 3 2 3
28 (R. Rea).
Amphitheatrum N eronis: a wooden amphitheater
built by Nero in a .d . 5 7 within the short space of a
single year. It stood in the Campus Martius, and in
its construction Nero evidently made use of the larg
est tree ever exhibited in Rome, a larch (Pliny, H N
16.200). It seems to have been remarkable for its

blue awnings spangled with stars (Pliny, H N 19.24).
Because it is not listed among the buildings lost in
the fire of Titus (see Cass. Dio 66 .2 4 ), it must have
stood north or west of the Pantheon and its neigh
bors, perhaps a first member of the complex that in
cluded the Thermae Neronianae (q.v.).
Tacitus, Ann. 13 .3 1 ; Suetonius, N ero 12; Aur.
Viet., Epit. 5.3.
Amphitheatrum Statilii Tauri: the first stone am
phitheater built in Rome, constructed at his own ex
pense by T. Statilius Taurus, one of Octavians most
distinguished and successful generals, who had a
brilliant part in the war against Sextus Pompey and
at Actium and had triumphed in 3 4 B.C . for his suc
cesses in Africa. The amphitheater was dedicated in
29 (Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 3 .1 ; Suetonius, Aug. 29.5) and
was destroyed in the fire of Nero in a . d . 64 (Cass.
Dio 6 2 .18.2). It stood in the Campus Martius and is
listed by Strabo (5.3.8 [236]) along with the three
stone theaters. But because these did not perish in
that fire, the amphitheater must have stood well to
the east of them in the part of Rome destroyed by the
second outbreak of the fire that began in the Aemi-
liana (q.v.). It probably stood east of Via Lata near
the south end of Piazza SS. Apostoli.
Anaglypha Traiani: see Plutei Traiani.
Anio N ovus: the highest of all the aqueducts of
Rome, begun in a . d . 38 by Caligula, at the same time
as the Aqua Claudia, completed by Claudius in 52
(C IL 6 .1 2 5 6 = IL S 218). The water was originally
taken directly from the Anio River at the forty-
second milestone of the Via Sublacensis (Frontinus,
Aq. 1.15), so it was apt to be cloudy in winter and
even after summer showers. Trajan therefore ordered
extension to a lake above N eros Villa Sublacensis
Frontinus, A q. 2.93), after which the water rivaled
that of the Aqua M arcia in clarity and freshness
and was said to exceed it in quantity. Frontinus puts
the intake at 4,738 quinariae {Aq. 2.7 3 ), making
it the most abundant of the Anio Valley aque
ducts.
From the seventh milestone from the city, where it
had its piscin a lim aria, Anio Novus ran on the course
of the Claudia in a channel immediately over the
Claudia, 609 paces on substructures, 6,491 paces on
arches (Frontinus, A q. 1.15). The arches ended be
hind the Horti Pallantiani (Frontinus, A q. 1.20), and
the waters were mixed at that point in a terminal
piscina and distributed throughout the city in pipes,
the height of the Anio Novus permitting distribution
to even the highest points.
Suetonius, Calig. 21, Claud. 2 0 ; Pliny, H N
AN T O N IN U S ET FA U ST IN A , T E M P L U M
3 6 .1 2 2 ; Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 13, 15, 1 8 -2 1 , 2 .6 8 , 72,
73, 86, 90, 91, 93, 104, 105; Van Deman 2 7 1 -3 3 0 ;
Ashby 1935, 2 5 2 - 9 8 ; Pace 1 7 6 -8 3 .
Anio Vetus: the second great aqueduct of Rome,
following the Appia (see Aqua Appia). The censors
M . Curius Dentatus and L.(?) Papirius Praetextatus
let the contract for it in 2 7 2 B .C . and paid for it from
the spoils taken from Pyrrhus (Frontinus, A q. 1.6; cf.
Broughton, M RR 1.198). The intake was above Ti-
bur, opposite Varia (modern Vicovaro). O f its
4 3 ,0 0 0 paces only 221 ran above ground on sub
structures. It entered the city a d Spent Veterem (Porta
Maggiore) and was distributed to most parts of the
city, except the Palatine, Caelian, Aventine, and Cir
cus Maximus (Frontinus, A q. 2.8 0 ). Frontinus found
its intake to be 4 ,3 9 8 quinariae {Aq. 2 .6 6 ), but it
tended to be turbid, being taken from the river, so in
his reforms it was restricted to use in watering gar
dens and the meaner services of the city (Frontinus,
A q. 2.92). It was repaired by Q. Marcius Rex in 144
B.C . (Frontinus, A q. 1.7; Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 2 1 ), by
Agrippa in 33 B .C . (Frontinus, A q. 1.9), and by Au
gustus in 1 1 -4 b . c . (Frontinus, A q. 2.1 2 5 ). A num
ber of the cippi of the Augustan restoration have
survived (C IL 6 .1 2 4 3 , cf. 3 1 5 5 8 ; 1 4 .4 0 7 9 , 4 0 8 0 ,
4 0 8 3 , 40 8 4 ). A branch of the Anio Vetus, the Specus
Octavianus, inside the second milestone from the
city, took part of its water to the Horti Asiniani, near
the Via Nova (Frontinus, A q. 1.21), but the location
of this property is quite uncertain.
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 6, 7, 9, 13, 18, 2 1 ; 2 .6 6 , 67,
80, 9 0 - 9 2 , 125; Van Deman 2 9 6 6 ; Ashby 1935,
5 4 - 8 7 ; Pace 1 2 1 -2 4 .
Antoninus, Templum: see M arcus, Divus,
Templum.
Antoninus et Faustina, Templum (Fig. 4 8 ): built
by Antoninus Pius in Regio IV on the north side of
the Sacra Via just east of the street (Corneta?) divid
ing it from the Basilica Paulli (q.v.) in honor of his
deified wife, who died in a . d . 141 (S.H.A. Ant. Pius
6.7). After his own death and deification in 161, the
temple was rededicated to both (S.H.A. Ant. Pius
13.4). The first dedication is inscribed on the archi
trave and the second on the frieze, the decoration of
which was chiseled away to receive it (C IL
6 .1005 = IL S 34 8 ). Thereafter, it was properly
known as Templum Divi Antonini et Divae Faustinae
(C IL 6 .2 0 0 1 ). It was called Templum Faustinae
(S.H.A. Salon. 1.4 [Gall. 19.4]; N ot.) and Templum
Divi Pii (S.H.A. Carac. 4.2). It is shown on coins of
Faustina (Cohen2, Faustine mre 6 4 - 7 1 , 19194,
2 5 3 -5 5 , 2 7 4 ; R IC 3 .6 9 -7 6 nos. 343, 3 5 4 , 3 8 8 , 396,
11
 A N T R U M , A T R IU M C Y C L O P IS
Figure 6
Tem ple o f A pollo
(M edicu s, Sosianus),
R estored Plan Showing
A ctual Rem ains
406 and 1 6 2 -6 9 nos. 1115, 1137, 1138, 1148,
1152, 1168, 1195).
The temple was raised on a lofty podium faced
with blocks of peperino finished with moldings at
base and crown, with a stair extending across the
whole front. In the middle of the stair are remains of
an altar. A fragment of marble relief with figures of
gods in archaistic style has been identified as belong
ing to this altar (R en d L in c 12 [1957]: 5 0 5 7 [E.
Lissi]). At the top of the stair were squarish statue
bases to either side. M ost of the stair has disap
peared, robbed out for building material, but in
1899 the removal of the later pavement of the Sacra
Via brought to light the three lowest steps of the
stair, and it has since been reconstructed.
The temple was hexastyle, prostyle, with two ad
ditional columns to either side of the pronaos. The
columns are monoliths of cipollino with Corinthian
capitals and bases of white marble. The entablature
in white marble ran down the flanks and probably
around the whole building. The frieze is carved with
gryphons and scrolls flanking candelabra. The cor
nice, fragments of which are still in place, is elabo
rate in the Antonine taste. Although the tympanum
was dismantled and destroyed, fragments of it and
of the lateral antefixes showing female figures carry
12
ing cornucopias have been recovered and make re
construction possible.
The lateral walls of the cella are of peperino ashlar
masonry, built into the church of S. Lorenzo in M i
randa. On the coins the temple is shown with pedi-
mental sculptures and acroteria, but of these there is
no trace today. Fragments of a colossal male and a
colossal female statue were found, which are prob
ably to be identified as the cult statues. The whole
temple was revetted with marble plates simulating
drafted ashlar above a plain dado that have disap
peared. For the history of the church into which the
temple was converted, see HCh 2 8 8 89.
H J 8 - 9 ; M onA nt 23 (1914): 9 4 9 -7 4 (A. Bartoli);
PA 1 3 -1 4 ; Lugli 1946, 2 2 0 -2 1 .
Antrum (N ot.), Atrium (Cur.) Cyclopis: listed in
Regio II by the regionary catalogues, presumably a
grotto or nymphaeum, perhaps embellished with
sculptures of Ulysses and Polyphemus like those of
Castel Gandolfo and Sperlonga (cf. PECS, s.v. Alba
Longa, Sperlonga ). This apparently gave its name
to a Vicus Cyclopis in Regio I (C IL 6 .2 2 2 6 = ILS
6077).
Aphrodision: mentioned only once, among the por
tents of Septimius Severuss rise to greatness. Faus
tina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius, is said to have pre
pared the wedding chamber for Septimius and Julia
Domna in the Aphrodision below the Palatine (Cass.
Dio 75 .3 .1 ). This might have been connected with
the Temple of Venus et Roma, the Temple of Venus
Obsequens, or the Temple of Venus Verticordia (see
Venus et Roma, Templum; Venus Obsequens, Aedes;
Venus Verticordia, Aedes).
Apollinare: an area in the Prata Flaminia that Livy
(3.63.7) says was already so called before the build
ing of the Temple of Apollo Medicus, presumably
therefore coterminal with the precinct of the temple
(see Apollo, Aedes).
Apollo, Aedes (Figs. 6, 7, 3 7 .2 ): the only temple of
Apollo in Rome before Augustus built the Temple
of Apollo Palatinus (Asconius in Cic. tog. cand. 8 0 -
81 [Stangl 6 9 -7 0 ]). It was vowed in 433/2 b . c . in
consequence of a plague and dedicated in 431 by the
consul C. Iulius (Livy 4 .2 5 .3 , 4 .2 9 .7 ). The original
dedication day was 13 July, thereafter the occasion
of the Ludi Apollinares. The god very early carried
the epithet Medicus. Despite variations in the word
ing of accounts of its location, they all point to a
place between Piazza Campitelli and the Theater of
Marcellus, where were unearthed substantial re
mains, especially of the principal faade and east
 A P O L L O C A E L IS P E X

flank. The revetment of the exterior was all in white

marble, the pronaos hexastyle, pycnostyle, with
three columns on each flank, the columns Corinthian
with Attic bases, elegantly carved with the flutes al
ternately wide and narrow. The frieze is decorated
with branches of laurel (?) swung between candela
bra and bucrania. Around the squarish cella the or
der was carried engaged. The tympana were filled
with an Amazonomachy of Greek workmanship of
the fifth century from an unknown source. There
was no stair in front, the temple being approached
by two small stairs on the flanks of the pronaos. In
the interior were columns of africano with figured
Corinthian capitals of white marble that included
tripods and serpents. They carried an entablature
with a frieze showing scenes of a battle on horse and
a triumph. A series of aediculae revetted with col
ored marble and gilded stucco surmounted by pedi
ments alternately triangular and lunate filled the in-
tercolumniations. The pavement was also of colored
marble. Between the temple and the theater was
a circular building, probably a monopteral aedi-
cula, 5 .2 0 m in diameter, which nearly filled the
space between the two and virtually blocked traffic
here.
The temple in its present state is believed to be the
Figure 7
work of C. Sosius, consul in 32 B .C ., because Pliny
Tem ple o f A pollo
twice speaks of works of art in a Temple of Apollo (M edicus, Sosianus),
Sosianus (HN 13.53, 36.28 ). An earlier restoration O rder and En tablature
or rebuilding seems to have been carried out in 353 (A rch itects D raw ing)
B.C . (Livy 7.20.9). The new dedication day was cel
ebrated on 23 September (Degrassi 512). If so, this would serve to date Sosiuss rebuilding of
This was a favorite place for meetings of the sen the temple to ca. 3 0 28 B.C .
ate, especially for meeting foreign embassies and de B u llC om 66 (1938): 2 5 9 - 6 0 (A. M . Colini), 68
liberating about triumphs (cf., e.g., Livy 3 4 .4 3 .2 , (1940): 2 2 8 - 2 9 (A. M . Colini); Lugli 1946, 5 3 6 -
3 7 .5 8 .3 , 3 9 .4 .1 , 4 1 .1 7 .4 ; Cicero, Fam . 8 .4.4, 8 .8 .6 ; 4 2 ; Nash 1 .2 8 -3 0 ; Lugli 1975, 2 8 5 - 8 7 ; B u llC om
Att. 1 5 .3 .1 ; QFr. 2 .3 .3 ). It was also the repository of 87 (1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 5 7 -7 3 (E. La Rocca); E. La Rocca,
an extraordinary collection of works of art, both A m azzo n o m a ch ia : L e sculture fron ton ali d el tem pio
paintings and sculptures, of which the most famous d i A p o llo S osian o (Rome 1985); B u llC om 90
seems to have been a group of Niobids ascribed by (1985): 3 6 3 - 6 8 (P. Virgili).
some to Scopas, by others to Praxiteles (Pliny, H N
3 6 .2 8 ; cf. 13.53, 3 5 .9 9 , 3 6 .3 4 -3 5 ). Apollo Argenteus: The Ager Apollinis Argentei is
In 179 B .C . the censors let the contracts for various known only from a tomb inscription found in 1729
works, especially porticoes. One or more of these is on M onte M ario (C1L 6 .2 2 3 3 = ILS 4 1 8 2 ; cf. C IL
described in a corrupt passage in Livy: aliam p o st 6 .2 9 9 6 7 ). If the inscription was found more or less
n avalia et a d fanum H erculis et p o st Spei a d Tiberim in situ, as it seems to have been, there is no way of
a ed em A pollinis m ed ici (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .6 ). A single por telling how the area got its name.
tico of such extent, or anything approaching it, is
most unlikely; a portico framing part of the precinct Apollo Caelispex: a monument mentioned only in
of the temple may lie behind this corruption. the regionary catalogues, listed in Regio X I between
Vitruvius (3.3.4) mentions an a ed es A pollinis et the Porta Trigemina and Hercules Olivarius, so prob
D ianae as an example of a diastyle temple. He is as ably in the Forum Boarium in the area between the
likely referring to an earlier phase of this temple as circus brook and the Cloaca. It is identified with
to Apollo Palatinus (q.v.) although this is the only some probability by Coarelli as the large Apollo that
occurrence of this designation (cf. Pliny, H N 36.35). came from Carthage and was set up opposite the cir-

13
A P O L L O P A L A T IN U S , A E D ES
cus (Plutarch, Flam in. 1.1). This would put it in the
neighborhood of the carceres of the circus. He fur
ther identifies it as the Apollo shown in the Forum
Boarium relief of the arch of Trajan at Beneventum,
which is unlikely.
Coarelli 1988, 1 5 6 - 6 4 ; JR A 3 (1990): 2 4 0 -
42 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Apollo Palatinus, Aedes (also Templum),
Augustus, R G 4 .1 9 , Propertius 2 .3 1 .9 , et al.;
Delubrum, Pliny, H N 3 6 .2 4 and 32) (Fig. 6 3 .4 ): the
second temple to Apollo in Rome, vowed by O cta
vian during his campaign against Sextus Pompey in
36 B .C . and begun in that year, but completed and
dedicated in 28 (Cass. Dio 5 3 .1 .3 ). Its dedication
day was 9 October (Degrassi 5 1 8 19). It was univer
sally admired as the most sumptuous and magnifi
cent of all early Augustan buildings. It was built on
land that had been struck by lightning (Cass. Dio
4 9.1 5 .5 ) and therefore declared public.
It was remarkable for the porticoes connected
with it, as well as the temple itself. The three cult
statues were of Apollo by Scopas (Pliny, H N 36.25),
Diana by Timotheus (Pliny, H N 3 6 .3 2 ), and Latona
by Cephisodotus (Pliny, H N 3 6 .2 4 ; cf. 3 6 .3 4 35).
On the roof was a chariot of the sun and sculptures
by Bupalos and Athenis (Pliny, H N 36 .1 3 ). The
doors were decorated with ivory reliefs showing
the crushing of the Celtic assault on Delphi and the
slaughter of the Niobids (Propertius 2 .3 1 .1 2 16). At
the corners of the altar were four bulls by Myron
(Propertius 2 .3 1 .5 -8 ). In the temple was a collection
of engraved gems dedicated by Marcellus (Pliny, H N
37.11).
The particulars of the architecture are not known.
Servius (ad Aen. 8.720) says the temple was built of
solid blocks of Luna marble, and it may have been
diastyle (Vitruvius 3.3 .4 ).
The temple was connected with colonnades of
giallo antico in the intercolumniations of which were
set statues of the fifty daughters of Danaus, with
equestrian statues of their fifty bridegrooms in the
open area facing them. There was also a library di
vided into separate sections for Greek and Latin and
adorned with portraits of great men of letters. The
area enclosed by these was known as the Area Apol-
linis, and the libraries were big enough to accom
modate meetings of the senate, which met there rel
atively frequently (Cass. Dio 5 3 .1 .3 ; Suetonius, Aug.
29.3). The Sibylline Books were moved to this
temple (Suetonius, Aug. 3 1 .1 ; Servius a d Aen. 6.72)
and rescued when the temple burned on 18 March
363 (Amm. M arc. 2 3 .3 .3 ).
Great uncertainty has reigned with respect to the
location of this temple. According to one view, it
14
should be in the Vigna Barberini, where there was
certainly a major building, almost certainly a temple
in a colonnaded square. But there has never been
adequate exploration of this area by excavation, and
its character and construction are quite unknown. A
more popular view is that the temple of Apollo is the
temple between the Domus Augustiana and the Sca-
lae Caci labeled by Lanciani Aedes Iovis Propugna-
toris and often called Iuppiter Victor. This is a po
dium of Augustan concrete approached by a long
broad stair broken into successive flights, the gradus
celsi of Ovid (Trist. 3 .1 .5 9 ). The colonnades would
have framed the back and sides of a square in front
of this, and the library would be the two large apsi-
dal halls with multiple niches to the southeast. In re
cent excavations in the Casa di Augusto (Domus Au-
gusti) to the northwest, evidence has come to light
that strongly supports this location, though the space
available must seem minimal.
Besides Palatinus, the god of this temple is also
called Navalis (Propertius 4 .1 .3 ), Actius (Propertius
4 .6 .6 7 ), Actiacus (Ovid, M et. 13.715), and Rham-
nusius {N ot. Reg. X ). None of these needs be a true
epithet, but the last seems to require explanation.
Hofer (in Roscher 4.88) hesitates between seeing it
as a transference from the frequent pairing of Nem
esis and Artemis and the possibility that the Apollo
of Scopas that was the cult image originally came
from Rhamnous. Certainly the latter is more likely
to be correct.
Lugli 1946, 4 3 4 - 4 1 and 4 6 8 - 7 9 ; Nash 1 .3 1 -3 2 ;
R om M itt 76 (1969): 1 8 3 -2 0 4 (H. Bauer); Lugli
1975, 1 7 4 - 7 9 ; A]A 85 (1981): 3 3 5 -3 9 (D. L.
Thompson); G. Carettoni, D as H aus des Augustus
a u f dem Palatin (Mainz 1983), 916; A nalR om ,
suppl. 10 (1983): 2 1 - 4 0 (P. Zanker).
Apollo Sandaliarius: a famous and very costly
statue dedicated by Augustus in Vicus Sandaliarius,
presumably in a sacellum (Suetonius, Aug. 57.1).
This was in Regio IV (N ot., Cur.). The Vicus Sanda
liarius was probably the short street running from
the middle of the southeast side of the Templum Pa
ris almost due east to join Vicus Cuprius.
Apollo Tortor: Suetonius (Aug. 70.2) says that
Apollo was worshiped in a certain part of Rome with
this epithet, but it is not known why. It may be that
he was shown here in the familiar group of the flay
ing of Marsyas.
Appiades: a fountain group by Stephanus in the
collection of Asinius Pollio, housed in the Atrium
Libertatis (Pliny, H N 36 .3 3 ). Stephanus was Pom-
peys favorite sculptor, and Ovid speaks of the foun

tain as a neighbor of Venus Genetrix (Ars A m. 1.82;
cf. R em . A m. 660), so it may have stood against the
party wall between the Atrium Libertatis and the
Forum Iulium. It is presumed that the Appiades
were nymphs of the Aqua Appia, but it is not
clear why Stephanus should have created such a
fountain.
Coarelli 1974, 106; R om M itt 93 (1986): 4 0 5 -2 3
(R. B. Ulrich).
Aqua: the term used in antiquity for the whole
course of any aqueduct, as well as the water that it
brought to Rome. Usually its name was the name of
the builder of the aqueduct (e.g., Aqua Appia) or
identified the source of the water (Anio Vetus). Once
it had a story attached (Aqua Virgo), and once it de
scribed the water (Aqua Tepula). Except in the im
mediate vicinity of the city, Roman aqueducts are
underground channels ventilated by shafts at regular
intervals, which also served as entrances for those
who cleaned out deposits of lime and repaired the
conduits, where the water flowed by gravity. Bridges
and siphons are occasionally introduced to overcome
geographical obstacles, but these, especially the lat
ter, are very rare. M ost of the water supply of Rome
was taken from the Anio River system, with supple
ments from the Alban Hills, and came to Rome atop
an ancient tongue of lava extending from the Alban
Hills in the neighborhood of M arino. M ost of these
aqueducts emerged at a point known by the modern
name of Le Capannelle and then were carried on
arches across the last stretch of the Roman Cam-
pagna, entering Rome close to Porta Maggiore (ad
Spem Veterem). These are the spectacular ruins that
are justly famous as feats of engineering and archi
tecture, especially the rusticated arches of the Aqua
Claudia. Within the city for the most part they re
turned underground or were carried on the existing
walls and bridges, so there are few dramatic
stretches, except for the Neronian arches of the
Claudia on the Caelian and the bridge that brought
water to the Palatine. The aqueducts on the right
bank of the Tiber ran almost entirely underground
and so have left no dramatic remains. The water de
livered by an aqueduct was measured in quinariae,
an invention, according to Frontinus, of either
Agrippa or Vitruvius. This was a pipe size, the di
ameter of the pipe being five-fourths of a digit, 2.3
cms, or slightly less than an inch.
Aqua Alexandrina (Alexandriana): an aqueduct
brought in by Alexander Severus to supply his baths
(S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 2 5 .3 ; cf. Thermae Neronianae).
Its springs were near Gabii, and it entered Rome at
the Porta Maggiore. In the late sixteenth century its
A Q U A A P PIA
springs were used to supply the Acqua Felice. Out
side the city it was identified in the seventeenth cen
tury by Adrien Azout of Rouen and mapped and de
scribed by Fabretti (D e A quis, 1680). Its course from
the third mile of the Via Labicana on and within the
city of Rome remains entirely unknown.
Van Deman 34160 ; Ashby 1935, 3 0 8 15.
Aqua Alsietina: an aqueduct built by Augustus and
consequently sometimes called Augusta, mainly to
supply the Naumachia Augusti (q.v.). It was one of
the small group of aqueducts with sources on the
west side of the Tiber, drawing its water from the
Lacus Alsietinus (Lago di Montignano), with addi
tional supply from the Lacus Sabatinus (Lago di
Bracciano) (Frontinus, A q. 1.11, 2.71). It delivered
3 9 2 quinariae, all of which were consumed outside
the city, the specus ending behind the naumachia
(Frontinus, A q. 2.8 5). It was very poor water, used
only to supply the naumachia and to water gardens,
except when emergency cut the lines crossing the
river on bridges, when it was used to supply the
Transtiberim before the building of the Aqua
Traiana. Frontinus reckons its length as 2 2 ,1 7 2
paces, of which 358 paces were on arches. Remains
found on the Janiculum just inside the Porta Aurelia
(Porta S. Pancrazio), originally thought to belong to
it (M AAR 6 .1 3 7 -4 6 [A. W. Van Buren]), are now
believed to be channels connected with the Aqua
Traiana. Frontinuss characterization of it as the low
est of the aqueducts is inaccurate.
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 11, 18, 2 2 ; 2 .7 1 , 85; Van De
man 1 7 9 -8 6 ; Ashby 1935, 1 8 3 -8 9 ; Nash 1 .3 5 -3 6 ;
Rodriguez 1 4 4 4 7 ; Pace 14749.
Aqua Annia: listed only in the addenda to the N o-
titia and Polemius Silvius 545 (Anena ); evidently
a corruption of A qu a A nio (see Anio Novus, Anio
Vetus), because both Anio aqueducts are omitted
from these lists.
Aqua Antoniniana: see Aqua M arcia.
Aqua Appia: the oldest of all the Roman aque
ducts, built in 3 1 2 B .C . by the censors Appius Clau
dius and C. Plautius, surnamed Venox as discoverer
of the springs (Livy 9 .2 9 .6 ). Its springs were in the
Ager Lucullanus, to the left between the seventh and
eighth milestones on the Via Praenestina, but they
remain unidentified today. It entered the city ad
Spem Veterem (see Spes Vetus) and extended to the
salin ae at Porta Trigemina at the foot of the Clivus
Publicius, where it was distributed. It ran almost en
tirely underground for its length of 1 1 ,1 9 0 paces,
only 60 paces near Porta Capena being carried on
15
A Q U A ATTIC A
arches. It delivered 1,825 quinariae, according to
Frontinus (Aq. 1.5, 2.65).
It was repaired by Q. Marcius Rex in 144 B.C .
(Pliny, H N 36 .1 2 1 ) and by Agrippa in 33 B.C . (Fron
tinus, A q. 1.9). Near ad Spem Veterem it was joined
a d G em ello s by a supplement constructed by Augus
tus and called the Aqua Augusta, which brought
water from springs near the sixth milestone on the
Via Praenestina near the Collatina, probably in effect
doubling its supply.
The course within the city is fairly well estab
lished. From ad Spem Veterem it ran along the brow
of the Caelian to the neighborhood of the Porta Ca-
pena, crossed that valley on arches and ran again un
derground, turning almost at right angles to run
along the Aventinus M inor and Aventine above the
Circus Maximus to Porta Trigmina. It was also the
lowest Roman aqueduct.
Frontinus, A q. 1 .4 -7 , 9 ,1 8 , 2 2 ; 2 .6 5 , 7 9 ,1 2 5 ; Van
Deman 2 3 - 3 8 ; Ashby 1935, 4 9 - 5 4 ; Pace 1 1 8 -2 0 .
Aqua Attica: listed only in the addenda to the N o-
titia and Polemius Silvius 545 (A tica ), probably a
corruption of Antiqua and used for the Anio Ve-
tus, which is omitted from these lists.
Aqua Aufeia (?): according to Pliny (HN 31.41),
the original name of the Aqua M arcia. A Gens Au
feia seems attested only in Aulus Gellius 11.10.1.
Aqua Augusta (Augustea): an alternative name
for the Aqua Alsietina (q.v.); also the name given the
supplement of the Aqua Appia (q.v.) that joined it
ad Gemellos, and the Fons Augusta of the Aqua
M arcia (q.v.).
Aqua Aurelia: listed in the addenda to the N otitia
and Polemius Silvius 5 4 5 , an unidentified aqueduct
or spring, just possibly the abundant spring near the
summit of the Janiculum north of Via Aurelia (LA
27). But because all the identifiable items in these
lists are aqueducts, it is more likely to be an alternate
name for one of the more familiar ones.
Aqua Caerulea: see Aqua Claudia.
Aqua Cernens IIII Scari Sub Aede (Eadem
Cur.): listed only in the regionary catalogues in Regio
VIII after the Horrea Agrippiana and before the
Atrium Caci, so possibly at least two separate land
marks and also possibly on Vicus Tuscus toward the
Velabrum or on the lower slope of the Palatine, pre
sumably a fountain or fountains, but of what form
is quite uncertain. The name seems somewhat cor
rupted; possibly the Lacus Iuturnae (q.v.) or Statio
16
Aquarum (q.v.) is meant. See also Quattuor Scari
and N ordhs ap p aratu s criticus.
Aqua Ciminia: listed in the addenda to the N otitia
and Polemius Silvius 5 4 5 . The name occurs only
here, and the identification is entirely uncertain.
Aqua Claudia: the greatest of all the Roman aque
ducts, begun like the Anio Novus by Caligula in a . d .
38 (Suetonius, C alig. 21) and completed by Claudius
and dedicated 1 August 52 (Frontinus, A q. 1.13).
After ten years the supply is said to have failed and
then been interrupted for nine years, although this
has been doubted. It was restored by Vespasian in
71. Ten years later Titus and Domitian repaired it.
On 3 July 88 a tunnel through Mons Aeflanus was
completed. The remains themselves show repeated
campaigns of repairs through the second and third
centuries.
The principal springs, Caeruleus and Curtius,
were 3 0 0 paces to the left of the Via Sublacensis at
the thirty-eighth milestone, thus only 100 paces up
stream of the springs of the Aqua M arcia and part of
the same system (Frontinus, A q. 1 .1 3 -1 4 ). The
length of the channel is given by Frontinus (Aq. 1.14)
as 4 6 ,4 0 6 paces, but by the Porta Maggiore inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .1 2 5 6 58 = IL S 218) as 4 5 ,0 0 0 paces. Its
volume at intake Frontinus puts at 4 ,6 0 7 quinariae,
second only to the Anio Novus. The Fons Augusta
of the M arcia was turned into the Claudia when the
M arcia was full (Frontinus, A q. 2.7 2 ), but some
times even the Claudia overflowed from its supply. It
entered the city ad Spem Veterem and in its terminal
piscina was mixed with the Anio Novus. Then to
gether they were distributed to all parts of the city,
even the highest (Frontinus, A q. 1.18, 2.86). Outside
the city from its piscina at the seventh milestone
of the Via Labicana, it ran on arches that also carried
the Anio Novus in a channel atop it; these are the
most spectacular remains of all Roman aqueducts,
the masonry revetted with great blocks of peperino,
the arches rising dramatically as the spur on which
they run slopes down toward the city. At the conver
gence of the Via Labicana and Via Praenestina, they
turn to cross these in a monumental double arch fin
ished with rusticated blocks of travertine, which was
later included in the fortifications of Aurelian and
became the Porta Maggiore (Porta M aior), one of the
most elegant remains of antiquity.
At the Porta M aior the Neronian Arcus Caelimon-
tani (see Arcus Neroniani) diverge to the south to
carry this water to the southern and western parts of
the city. The main conduit ran to a piscina p o st hor-
tos P allantianos (Frontinus, A q. 1.20). In the Middle
Ages the aqueduct was called Forma Claudiana.

Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 1315, 182 0 ; 2 .6 9 , 72, 76,
86, 87, 89, 91, 104, 105; Suetonius, Calig. 21,
C laud. 2 0 ; Van Deman 1872 7 0 ; Ashby 1935, 190
2 5 1 ; Nash 1 .3 7 -4 6 ; Pace 1 5 0 -7 5 .
Aqua Conclusa: in Esquiliae, known only from a
single sepulchral inscription (C1L 6 .3 3 0 8 7 = ILS
8401), presumably a covered piscina, but then the
possibilities are multiple. The castellum of the Clau
dia and Anio Novus southeast of Minerva M edica
is certainly a possibility.
Aqua D am nata: mentioned only in the addenda to
the N otitia. PA suggests it may be the same as the
Aqua Dotraciana of Polemius Silvius 5 4 5 , which is
little or no help, because the lists have a common,
much corrupted source. But this might be a nick
name for the Aqua Alsietina (q.v.). Jordan suggests
D otracian a might be a corruption of D iocletian a,
but that does little to clear matters up. Cf. PW
4 .2 0 5 9 (C. Hlsen).
Aqua Drusia: mentioned only by Polemius Silvius
(546), possibly the Aqua Anio Vetus, which in the
Specus Octavianus may have passed over the Arcus
Drusi.
Aqua Herculea: the Rivus Herculaneus of the
Aqua M arcia (q.v.).
Aqua Iovia: see Aqua M arcia.
Aqua Iulia: an aqueduct built by Agrippa in 33 B.C .
and repaired by Augustus in 1 1 -4 B .C . (Frontinus,
A q. 1.9, 2.125) and again in a . d . 14 (C1L 6 .31563c).
Its springs are about one-half mile above the Abbey
of Grottaferrata. The watermen supplemented this
with water from the Aqua Crabra, the main supply
of Tusculum (Frontinus, A q. 1.9). The length is given
as 1 5 ,426V2 paces, the intake as 1,206 quinariae
(Frontinus, A q. 1.9; 2 .6 9 ); it received 162 quinariae
of additional water from the Claudia and discharged
190 quinariae of water into the Tepula (Frontinus,
Aq. 2.69). Several cippi of the aqueduct are known.
A little beyond Le Capannelle, at the seventh mile
stone of the Via Latina, it begins to run above
ground on the arches of the M arcia and goes to its
terminal castellum for distribution within the city.
But a branch ran to the splendid nymphaeum in Pi
azza Vittorio Emanuele commonly called the Trofei
di Mario or Cimbrum M arii, the sort of terminal
water show with which many aqueducts finished.
Arches of this branch can be seen in Piazza Gu-
glielmo Pepe.
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 9, 18, 19; 2 .6 8 , 69, 76, 83,
A Q U A M A R C IA
125; Van Deman 1 5 7 -6 6 ; Ashby 1935, 1 6 1 -6 6 ;
Nash 1.47; CAR 3-G , 218 pp. 2 7 2 -7 3 ; Pace 1 4 0 -
43 . For cippi of this aqueduct, see N Sc 1925, 51 and
examples cited there.
Aqua M arcia: perhaps the most famous of all the
aqueducts of Rome, built originally in 1 4 4 -1 4 0 B.C .
by Q. Marcius Rex, praetor urbanus, who was com
missioned by the senate to repair the Aquae Appia
and Anio Vetus (Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 2 1 ; Frontinus, Aq.
1.7). The total cost was enormous, and the engineer
ing was an astonishing accomplishment, because the
aqueduct brought water to the top of the Capitoline.
It was always considered the best water in Rome, the
coldest and purest (Pliny, H N 3 1 .4 1 42). It was re
paired by Agrippa in 33 B .C . and again by Augustus
in 1 1 -4 B .C . (Frontinus, A q. 1.9, 2 .1 2 5 ); the latter
work is commemorated on an archway by which it
crossed the Via Tiburtina, later incorporated into the
walls of Aurelian (C IL 6 .1 2 4 4 = IL S 98).
The springs lay 2 0 0 paces to the left of the Via
Sublacensis at the thirty-eighth milestone, almost
midway between the Via Sublacensis and Via Val
eria. Pliny (H N 31.41) says that the original name of
the water was Aqua Aufeia and that the spring was
Fons Pitonia. Augustus added another spring, the
Aqua Augusta, 8 0 0 paces farther up the Anio Valley,
thus doubling the volume of the aqueduct, which
Frontinus reckoned at 4 ,6 9 0 quinariae at the intake.
The length he reckoned at 61,71 O'/i paces, or 91.4
km (Frontinus, A q. 1.7, 2.67).
In history it figures on coins of L. Marcius Philip-
pus (B . M. C oins, R om . R ep. 1 .4 8 5 -8 6 , nos. 3 8 9 0 -
95; Crawford 425). Nero outraged Rome by bathing
in the springs of the M arcia (Tacitus, Ann. 14.22).
Restorations were carried out by Titus (C IL
6 .1 2 4 6 = IL S 98), Hadrian, Septimius Severus in a . d .
196 (C IL 6 .1 2 4 7 ), and Caracalla, who claimed to
have cleared the springs, made new tunnels, and
added an additional spring, the Fons Antoninianus,
in 2 1 2 -1 3 (C IL 6 .1 2 4 5 = IL S 98).
Where it emerges from its underground channel,
near the sixth milestone on the Via Latina, the M ar
cia was later joined by the Aqua Tepula and Aqua
Iulia, which were carried in channels above it run
ning on the same arches. This stacking is best seen
where they have been sectioned where they pass
through the Aurelian Walls just northeast of Porta
Maggiore. The aqueduct was used in the construc
tion of the wall from here to Porta Tiburtina, beyond
which it passes underground to run to the terminal
castellum inside Porta Collina, the Piscina Trium
Aquarum near the north corner of the Thermae Dio-
cletianae. Augustan cippi for this stretch with the
names of all three aqueducts are numerous (cf., e.g.,
17
A Q U A M E R C U R II
C/L 6 .1 2 4 9 = 31 5 6 1 = IL S 57 4 6 ). It seems to have
served mainly the northern parts of the city, espe
cially the Quirinal and Viminal hills, but was also
extended to the Capitoline, probably by a siphon
(Livy, E pit. 5 4 ; Frontinus, A q. 1.7).
The Rivus Herculaneus diverged from the main
line of the Aqua M arcia post Hortos Pallantianos in
side the city; that is, from the castellum now built
into the fifth tower of the Aurelian Walls southeast
of Porta San Lorenzo. This channel ran along the
brow of the Caelian, but too low to supply the hill
itself with water, and emerged in a terminal castel
lum above Porta Capena, presumably on the Caelian
side of the valley (Frontinus, A q. 1.19). Here it sup
plied water to a considerable and populous area, in
cluding parts of Regiones I, XI, and XII. No one tells
us when the Rivus Herculaneus was created, but in
the general pattern of water distribution in Rome it
might well be part of the original design. Later Tra
jan took the M arcia a m p lo o p er e to the Aventine
(Frontinus, A q. 2 .8 7 ); presumably this was by si
phons.
Another branch must have been taken off the M ar
cia to supply the Baths of Caracalla when he restored
the aqueduct and added the Fons Antoninianus to its
supply (C/L 6 .1 2 4 5 = IL S 98). This must have been
taken off outside the city; PA suggests at the third
milestone of the Via Latina. It crossed the Via Appia
by the Arco di Druso and continued to the reservoir
southwest of the baths. The supply of this Aqua An-
toniniana was augmented by Diocletian, and then it
took the name Forma Iovia, from his name. It is cited
under that name in a variety of corruptions through
the next several centuries.
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19; 2 .6 7 ,
68, 72, 76, 81, 87, 89, 9 1 -3 , 125; Van Deman 6 7 -
146; Ashby 1935, 8 8 -1 5 8 ; Nash 1 .4 8 -5 0 ; AJA 87
(1983): 39 4 (H. B. Evans); CAR 3-G , 218 pp. 2 7 1 -
72; Pace 1 2 5 -3 7 .
Aqua M ercurii: described by Ovid (Fast. 5 .6 7 3 -
74) as near the Porta Capena. He does not specify
whether a spring or a stream is meant, and no one
else mentions it. Merchants fetch lustral water from
it for their goods and themselves, so the god may
condone their dishonesty. If this is not identical with
the Fons Camenarum, which is certainly unlikely, be
cause that was always used for the chastest purposes,
then perhaps the terminal fountain of the Rivus Her
culaneus of the Aqua M arcia was the object of a pun.
There might also have been a play on the name M ur
cia, the valley of the Circus Maximus being named
Vallis M urcia, if Murcia was a water divinity,
as seems likely. But it seems unlikely that there
was a separate spring dedicated exclusively to M er
cury.
18
Aqua Pinciana: known only from an inscription on
a lead pipe of the time of Valentinian (C/L 15.7259)
found in Villa Verospi, just inside Porta Salaria, pre
sumably not a separate water, but a pipe supplying
the Domus Pinciana (q.v.) with water from one of
the aqueducts. Its discovery near Porta Salaria is puz
zling, because one would have expected the Domus
Pinciana to be supplied by the Aqua Virgo.
Aqua Sallustiana: a modern name given the brook
that runs down the valley between the Quirinal and
the Mons Pincius (Collis Hortulorum), occupied in
the Augustan period by the Horti Sallustiani (q.v.).
It was found in the excavation made for the exten
sion of the house of Parliament (Montecitorio) in
1 9 0 7 -1 9 1 0 , flowing strong in an east/west direction
(StRom 1 [1913]: 4 - 5 [G. M ancini]), and can be
presumed to have emptied into the Tiber between
Ponte Cavour and Ponte Umberto I, probably closer
to the latter. It may well be the Spino or the Nodinus
mentioned by Cicero (N at.D . 3.52). It certainly
never joined the Petronia Amnis in the southern
Campus Martius, a notion that has distorted much
of the thinking about the topography of this part of
Rome in the past.
Aqua Severiana: listed in the addenda to the N oti-
tia and Polemius Silvius 5 4 5 , but neither the Anto-
niniana nor the Alexandrina, both of which are also
listed, and otherwise unknown.
Aqua Tepula: the fourth aqueduct of Rome, origi
nally constructed in 125 B .C . by the censors Cn. Ser-
vilius Caepio and L. Cassius Longinus Ravilla. The
springs were in the Ager Lucullanus, two miles to the
right of the Via Latina at the tenth milestone (Fron
tinus, A q. 1.8). Beginning in 33 B .C . with the work
of Agrippa, its water was mixed with that of the
Aqua Iulia, and thenceforward, as perhaps earlier, it
entered the city carried on the arches of the Aqua
M arcia. Frontinus (Aq. 2.68) measured its intake as
beginning at the reservoir of the Iulia, 190 quinariae;
thereafter it drew 92 quinariae from the M arcia and
163 from the Anio Novus at the Horti Epaphroditi-
ani, to make a total of 4 4 5 . It took its name from the
relative warmth and unpalatability of its water, and
until the time of Agrippa, who improved its quality,
tended to be despised.
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 8, 9, 18, 19; 2 .6 7 -6 9 , 82, 125;
Van Deman 1475 6 ; Ashby 1935, 1 5 9 -6 0 (and
1 2 8 -5 8 ); CAR 3-G , 218 p. 2 7 2 ; Pace 1 3 8 -3 9 .
Aqua Traiana: the last of the great aqueducts of
Rome, built by Trajan. It drew its water from abun
dant springs at the northwest point of the Lacus Sa-
batinus (Lago di Bracciano) and entered the city at

Porta Aurelia, on the crest of the Janiculum. Much
of the ancient channel has been destroyed or con
fused by the rebuilding of this aqueduct by Pope Paul
V in 1605 (Acqua Paola). A large castellum of this
water, from which many lead pipes radiated, was
found in Vigna Lais on the Via Aurelia (C IL
1 5 .7 3 6 9 -7 3 ). The channel within the city was dis
covered during the excavation for the construction
of the American Academy (M AAR 1 [1917]: 5 9 -6 1
[A. W. Van Buren and G. P. Stevens]). It ran grain
mills just below this on the Janiculum and delivered
water to every quarter of the city. It was cut by Vi-
tiges in the siege of Rome in 5 3 7 (Procopius, Bell-
G oth 5.1 9 .1 3 ) and repaired by Belisarius (C IL
1 1.3298).
Van Deman 3 3 1 - 4 0 ; Ashby 1935, 2 9 9 -3 0 7 ;
Nash 1 .5 2 -5 4 .
Aqua Virgo: an aqueduct built by Agrippa and
completed on 9 June 19 B .C . (Frontinus, A q. 1.10),
the only one entering Rome from the north. The
springs were located at the eighth mile of the Via
Collatina, two miles to the left of the Via Praenes-
tina, in agro L u cu llan o. It received its name from a
young girls having shown the springs to soldiers
hunting water, an incident commemorated by a pic
ture in a shrine there (Frontinus, A q. 1.10). Fron
tinus calculated its length as 14,105 paces, 1,240 of
these being above ground, 7 0 0 on arches; its volume
at intake was 2 ,5 0 4 quinariae (Frontinus, A q. 1.10;
2.84). It was the lowest of all aqueducts, except for
the Appia and the Alsietina, but supplied the crucial
zones of the Collis Hortulorum (Pincian) and Cam
pus Martius, as well as the Thermae Agrippae. It was
admired for its tactile quality and considered espe
cially suited to bathing (Pliny, H N 31 .4 2 ). In Fron-
tinuss day it was without a piscina (Aq. 1.22), but it
later acquired one in the Horti Lucullani. From the
Horti Lucullani it ran on arches, the arch in the mod
ern Via del Nazzareno being the one by which it
crossed a side street. The arch by which it crossed
the Via Lata was rebuilt as a triumphal arch to Clau
dius (see Arcus Claudii [2]). It ran generally south
from the end of the Pincian to Piazza Trevi, then west
to skirt the north end of the Saepta Iulia, where
it had its castellum (Fig. 18). It was repaired by
Claudius in 46 after damage caused by Caligula (C IL
6 .1 2 5 2 = IL S 2 0 5 , and cf. C IL 6 .1 2 5 3 -5 4 , 3 1 5 6 5 ,
IL S 5747) and again by Constantine (C IL
6 .3 1 5 6 4 = IL S 702). It was repeatedly repaired dur
ing the Middle Ages and early Renaissance and is in
use today, its termination being marked by the Fon
tana di Trevi of Niccolo Salvi (1744).
Frontinus, A q. 1.4, 10, 18, 2 2 ; 2 .7 0 , 8 4 ; Van De
man 1 6 7 -7 8 ; Ashby 1935, 1 6 7 -8 2 ; CAR 2-A, 2 p.
11; Nash 1 .5 5 -5 6 ; Q ITA 5 (1968): 1 2 5 -6 0 (L.
ARA
Quilici); Pace 1 4 4 - 4 6 ; J. Pmto, T he Trevi Fountain
(New Haven, Conn. 1986).
Aquaeductium (Fig. 3 ): an area at the end of the
Caelian branch of Aqua Claudia, so named on the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 16; Rodriguez pi. 2). Here a
street runs along the east side of the aqueduct, while
to the west is a large irregular area into which pro
jects a series of at least fifteen parallel walls of very
irregular lengths perpendicular to the aqueduct and
evidently abutting on it. They are not shops, but
might conceivably be storage chambers or stables,
because they open on what seems to be a walled
yard. The remains of the aqueduct piers show
that here they were built into already existing build
ings.
Aqueduct: see Aqua.
Aquilenses: found only in the edict of Tarracius
Bassus of the late fourth century, C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 = ILS
6 0 7 2 ; evidently those who lived in Vicus Longi
Aquilae, a district in Regio X IV listed on the Capi-
toline Base (C IL 6 .9 7 5 .b 2 6 = IL S 6073).
A ra: Altars, both in conjunction with temples and
as independent dedications, are a feature of Roman
religion from the earliest times. In fact, the indepen
dent altar seems to have been the commonest expres
sion of piety in the early period, and it does not seem
to have been necessary to inaugurate a templum be
fore dedicating an altar, although we presume that
was regularly done if the altar was to be permanent.
The earliest altar in Rome is supposed to be the Ara
M axim a Herculis Invicti between the Circus M axi
mus and the Porta Trigmina. Unfortunately, we do
not know the form it took, and no positive trace of
it has been found. N or do we know about the altars
dedicated by Titus Tatius, of which Varro (Ling.
5.74) gives a list: to Ops, Flora, Vediovis and Saturn,
Sol, Luna, Vulcan and Summanus, Larunda, Termi
nus, Quirinus, Vertumnus, the Lares, Diana and Lu-
cina. The earliest altars we have are not extremely
old; they are the U-shaped altars of which bases sur
vive in front of the temples of Fortuna and Mater
M atuta in the Area Sacra di SantOmobono and
under the Niger Lapis. At such altars the officiating
priest stood at the space between the arms of the U,
so that his altar in some sense enclosed him. A row
of thirteen such altars came to light recently at Lavi-
nium (F. Castagnoli et al., L avinium II, le tredici are
[Rome 1 975]); these run in their original construc
tion from the mid-sixth century B.C . to the mid
fourth, after which some were reworked. The sanc
tuary remained in operation at least through the
second century. The altars of SantOmobono are be
19
A R A C A L V IN I
lieved to be early fourth century in date. Because the
material under the Niger Lapis was gathered to
gether as a deposit in the fourth century, that one
must be older, although the character of the molding
will not allow a very early date. This form of altar
continued to be used until the mid-second century,
as the Capitolium of Cosa shows, and in some sense
the form of the altar of the Ara Pacis Augustae con
tinues that tradition.
The rectangular altar regularly set on axis with its
temple, when there is one, with its short end toward
the temple, comes in sometime in the Hellenistic pe
riod, but probably not before the First Punic War in
Rome. It can be of great size and high, but is usually
not, because that made working at it very difficult.
Usually it does not much exceed waist height and is
proportioned to this with a squarish end and the
principal face about twice as long as it is high. A
good example of such an altar is that in peperino of
A. Postumius Albinus in front of Temple C in the
Area Sacra di Largo Argentina. This is referred by
Marchetti Longhi with some hesitation to the consul
of 180 B .C .; he would prefer an earlier date. But the
excellent letter forms are not encouraging about this,
and the freshness of the altar when it was buried fol
lowing the construction of Temple B, which is dated
about 100 B .C ., suggests, if anything, a later date.
The same altar form embellished with a Doric frieze
at small scale just under the crown is used for the
sarcophagus of L. Cornelius Scipio Barbatus, the
date of which is debated but is usually put sometime
in the third century (IL L R P 2 1 0 ; Nash 2.355). He
died sometime after 2 8 0 . Its letter forms are less re
fined. This form of altar seems to have been very
popular until the time of Augustus; the altar of the
Temple of Apollo in Pompeii, which is generally con
sidered Augustan, has this form.
A small wasp-waisted or hourglass-shaped altar,
usually low and with a square top surface, seems to
have come into use about the time of the Second
Punic War. An altar of Verminus in this form in pep
erino was found in the Agger near Porta Collina in
1876 (Nash 2 .5 0 0 ). It bears an inscription recording
that it is a restoration by the same A. Postumius Al
binus who restored the altar of Largo Argentina dis
cussed above and according to the same law. The let
ter forms are also in agreement (IL L R P 281). A
similar altar in travertine dedicated by C. Sextius
Calvinus to the unknown god was found in 1829 at
the west corner of the Palatine (IL L R P 29 1 ); De-
grassi considered the dedicator likely to be the son of
the consul of 124 B .C . This certainly is of a more
sophisticated shape than the altar of Verminus, rec
tangular rather than square, and with a pulvinate
crown, and the use of travertine argues for a rela
tively late date. Yet a third altar of this shape, again,
20
a restoration of an older altar, this time in lava, bears
a consular date of 9 B.C . (A. E. Gordon, Illustrated
In trodu ction to L atin E pigraphy [Berkeley 1983],
no. 27). So the form continued to be used even under
the empire, though there are few examples of it.
Beginning in the time of Augustus a roughly cubical
or vertically rectangular form of altar seems to have
become prevalent, especially an altar with a sculp
tured front, or even decorated on all sides, and a pul
vinate crown. One sees these especially as funerary
monuments, and they persist late into the em
pire.
Here we may note the Ara Pacis Augustae, but
only with the warning that it is, so far as we know,
unique, a particular solution to a demanding prob
lem. It owes something to the great altars of Perga-
mum and Priene; it also owes something to the Par
thenon frieze and perhaps a little to the Altar of Pity
in the agora of Athens. But it is of a very innovative
design, in part harking back to the ancient U-shaped
altars of early Rome, in part breaking new ground as
a ianus embellished with enigmatic reliefs. It should
be noted that it did not initiate a new type of mon
ument and apparently was never meant to. In fact, it
defied copying.
Finally it should be observed that round altars are
very rare in Rome, almost non-existent. Certainly
round altars existed, but it is questionable whether
any altar connected with a temple was ever round.
The round base in front of the Temple of Apollo
Medicus (Sosianus), once thought to be its altar, is
now considered more probably a tholus; the so-
called altar of Julius Caesar in a niche in the podium
in front of the Temple of Divus Iulius is unlikely to
be that and certainly not the altar of the temple. A
round altar is shown in a sacrifice scene on coins of
Julia Domna inscribed v e s t a m a t e r (B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 5 .3 1 4 no. 716) and another on coins of
Septimius Severus, again in a scene of sacrifice, this
time inscribed s a c r a s a e c v l a r i a (B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 5 .3 2 5 no. 810), but the Temple of Vesta
did not have an altar, only a hearth, so the former
must be an altar brought in for the occasion, and at
the Ludi Saeculares sacrifice seems to have been of
fered not on the altar of Dis and Proserpina, but on
altars erected especially for the occasion. We do not
have many altars surviving from antiquity other than
funerary altars. Doubtless the work of iconoclastic
early Christians is largely responsible for that. But
the absence of round altars in Rome is so complete
that it will bear thinking about.
Ara Calvini: a small altar of archaic hourglass form
in travertine, found in 1829 below the west corner
of the Palatine (near SantAnastasia), inscribed s e i
d e o s e i d e i v a i s a c , with the information that it was

a restoration by the praetor C. Sextius Calvinus
voted by the senate. The letter forms are republican,
and it is usually dated ca. 92 B .C . (C IL 6 .1 1 0 and
30701 = IL S 4 0 1 5 ; IL L R P 2 9 1 ; Lugli 1946, 4 0 1 -3 ;
Broughton M R R 2.18). It is now in the Antiquario
Palatino.
Ara Dei Ignoti: see A ra Calvini.
Ara Ditis: see Dis Pater et Proserpina, Ara.
Ara Domitii Ahenobarbi: see Neptunus, Aedes.
Ara Gentis Iuliae: see Gens Iulia, Ara.
Ara M arm orea: known only from two inscriptions
found near Porta Capena (C IL 6 .9 4 0 3 = IL S 7713,
C IL 6 .1 0 0 2 0 and IG U R 1342); it is clear from these
that it was a place designation.
Ara M artis: see M ars, Ara.
Ara M axim a Herculis: see Herculis Invicti, Ara
M axim a.
Arae Incendii Neronis: altars erected by Domitian
in fulfillment of a vow made after the fire of Nero
incendiorum arcen doru m causa (C IL 6 .8 2 6 , 30 8 3 7 -
= 1LS 4 9 1 4 ). They probably stood along the limit of
the area devastated. The inscriptions of three exist in
copies. One is recorded as having been used as build
ing material for the basilica of S. Pietro in the six
teenth century. One was found in 1618 on the south
west side of the Circus Maximus at the foot of the
Aventine, where there were also some remains of
steps and cippi. This, too, was used as building ma
terial for S. Pietro. The third was discovered in 1889
on the Quirinal and is under Via del Quirinale no.
30, just southwest of the church of S. Andrea al
Quirinale (Fig. 72). It stood on the southeast side of
Alta Semita (q.v.) in a large area sunk three steps
below the level of the street, paved with travertine
and marked off by travertine cippi, which are set
close to the lowest step at intervals of 2.50 m.
The altar itself is a travertine box, originally faced
with marble of which little remains, set 2.75 m back
from the cippi and mounted on a base of two steps.
It is a long rectangle, 6.25 m deep. 3.25 m wide, and
1.26 m high, lacking its crown.
Annual sacrifice was decreed on these altars on the
Volcanalia, 23 August. A number of other divinities
received sacrifice on that day, notably the nymphs in
the Campus Martius and Quirinus in colie. The offi
ciating priest was the praetor cut h a ec regio sorti ob -
venerit.
Degrassi 5 0 0 ; Nash 1.6062.
A R C O D I P O R T O G A LL O
Ara Pacis Augustae; see Pax Augusta, Ara.
Ara Pietatis Augustae: see Pietas Augusta, Ara.
Ara Saturni: see Saturnus, Ara.
Arbor Sancta: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio II. The relief of the divinities of the Caelian in
the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4 2.1 8 0 6 ) shows
the Genius Caelimontis as a bearded figure, half
nude, seated on an irregular rocky hill, embracing
the trunk of a tree with his left arm. The trees trunk
is curiously twisted; to judge from its leaf, it might
be a laurel. That the tree was sancta, rather than
sacra, implies that it was not associated with a cult
but protected for some other reason, such as its odd
ness. There is no more precise indication of where it
grew.
Arco di Camigliano: see Isis, Aedes (1).
Arco della Ciambella: see Therm ae Agrippae.
Arco di Druso: see Arcus Traiani, Divi.
Arco di Latrone: see Basilica Constantini.
Arco dei Pantani: see Forum Augustum.
Arco di Portogallo: a late antique arch spanning
Via Lata (Via Flaminia) just south of the Ara Pacis
Augustae, often called Arcus Hadriani because of
two reliefs that adorned its north face, now in the
Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4 2 .1 4 4 7 , 1800). It
was demolished in 1662 by Alexander VII in order
to widen the Via del Corso, but a plaque on the east
side of the street just south of Via della Vite marks
its location. It got its name from the residence of the
Portuguese ambassador in Palazzo Fiano in the six
teenth century; earlier it was called Arcus Octaviani.
It was certainly a very late construction, as is
shown by the high level of its foundations, only 2.36
m below the level of the Via del Corso, as well as by
its architectural character. It was a single-fornix
arch, the masonry perhaps lightly rusticated up to
the springing of the arch, adorned on either side with
pairs of columns of verde antico on bases of a single
torus above complicated bowed plinths, the capitals
composite, carrying an entablature decorated with a
frieze of acanthus scrolls that broke out forward
over the columns. Between the pairs of columns on
the north face, at the height of the spandrels, a pair
of large reliefs was let into the wall. These are now
in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4 2 .1 4 4 7 ,
1800). They show the apotheosis of a woman borne
aloft by a winged female figure and an allocu tio (ad
21
A R C U S , F O R N IX , IANUS
dress) to which a Genius figure attends. They are
generally supposed to be Hadrianic but are so heav
ily restored that one cannot be certain, but some of
the male heads were certainly bearded. They cer
tainly do not belong on a triumphal arch. The arch
must be regarded as a pastiche of the fourth or fifth
century, using material from older buildings.
The arch is shown before demolition in important
drawings of Dosio, before 1569 (Nash 1: fig. 86),
Alo Giovannoli, 1615 (PA pi. 2), and R. Schenck,
before 1705 (Nash 1: fig. 85), among others.
B u llC om 73 (1 9 4 9 -5 0 ): 1 0 1 -2 2 (S. Stucchi);
Nash 1 .8 3 -8 7 ; E. La Rocca, R ilievi storici capitolin i
(Rome 19 8 6 ); Boatwright 2 2 6 -2 9 .
A rcus, F o r n ix , Ia n u s: Pliny (H N 34.27) says that
the arch was used, like the column, to lift the statues
mounted on it above other mortals, that is, that as
an architectural form it was essentially a base for the
statuary it carried. We may doubt this, however, be
cause its character as a passageway and/or entrance
must always have been strongly felt, and it must
originally have found favor principally as a memo
rial for a triumph. Only in a triumph could a victo
rious general cross the pomerium of the city without
first surrendering his im perium , and in the republi
can period the line of the Servian Walls was regarded
as the pomerium.
The earliest arches that we hear of are those of
Stertinius of 196 B .C . (Livy 3 3 .2 7 .4 ), but there may
perhaps have been earlier examples. The use of
sculptures and of apotropaic devices around city
gates is presumably as old, or nearly as old, as stone
fortifications themselves. The Lion Gate of Mycenae
belongs to the Late Bronze Age, and the gates of Hat-
tusa in Asia M inor to the beginning of the fourteenth
century B .C . In Italy the fortifications of Falerii Novi
are to be dated shortly after the deduction of the
Latin colony there in 241 B .C ., and the Porta dell
Arco of Volterra is probably still older. Two of Ster-
tiniuss arches seem to have stood as entrances to the
precincts of Fortuna and M ater M atuta in the Forum
Boarium, and because propylaea have a very long
history, we can with some confidence see these as
simply a variation on the concept of the city gate.
Probably city gates were everywhere always decked
with garlands and banners to welcome the return of
a successful army, and the idea of putting a crowning
array of appropriate trophies atop the entrance came
early. But these would have been temporary embel
lishments, dismantled once the celebration was over,
and the idea of isolating the gate and erecting it
where it would be a permanent memorial crowned
with a statuary group of the triumphator in his car
may not have come before the end of the Second
Punic War. Duiliuss great naval victories in the First
22
Punic War were still commemorated with columns.
But the quadriga driven by Jupiter that served as the
central acroterion of the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus
Maximus was a creation of the late sixth century,
and it seems quite likely that a combination of such
a group with the Porta Triumphalis to make a suit
able memorial would have suggested itself easily. The
main question, where to locate such a permanent
memorial, must have been more difficult, for while
one can imagine that a temporary embellishment of
the Porta Triumphalis in this way occurred early, it
could never have been thought of as anything but
temporary. While there must have been numerous
entrances to sacred precincts that might have lent
themselves to development in the way that Stertinius
seems to have employed those of Fortuna and Mater
M atuta, it is not easy to see how and when that step
was taken. If Stertiniuss arches were the first me
morial arches in Rome, they seem to have avoided
being overtly triumphal. All that Livy says is that
they were surmounted by gilded statues; there is no
mention or suggestion of a chariot. The arch that Sci-
pio Africanus built in 190 B .C . (Livy 37.3.7) in Capi-
tolio adversus viam qu a in C apitoliu m escenditur
was adorned with seven gilded statues and two
horses; again there is no mention of a chariot. But
the location of this arch in proximity to the Clivus
Capitolinus, but evidently neither spanning this nor
a gateway to the Area Capitolina, but rather facing
the Clivus Capitolinus at a right angle to the Area
Capitolina, must have been chosen to suggest a close
connection with the triumph. Thereafter, down to
the time of Augustus, the arches that we hear of
either spanned the route followed by the triumphal
procession (Fornix Fabianus, Arcus Tiberii) or were
not triumphal but commemorative (Arcus Drusi).
The erection of arches to Drusus and Germanicus
flanking the Temple of Mars Ultor in the Forum Au-
gustum in a . d . 19 seems to mark a new departure,
and thereafter an arch might be erected almost any
where, although proximity to the route of the
triumph seems always to have been an important
consideration.
There seems to be no real distinction made be
tween an arcus and a forn ix. The terms are often
used interchangeably, although fornix seems always
to have carried some suggestion of being an en
trance, while an arcus was rather a monument. The
distinction between single and triple arches also
seems to have been entirely functional. While most
republican arches were single, the Porta Trigemina of
the Servian Walls must have been triple from the time
of its construction in the first half of the fourth cen
tury, while the Arcus Gallieni is an Augustan rebuild
ing of the Porta Esquilina as a triple arch, and the
Augustan Arco di Augusto at Fano (Fanum For-

tunae) is also triple. The single-arched triumphal
arch may allude to the Porta Trmmphalis, but at
Cosa in central Etruria the main entrance to the
forum is a freestanding triple arch that may have
been triumphal and is considered to date from the
second quarter of the second century B.C .
Cicero says (Nat. D. 2.67 ): transitiones perv iae
. . . iani nom inantur. A ianus is therefore distin
guished from an arcus and a fornix by being double,
a door at either end of a short passage. These doors
might be either arched or post-and-lintel. The Ianus
Geminus of the Forum Romanum must have had
post-and-lintel doors at least down to the early em
pire, but is shown on coins of Nero (B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 1 .2 2 9 -3 1 nos. 1 5 6 -6 7 ) with segmental
arches over its doors. A number of Etruscan ash urns
also show this form with arched doors, and the arch
as a recognized tomb form must also be regarded as
essentially a ianus. On the other hand, the ianiform
enclosure of the Ara Pacis Augustae has simple post-
and-lintel doors. Another form of ianus, exemplified
by the Ianus Quadrifrons of the Forum Boarium, is
a quadrifrontal arch. This was probably the form of
the ianus of the Forum Nervae (Transitorium) and
turns up with surprising frequency elsewhere in the
Roman world, while the simpler ianus is extremely
uncommon.
Arcus Arcadii, H onorii et Theodosii: an arch
erected by the senate after the victory of Stilicho at
Pollentia in a . d . 405 (C IL 6 .1 1 96 = IL S 798) to com
memorate the victories of the three emperors over
the Goths, often confused with the Arcus Gratiani,
Valentiniani et Theodosii nearby. One arch stood
under the campanile of the church of S. Celso, the
other by SantOrso, or Urso. S. Celso is in the Via
dei Banchi Vecchi, not far from the Ponte Sant
Angelo (HCh 2 3 7 .1 7 ); SantOrso was destroyed in
1526 to make space for an oratorio of S. Giovanni
dei Fiorentini, which was in turn destroyed in 1886
for the creation of the Corso Vittorio Emanuele
(HCh 5 0 1 -2 ). The arch in question may have
spanned the street through the Campus Martius
leading to the Pons Neronianus. The M irabilia (Jor
dan 2 .6 0 8 ; V Z 3.18) lists both, describing that at S.
Celso as Arcus Aureus Alexandri, and that at
SantOrso as Theodosii et Valentiniani et Gratiani
Imperatorum. The Anonymous Magliabechianus of
1 4 1 0 -1 4 1 5 (Urlichs 153; V Z 4.1 1 7 ) says that the
arch by S. Celso had collapsed in the time of Pope
Urban V, whereas that at SantOrso remained whole
but was not of marble and lacked its inscription. The
inscription preserved in the Einsiedeln sylloge says
the Arch of Arcadius, Honorius, and Theodosius
was decorated with their statues and trophies. The
location of the arch is quite uncertain, and even its
ARCUS M . A U R E L II
identification, while highly probable, is not entirely
above question. Modern topographers tend to put it
at the end of the Pons Neronianus, but for this there
is no real warrant.
Arcus Argentariorum : see Arcus Septimii
Severi (in Foro Boario).
Arcus Augusti: an arch erected to Augustus in 19
B .C . to celebrate the return of the standards of Cras-
sus captured by the Parthians at Carrhae (Cass. Dio
5 1 .1 9 .1 ; 5 4 .8 .3 ). It is explicitly stated that this stood
iuxta aed em D ivi lu lii (Schol. Veron. a d Verg. Aen.
7.6 06 ), and on the southwest side of the temple foot
ings for a triple arch have come to light (Fig. 48).
This has been reconstructed by R. Gamberini
Mongenet using fragments of architecture found in
the vicinity and in conformance with coins of Augus
tus showing a triple arch of an unusual type, a lofty
central arch with an inscribed attic surmounted by a
quadriga flanked by lower post-and-lintel fornices to
either side that are supported on columns and sur
mounted by triangular gables crowned by figures of
barbarians offering standards to the triumphator (B.
M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2 .5 0 nos. 4 4 7 7 -7 8 ; see also
Nash 1 .9 2 -1 0 1 ). Other coins showing more conven
tional arches may allude to arches erected to Augus
tus elsewhere (B. M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2.551 no.
3 1 0 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 .7 3 -7 4 Aug. nos.
4 2 7 -2 9 ).
If the architectural fragments assigned to this arch
are correctly assigned, it was very elaborately deco
rated, the Doric capitals having the echinus carved
with an egg molding, and the modillions treated as
massed guttae. The Fasti Capitolini Consulares et
Triumphales were inscribed on the reveals of this
arch and not on the Regia, as had been earlier sup
posed. See Degrassi, Inscript. Ital. 1 3 .1 .1 -1 4 2 , espe
cially 1 7 -1 9 and pis. 8 -1 0 .
R om M itt 85 (1978): 3 7 1 -8 4 (H.-W. Ritter); K ai
ser Augustus un d die v erloren e R ep u blik (show cat
alogue, Berlin 1988, Mainz 1988), 2 2 4 - 3 9 (E. Ned-
ergaard); JR A 2 (1989): 1 9 8 -2 0 0 (F. Kleiner).
Arcus M . Aurelii: an arch in C ap itolio decreed by
the senate in a . d . 176 to celebrate M arcuss victories
over the Germans and Sarmatians. The inscription
was included in the Einsiedeln sylloge (C IL
6 .1 0 1 4 = IL S 37 4 ), which is the only record of this.
Its location is quite uncertain. It has been supposed
to be the arcus panis au rei of the M irabilia (Jordan
2 .6 1 0 ; V Z 3.19) and the arcus argentariorum of a
forged bull of Pope John III ( a . d . 5 6 0 57 3 ), but
without real reason (Jordan 2.6 69 ). Reliefs in the
Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4 2.1 4 4 4 ) or others
reused on the attic of the Arcus Constantini (q.v.)
23
 ARCUS A U R E U S A L E X A N D R I
may have come from this arch (I. S. Ryberg, Panel
R eliefs o f M arcus A urelius [New York 1967], espe
cially 8 4 -8 9 ) .
R m M itt 91 (1984): 1 4 0 -2 0 5 (E. Angelicoussis).
Arcus Aureus Alexandri: see Arcus Arcadii,
Honorii et Theodosii.
Arcus Iohannis Basilii or Basilidis: the medieval
name of the travertine arch by which the Aqua Clau
dia crossed the Via M aior (LPD 2 .3 4 5 ), leading from
the Colosseum to the Lateran. It stood roughly mid
way between the basilica of S. Giovanni in Laterano
and SS. Quattro Coronati. It was demolished in
1604 to make space for the Via di S. Giovanni but is
clearly shown on the map of Du Perac and Latrari of
1577. It got its name from the basilica of S. Giovanni
and may once have served as an entrance to the Lat
eran enclave. It was also sometimes called Arcus For-
mae in recognition of its function.
HJ 2 4 2 ; LS 4 .1 3 4 ; LA 154.
Arcus Caelimontani: see Arcus Neroniani.
/ Arcus Claudii (1): the travertine arch, in part rus
ticated, by which the Aqua Virgo crossed one of the
side streets east of Via Lata, rebuilt in monumental
form by Claudius in a . d . 4 6 (C IL 6 .1 2 5 2 = ILS 205).
It is still standing at Via del Nazzareno no. 14.
H J 4 5 7 ; Nash 1: fig. 52.
Arcus Claudii (2): a triumphal arch voted by the
senate to Claudius in a . d . 51/52 in commemoration
of the conquest of Britain (Cass. Dio 60 .2 2 .1 ). In
scriptions found in the neighborhood of Palazzo
Sciarra belonging to such an arch indicate that this
was a monumental rebuilding of the arch by which
the Aqua Virgo crossed Via Lata (C IL 6 .9 2 0
23 = 3 1 2 0 3 - 4 = IL S 2 1 6 , 222) and that many mem
bers of the imperial household were honored by stat
ues on the arch. Fragments of reliefs showing scenes
of combat, a temple, and Vestal Virgins have also
been found in the same context (N Sc 1925, 2 3 0 33
[G. M ancini]; R endP ontA cc 11 [1935]: 4 1 -6 1 [A.
M . Colini]). Some of these clearly belong with others
in the Villa Medici obtained from the Capranica
della Valle collection. These were long believed to
belong to the Ara Pietatis Augustae (see Pietas Au
gusta, Ara) but are now seen as panels from the Arch
of Claudius. The program of the arch would seem to
have included representation of the British campaign
and the victory celebration following it and is the
earliest such program of panel reliefs to come down
to us.
Nash 1 .7 4 -7 8 , 1 0 2 -3 ; N A kG 1976: 6 4 -1 0 8 (H.
24
R. Laubscher); R m M itt 90 (1983): 1 0 3 -9 (G.
Koeppel).
Arcus Claudii (3): A number of coins of Claudius
show a triumphal arch with an inscription d e Ger-
m anis, or the like, celebrating the victories of Clau
diuss generals over the Cauchi and Chatti (Cass. Dio
6 0 .8 .7 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 Claudius nos. 2,
36, 95103, 1212 3 , 18791). If such an arch was
ever constructed, it seems not to have been in Rome.
H.-M . von Kaenel, M nzprgung und M nzbild
nis d es Claudius (Berlin 1986), 2 3 6 39.
Arcus Constantini (Figs. 3, 16, 9 0 ): an arch erec
ted by the senate to Constantine in a . d . 315/316
(C IL 6 .1 1 39 = IL S 69 4 ); it was especially in honor
of his victory over Maxentius, as the inscription at
tests, but celebrated his decennalia as well. There is
no mention of it in the few literary sources we have
for the period. It is a triple arch at the north end of
the street between the Palatine and Caelian hills on
the triumphal route between the Circus Maximus
and the Forum Romanum, just before the ascent to
the Summa Sacra Via. The passageways and sur
rounding area are paved with travertine; the arch is
of white marble with the addition of much colored
marble, the eight Corinthian columns flanking the
archways being of giallo antico, the captives in front
of the attic of pavonazzetto, the tondi set in a field
of porphyry, and the main cornice having a band of
porphyry. Overall it measures 2 5 .7 0 m wide, 21 m
high, and 7 .4 0 m deep. There is no indication of
what the program of the crowning sculptures might
have been.
The decorative sculptures of the arch itself are of
many periods, for the most part taken from other
buildings. The reliefs of the bases of the columns are
Constantinian and show Victorias, legionary sol
diers, and captive barbarians. So are the medallions
on the ends of the arch with reliefs of the sun and the
moon. And around the arch just above the side
arches runs a narrow frieze with episodes of the life
of Constantine exemplifying his glory and his vir
tues. These begin on the west end and run counter
clockwise: profectio, obsidio, proelium, ingressus,
oratio, and liberalitas. The Victorias and river gods
filling the spandrels are also Constantinian.
The other reliefs are two in the reveals of the cen
tral arch and two at the ends of the attic showing
battles between Romans and Dacians, joining frag
ments of a frieze believed to come from the Forum
Traiani (A rcbC l 41 [1989]: 2 6 4 - 8 3 [S. Stucchi]),
eight medallions set in pairs over the side arches
showing hunting and sacrifice scenes, now generally
referred to the period of Hadrian but of quite uncer

tain original setting, and eight rectangular panels in
the attic apparently belonging to the same series as
three in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4
2.1 4 44) coming from an arch erected in a . d . 176 to
celebrate the victories of Marcus Aurelius over the
Germans and Sarmatians. In all these reliefs, heads
of Constantine and Licinius have been substituted
for those of the principal figures, but there is little
alteration otherwise. The Dacian captives in front
of the attic are believed to come from the
Forum Traiani; their heads are modern, a repair of
1732.
The arch has been much studied from many points
of view. The best publication of it is that of H. P.
LOrange and A. von Gerkan, D er sp atan tike
B ild scbm u ck des K on stan tin sbogen (Berlin 1939);
see also Nash 1 .1 0 4 12.
Arcus Divi Constantini: see Ianus Quadrifrons
( 1 ).
Arcus Diocletiani: see Arcus Novus.
Arcus Dolabellae et Silani: an unadorned arch of
travertine built in a . d . 10 by the consuls P. Cornelius
Dolabella and C. Iunius Silanus (C IL 6.1384) ex S.C.
It stands over the modern Via di S. Paolo della Croce,
on the line of the ancient Clivus Scauri, and must
have been a rebuilding of one of the gates of the Ser
vian Walls, Porta Querquetulana (or Querquetu-
laria) or Porta Caelimontana, more likely the latter,
although no road of importance seems to have left
by this gate. Nero made use of the arch in his exten
sion of the Aqua Claudia to the Caelian, taking the
aqueduct across on it in the final stretch (see Arcus
Neroniani).
Nash 1.113.
Arcus Domitiani: O f the multiple arches erected by
Domitian to his own glory and for the most part
pulled down after his damnatio memoriae (Sueton
ius, D om . 13; Cass. Dio 68 .1 .1 ), the only ones that
seem to have left some permanent record are one on
the Clivus Palatinus, of which the footings survive
(B ullC om 91.2 [1986]: 5 2 2 -2 5 [A. Cassatella]) and
his rebuilding of the Porta Carmentalis/Scelerata/
Triumphalis (q.v.). This he crowned with a pair of
quadrigas drawn by elephants, he himself being the
charioteer (Martial 8.65). Although his statue must
have been removed after his death, at least one of the
quadrigae remained and is shown on the profectio
panel of Marcus Aurelius on the Arch of Constantine
(LOrange and von Gerkan, pi. 4 7 .B; I. S. Ryberg,
Panel R eliefs o f M arcus Aurelius [New York 1967],
pis. 22, 26). The gate with both quadrigas appears
A R C U S G A L LIEN I
on Domitianic coins (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 pis.
7 1 .6 , 81.1).
Coarelli 1988, 3 6 3 -4 1 4 .
Arcus Drusi (1): a marble arch on the Via Appia
erected by the senate after 9 B.C . in memory of Dru-
sus the Elder (Suetonius, Claud. 3). It was adorned
with trophies. If it gave its name to the Vicus Drusi-
anus of Regio I, it may have stood near the junction
of Via Appia and Via Latina, and the Via della Fer-
ratella, which overlies an ancient road, may give the
line of the Vicus Drusianus, but this is all very doubt
ful. The Einsiedeln itinerary (10) lists an Arcus Re-
cordationis near the Baths of Caracalla, which might
be the Arcus Drusi (see Jordan 2.660).
F. S. Kleiner, T h e A rch o f N ero in R o m e (Rome
1985): 3 3 -3 4 .
Arcus Drusi (2): an arch decreed by the senate for
Drusus the Younger after his death in a . d . 23 (Taci
tus, Ann. 4 .9 ; cf. 2.8 3 ). If this was ever built, we
have no idea where it was located.
Arcus Drusi et Germanici: a pair of arches erected
in a . d . 19 on either side of the Temple of Mars Ultor
in the Forum Augustum (Fig. 36). They closed the
end of the forum below the ascent to the Subura and
were surmounted by statues of those honored (Taci
tus, Ann. 2 .6 4 ; cf. C IL 6 .9 1 1 , 912 = 3 1 1 9 9 , 31200).
Scant remains of these were found in the excavation
of the forum.
Arcus Duo: on the Capitoline, known from a mili
tary diploma that specifies its location intro euntibus
a d sinistram in m u ro inter d u os arcus (C IL 16.20).
The diploma is dated to a . d . 74. Presumably en
trance to the Area Capitolina is meant, but the
arches cannot be identified.
Arcus Gallieni: an arch faced with travertine re
placing the Porta Esquilina where the Clivus Subur-
anus passed through the Servian Walls in modern Via
di S. Vito. The architrave bears a dedication by M.
Aurelius Victor to Gallienus and Salonina (C IL
6 .1 1 0 6 = IL S 54 8 ), but, as has been pointed out, the
architecture and construction militate against the
archs having been built at this time. The central arch
is proportioned to inscription of a full circle in its
opening, and the design and sobriety of the moldings
suggest an early imperial date. The arch was origi
nally a triple-fornix arch, the side arches being nar
rower and lower than the central one, with unfluted
pilasters and simplified Corinthian capitals framing
each opening. The architraves were narrow, the
frieze over the central fornix was deep, and the cor
25
ARC U S G E R M A N IC I
nice was simple. Above the cornice nothing survives.
The central arch is at present 7 .1 6 m wide, 8.80 m
high, and 3.38 m deep. Gatti calculated the side
arches to have been 3.45 m wide, 5.53 m high, and
2.28 m deep.
Apparently Aurelius Victor embellished the attic
with a program of statuary honoring Gallienus and
his house and added an ornamental frieze in metal,
the clamp holes for securing this being still visible.
The proportions of the arch suggest that there never
was an attic.
L u rbe 2 (1937): 4 .1 6 - 2 6 (G. Lugli); Nash 1.115
17.
Arcus Germanici (1): a marble arch in circo Flam -
inio decreed by the senate among the honors
awarded Germanicus posthumously, known from
the Tabula Siarensis (Z PE 55 [1984]: 5 5 - 8 2 [J. Gon
zalez]) 1.921. This newly discovered inscription on
bronze supplements what was known already from
Tacitus (Ann. 2.83) and other inscriptions (C IL
6.911 = 3 1 1 9 9 ; Tabula Hebana [Ruggiero, Diz.
Epigr. 4 .7 4 0 -4 8 ] ). The arch was to be erected at
public expense near the place (ad eum locum ) where
statues of the deified Augustus and his house had
been dedicated by C. Norbanus Flaccus. It was to
carry gilded figures of the nations he had conquered
and an inscription commemorating his military ex
ploits and stating that he had died in the service of
the state. On the arch were to be a statue of German
icus in a triumphal chariot with, to either side, stat
ues of his father, Drusus Germanicus, his mother,
Antonia, his wife, Agrippina, his sister, Livia (Liv-
illa), his brother, Tiberius Germanicus (Claudius),
and his sons and daughters eleven portrait statues
in all in addition to that of the triumphator. N or
banus Flaccus was consul in a . d . 15, and presumably
the dedication of statues of the deified Augustus and
his house was one of the honors voted close after
Augustuss death. The question of where this might
have been most appropriately erected is a difficult
one. Presumably the program was similar to that for
Germanicus and included both his natural father and
his adoptive one, his mother, his wife, Livia, and his
sister, Octavia, the two grandsons he had adopted,
and Tiberius. This makes only seven, in addition to
Augustus, but they were all adult, whereas four of
the children of Germanicus were still under ten at the
time of his death. Everything points to the two pro
grams having been thought of as counterparts and to
have been set complementary to each other. On the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23) an arch
is shown between the Porticus Octaviae and the
Theatrum Marcelli. The short southeast end of the
Circus Flaminius with the Theatrum Marcelli as
background would have made a very appropriate lo
26
cation for a statue group commemorating Augustus.
Because Eugenio La Rocca has recently convincingly
demonstrated that the passage between the Temple
of Apollo Medicus and the Theatrum Marcelli was
far too narrow to have permitted the triumphal pro
cession to pass and that instead it must have gone
through the parodoi of the theater to reach the Porta
Triumphalis, this would make an appropriate loca
tion for the arch of Germanicus.
A rchC l 36 (1984): 3 2 9 - 3 2 (F. Castagnoli).
Arcus Germanici (2): see Arcus Drusi et
Germanici.
Arcus Gordiani: see C astra Praetoria.
Arcus Gratiani, Valentiniani et Theodosii: built
between 379 and 383 by these three emperors, pe-
cunia sua, often confused with the nearby Arcus Ar-
cadii, Honorii et Theodosii. This one stood near the
church of S. Celso (HCh 237) at the approach to the
Pons Aelius (Ponte SantAngelo) and may have
served as a monumental approach to this. The in
scription (C IL 6 .1 1 8 4 = IL S 781) states explicitly
that it was designed to close the Porticus Maximae
(q.v.). It is mentioned in the Einsiedeln itinerary (2.2
and 7.2), the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 0 8 ; V Z 3.1 8), and
the Ordo Benedicti (Jordan 2 .6 6 4 and 665). It is said
to have collapsed in the time of Pope Urban V
(1 3 6 2 -1 3 7 0 ).
B u llC om 21 (1893): 2 0 -2 1 (R. Lanciani); HJ
5 9 8 -9 9 .
Arcus Hadriani: see Arco di Portogallo.
Arcus ad Isis: the name inscribed on the attic of an
arch at the extreme left of the relief of the Haterii
(Helbig4 1.1076). Because the buildings shown on
this relief seem to have been juxtaposed arbitrarily
and even their character only schematically rendered,
it is impossible to make a definite identification. The
arch shown is a triple-fornix arch, and the attic is
crowned with a large collection of statuary, includ
ing a central quadriga flanked by pairs of captives at
the foot of palm trees, flanked in turn by trophies.
The arch itself has columns on plinths framing the
openings and is covered with reliefs in which arms
and the instrum entum sacru m figure prominently. A
statue on a plinth fills each opening. The central one
is possibly Minerva, armed, and the others are fe
male, but not positively identifiable.
The arch has been identified as just possibly the
Arco di Camigliano (or Camillo), a triple arch that
led into the complex of the Iseum Campense from
the east, just west of Piazza del Collegio Romano
(Figs. 4 6 , 47). Its program has been thought to be

Isiac, but the most obvious symbols are missing. The
last parts of this arch were destroyed in the sixteenth
century, and nothing is known to survive from it. Re
cently it has been proposed that it is an arch of Ves
pasian of uncertain location.
M em N ap 24 (1906): 2 2 9 - 6 2 , especially 2 3 2 -3 3
(G. Spano); R endP ontA cc 20 (1 9 4 3 -4 4 ): 1 2 4 -3 7
(G. Gatti); Nash 1 .1 1 8 -1 9 ; Helbig4 1 .7 7 8 -7 9 no.
1076 (H. Speier); Rom M rtt 97 (1990): 1 3 1 -3 4 (F. S.
Kleiner).
Arcus Latronis: see Basilica Constantini.
Arcus Lentuli et Crispini: a travertine arch erected
by the consuls of a . d . 2, R Lentulus Scipio and T.
Quinctius Crispinus Valerianus (C IL 6 .1 3 8 5 ), be
tween the church of S. M aria in Cosmedin and the
river. The wording of the inscription is exactly that
of the Arcus Dolabellae et Silani (q.v.), and it follows
that this was a rebuilding of Porta Trigmina of the
Servian Walls. Poggio (VZ 4.232) says it spanned the
road running between the Aventine and the Tiber, so
the foot of the Clivus Publicius must have been just
inside the wall. Our sources do not say whether it
was triple or had originally been triple, but Biondo
Flavio (R om a Instaurata 1.20 = V Z 4 .2 6 4 ), who saw
it in ruins in the mid-fifteenth century, uses the plu
ral.
Arcus Neroniani (Fig. 16): a branch of the Aqua
Claudia (q.v.) built by Nero from Ad Spem Veterem
ro the Temple of Divus Claudius at the end of the
Caelian, a bridge about two kilometers long, still
well preserved for most of its course (Frontinus, Aq.
1.20; 2.7 6 , 87). At Piazza della Navicella on the
Caelian the aqueduct branched, without the intro
duction of a castellum, one branch carrying water to
the Aventine with a termination near the church of
S. Prisca (C IL 6 .3 8 6 6 = 31963 = IL S 5 7 9 1 ; LA 1 5 7 -
53 ;, but of this there are no remains visible today.
Another branch, perhaps built by Domitian, took
water from the Temple of Divus Claudius across
:he valley between the Caelian and Palatine to the
Palatine. Of this there are spectacular remains
m two tiers of arches, but a siphon was probably
necessary.
The aqueduct is mentioned frequently in the post-
classical period, often by the name Forma Claudiana
or Forma Lateranense, sometimes simply Forma, as
in the name of the church of S. Tommaso de Formis.
It was repaired and kept in use well into the Middle
Ages.
A rcbaeolog ia 100 (1966): 81104 (P. K. Baillie
Reynolds and T. A. Bailey); B u llC om 86 (197879):
1 3 -_ 4 0 (P. Romeo); AJA 87 (1983): 3 9 2 -9 9 (H. B.
Evans).
ARCUS NO VUS
Arcus N eronis: an arch decreed to Nero for Cor-
bulos victories in the East in a . d . 58, built in a . d .
62, and probably dismantled soon after N eros dam-
natio memoriae (Tacitus, Ann. 13.41, 15.18). It
stood in m ed io C apitolin i m an tis and is well shown
on coins of Nero (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 Nero
nos. 1 8 3 -9 0 , 3 2 9 -3 4 ) as a single-fornix arch sur
mounted by a quadriga led on by Victoria and Pax.
Figures of Roman soldiers at a lower level crowned
the corners. The face of the arch seems to have been
covered with an elaborate program of reliefs, and a
large figure of Mars stood against one end.
F. S. Kleiner, T h e A rch o f N ero in R om e (Rome
1985).
Arcus N ovus: mentioned in the regionary cata
logues in Regio VII and assigned by the Chronogra-
pher of 3 5 4 (Chron. 148) to Diocletian. This seems
to have been a marble arch that spanned Via Lata at
the northeast corner of the church of S. Maria in Via
Lata. It was destroyed by Pope Innocent VIII (1 4 8 8 -
1492). The last vestiges of the arch were removed in
deep excavations hunting building material and an
tiquities in 1523 (LS 1 .2 1 7 -1 9 ). Fragments of a relief
found here in the sixteenth century are now in Villa
Medici and show that the arch was erected to com
memorate the decennalia of Diocletian; these are
identified by their inscriptions: v o t i s x e t x x (C IL
6 .3 1 3 8 3 ) as those that Marliano saw at S. M aria in
Via Lata with other trop h aea et trium phales im ag
ines (U rbis R o m a e T op og rap h ia [Rome 1534], 136).
This has led Kahler to identify two bases in the Bob-
oli Gardens in Florence as coming from this arch (H.
Kahler, Z w ei S ocket eines T riu m phbogen s im B o b o -
ligarten zu Floren z [BW Pr 96 (1936)]). This seems a
near certainty. L. Cozza has identified three more
fragments of reliefs in the Villa Medici as belonging
with the v o t i s fragment (BdA 43 [1958]: 1 0 9 -1 1 );
from subject and style, this also seems highly likely
to be right. If so, the relief showed Virtus and Roman
legionary soldiers celebrating the submission and
pacification of the East, while female figures with
mural crowns knelt in adoration of the inscription of
a shield. The bases showed Victorias with palms and
trophies, the Dioscuri, and bearded and trousered
barbarian captives accompanied by Roman soldiers.
A considerable difference in style between the
bases and the other fragments of relief indicates that
the arch was, like that of Constantine, created in part
ex n ov o, in part by the reuse of decorations and re
liefs robbed from other monuments. The bases are
probably Diocletianic, w'hile the other fragments be
long in the second century. The shield being in
scribed would have been recut, as indeed it appears.
Nash 1 .1 2 0 -2 5 ; N A kG 1976: 6 4 -1 0 8 (H. R.
Laubscher).
27
ARCUS O CTAVIAN I
Arcus Octaviani (1): an arch decreed to Octavian
after Actium, to be erected in the forum (Cass. Dio
5 1 .19.1). At the same time a second arch was de
creed to be erected at Brundisium; evidently both
were in preparation for Octavians triumphant re
turn. An inscription on a block of Parian marble 9
feet (2.67 m) long with a decree of public honors to
Octavian and a consular date of 29 B .C . has been
supposed to come from this arch (C/L 6.873 = ILS
81). It was found toward the southeast end of the
forum in the sixteenth century, but the reports of its
provenience are confused and contradictory, and no
ancient source locates it more precisely. No other
trace of it is known, but it may be shown on a de
narius (B .M . C oins, R om . R ep. 2 :1 4 no. 4348).
K aiser Augustus und die v erloren e R ep u blik (show
catalogue, Berlin 1988, Mainz 1988), 2 2 4 25 (E.
Nedergaard).
Arcus O ctaviani (2): see Arco di Portogallo.
Arcus O ctavii: Pliny (H N 36 .3 6 ) says that Augus
tus dedicated to the honor of his father a work of
Lysias, a quadriga with figures of Apollo and Diana
carved from a single block of stone. This was in an
aedicula adorned with columns atop an arch on the
Palatine. Clearly this arch served simply as a base
and was not triumphal, and the aedicula was prob
ably more a canopy than anything else. This Lysias
may be identical with the Lysias who was the son of
Pyrrhandros of Chios, known from his signature on
the acropolis of Lindos, but is otherwise unknown.
H istoria 3 7 (1988): 3 4 7 -5 1 (F. S. Kleiner).
Arcus Panis Aurei: an arch in C ap itolio mentioned
in the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 0 ; V Z 3.1 9 ), otherwise
unknown, but see Arcus M . Aurelii.
Arcus Pietatis: an arch in the Campus Martius
mentioned in the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 3 0 ; V Z 3.49)
in connection with the Temple of Divus Hadrianus
and the church of S. M aria in Aquiro. Other sources
put it near the church of the Maddalena (Anon.
Magliabech. [Urlichs 1 5 5 ; V Z 4.1 2 2 ] and a will of
1403). After a careful study of the question, Hiilsen
decided that it should span the Via delle Colonnelle
just east of the Maddalena and be an arch that orig
inally led from the forecourt north of the Pantheon
east to the precinct of the Temple of M atidia, a pas
sage of minor importance. He also points out that in
the centuries after a . d . 1000 the name Arcus Pietatis
came to be applied to several monumental arches of
antiquity, including the Arch of Titus. Therefore, it
is possible that we are dealing with more than one
arch here, because the precincts of the temples of Di
vus Hadrianus and Matidia, as well as the Pantheon,
28
can all be presumed to have had monumental en
trances. However, a monumental arch in the middle
of the forecourt of the Pantheon, although proposed
for the Arcus Pietatis by many, is very unlikely.
R endP ontA cc 4 (19252 6): 291303 (C. Hiilsen);
K. de Fine Licht, T h e R otu n da in R om e (Copen
hagen 1968), 2 5 34.
Arcus Pompeii: an arch described by Magister Gre
gorius in the twelfth century (D e M irabilibus 24, VZ
3.1 6 1 ). According to him, it celebrated Pompeys
triumph over Mithridates in 61 B.C . This cannot be
accepted without other support; Magister Gregorius
had a lively imagination and describes monuments
that did not exist outside of it, such as the arch of
Augustus described in great detail just before this
(De M irabilibus 2 2 , V Z 3 .1 5 9 -6 0 ).
Arcus Recordationis: see Arcus Drusi (1).
Arcus Septimii Severi (Figs. 19, 4 0 , 4 1 ): an arch in
the Forum Romanum at the northwest end of the
Sacra Via, in front of, but not on axis with, the Aedes
Concordiae. The inscription on both sides of the at
tic (C IL 6 .1 0 3 3 = IL S 4 2 5 ; cf. C IL 6.3 1 2 3 0 ) states
that the arch was erected by the senate in a . d . 203
to Septimius Severus, Caracalla, and Geta in honor
of conquests in the East. Later the name of Geta in
the fourth line was chiseled away, and further hon
orific titles for Septimius and Caracalla were added
in its place. The bronze letters have been robbed out,
but the matrices for them survive, and the holes for
clamps permit restoration of the original text in the
fourth line. The arch is a triple-fornix arch of Pen-
telic marble on a base of travertine, which was con
cealed by short flights of steps leading up to the arch
on the forum side. In the middle of the fourth cen
tury, the level of the forum in this area was lowered
and much longer stairs were installed, but apparently
in antiquity no road ever ran through the arch. Over
all, the arch measures approximately 25 m wide, 23
m high, and 11.35 m deep. The central arch is 12 m
high and 7 m wide; the side arches are 7 .8 0 m high
and 3 m wide. The side arches communicate with the
central passage by vaulted passages; these, as well as
the other passages, have coffered ceilings.
The openings are framed by fluted columns in
front of pilasters with composite capitals that carry
a deep entablature that breaks out from the face of
the arch over them and runs around all four faces.
The high plinths on which the columns are raised are
embellished on the three exposed faces with reliefs
showing soldiers leading captive barbarians. The
spandrels are filled with river gods over the side
arches and Victorias carrying trophies above figures
of the seasons over the central arch. The keystones

have reliefs of divinities. Just above the keystones of
the side arches runs a narrow frieze showing parts of
a triumphal procession, prisoners presented to the
goddess Roma, groups of soldiers, carts loaded with
the spoils, and allegorical figures representing prov
inces. Above this are four great panels showing pan
oramas of the campaigns in multiple registers woven
together irregularly to produce a vivid confusion.
These are the great glory of the arch, masterpieces of
design.
The inscription fills the whole of the face of the
deep attic, within which there are four vaulted cham
bers accessible by a stair in the southwest pier with a
concealed door in the south end at the height of the
springing of the side arches. The arch is shown on
coins of Septimius and Caracalla surmounted by a
six- or eight-horse chariot carrying Septimius Severus
and Victoria and led by Caracalla and Geta (?). This
group is flanked by equestrian figures facing toward
the ends (Caracalla and Geta?). All trace of these has
disappeared (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 5 .2 1 6 n .3 2 0 ;
R1C 4 .1 2 4 no. 259).
L. Franchi, Ricerche sullarte di et severiana a
Rom a (StM isc 4, Rome 1964), 2 0 - 3 2 ; R. Brilliant,
T h e A rch o f Septim ius Severus in the R om an Forum
(MAAR 29, Rome 1967); Nash 1 .1 2 6 -3 0 ; R end-
PontA cc 5 5 -5 6 (1 9 8 2 -8 4 ): 2 9 9 -3 1 3 (R. Nardi);
R om a, a rch eolog ia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .3 4 4 0 (R.
Masini et al.), 4155 (R. Nardi).
Arcus Septimii Severi (in Foro Boario), Arcus
Argentariorum, Monumentum Argentariorum
(Fig. 3 7 .1 8 ): modern names given to a post-and-lin-
tel monumental doorway of marble on a travertine
base at the southwest corner of the faade of the
church of S. Giorgio in Velabro, the campanile being
in part supported by one pier and encasing two of
its sides in its masonry. The inscription (C IL
6.1035 = IL S 4 2 6 ; cf. C IL 6.31232) declares that it
was erected in a . d . 2 0 4 by the argentarii et n eg o
t i a t e s b o a rii huius lo c i qui invehent. Here qu i inveh-
ent is a later correction, and probably invehent
should be invehunt, while b oarii is probably only a
place designation. The dedicators are probably the
auctioneer/bankers and wholesale merchants of the
district (see Forum Boarium), and this is probably
the entrance to their collegiate schola. The dedica
tion was made to Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Geta,
Julia Domna, Fulvia Plautilla (wife of Caracalla),
and Fulvius Plautianus (father-in-law of Caracalla).
Following the murder of Plautianus and his damna-
tio memoriae in 2 05 , his name and titles were erased;
following the murder of Plautilla in 2 1 1 , so were
hers, and other honorific titles of Caracalla were sub
stituted. Following the murder of Geta in 2 1 2 , his
name was erased and other substitutions made. The
ARCUS T IB E R II
monument is 6.15 m high and the same in width
overall, the opening 3 .3 0 m wide.
The decoration of the marble posts is very rich.
The main face on the Vicus Tuscus (?) showed single
large figures, bearded and togate, above small panels
of animals being led to sacrifice, framed by pilasters
with composite capitals. The pilasters are decorated
with busts, and the inscription is flanked by reliefs of
Hercules and the Genius Populi Romani. The most
important reliefs are those of the reveals. They
showed Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, and Geta
sacrificing on a tripod on one, and Caracalla, Fulvia
Plautilla, and Fulvius Plautianus on the other. As
those shown suffered damnatio memoriae, their fig
ures were chiseled away. Below the main panels were
scenes of sacrifice of large cattle; above are Victorias
and garlands. The pilasters on these faces are deco
rated with acanthus scrolls. On the visible end (west)
is a group of two legionary soldiers and two Oriental
captives above a panel showing a drover and below
a panel of camilli flanking a thymiaterion. The north
face is without reliefs or elaborate decorative carv
ing, an indication that it was not on public view.
D. E. L. Haynes and P. E. D. Hirst, Porta A rgen
tariorum (London 19 3 9 ); M. Pallottino, L a rco degli
argentarii (Rome 19 4 6 ); Nash 1 .8 8 -9 1 .
Arcus Stertinii: see Fornices Stertinii.
Arcus Stillans: an ancient landmark identified by
the scholiast on Juvenal 3.11 as an aqueduct crossing
the valley between the Caelian and Aventine on or
inside Porta Capena. This would have to have been
a bridge of the Aqua M arcia, although no trace of
such a bridge has ever been found. The identification
is then repeated in the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 5 ; VZ
3.23) of the twelfth century. But it is a misidentifica-
tion to explain Juvenals phrase m ad id a m q u e Ca-
pen am . Marchetti Longhi (R endP ontA cc 3 [ 1 9 2 4 -
25]: 1 4 3 -9 0 ) has shown that in a spurious bull of
Paschal II of 1116, in which local names have been
taken from authentic documents, the reference to a
church in u rbe R o m a ecclesiam S. Lau ren tii d e /////
qu e est iuxta arcum stillantem cum om n ibu s perti-
nentiis suis et om n es curtes qu as h abetis in regione
S ch ole G rece must be to a church near the Tiber not
far from the Pons Aemilius. The Arcus Stillans must
then be the arch at Porta Romana (or Romanula) u bi
ex epistylio defluit a q u a (Festus 318L).
Arcus Tiberii: a single-fornix arch erected in a .d .
16 p ro p ter a ed em Saturni, to commemorate the re
covery of the standards of Varus captured by the
Germans in a . d . 9 (Tacitus, Ann. 2.41). It stood near
the northwest corner of the Basilica Iulia beside the
street along the southwest side of the forum, which
29
ARC U S T IB E R II (IN C A M PO M A R T IO )
narrows here to accommodate it, and is represented
on the Arch of Constantine (LOrange and A. von
Gerkan, pi. 14). It stood above the level of the forum
and probably could be reached only by a stair of a
few steps. The inscription has been recovered in frag
ments (CIL 6 .9 0 6 , 3 1 4 2 2 , 3 1 5 7 5 ), and the concrete
foundations, found in excavations in 1900, were 9 m
wide and 6 .3 0 m deep.
B u llC om 31 (1903): 1 6 3 -6 4 (D. Vaglieri); Lugli
1946, 1 5 1 -5 2 ; Nash 1 .1 3 1 -3 2 .
Arcus Tiberii (in Campo M artio): mentioned
only by Suetonius (Claud. 11.3), who says a marble
arch was decreed by the senate to Tiberius iuxta
(near) the Theater of Pompey, verum om issum , and
completed by Claudius. It is quite uncertain where it
stood.
Arcus Tiburii or Diburi: evidently a corruption of
the word D ivorum (q.v.) and a medieval designation
for the monumental arch by which this was entered,
remains of which were still standing in the eleventh
century.
R m M itt 18 (1903): 2 8 - 3 0 (C. Hlsen); HJ 5 6 6 -
67.
Arcus Titi (1) or Arcus Vespasiani et Titi: erected
by the senate in a . d . 8 0 -8 1 to commemorate the
capture and destruction of Jerusalem. The inscrip
tion is preserved only in the Einsiedeln sylloge (C IL
6 .944 = IL S 26 4 ), where it is reported to have been
found on an arch in the Circus Maximus. There is
no reason to doubt this, and the probability is that
this was an arch at the apex of the sphendone of the
circus.
Arcus Titi (2) (Figs. 63, 90, 9 2 ): a single-fornix
arch still standing, though much restored, in sum m a
Sacra Via (but probably not to be identified with the
Arcus in sum m a Sacra Via shown on the relief of the
Haterii in the Vatican Museum [Helbig4 1.1076]). It
was erected to Titus after his death, as the inscription
(C IL 6.945 = IL S 265) informs us, to commemorate
the capture of Jerusalem. The reliefs of the reveals
show the princeps as triumphator in a quadriga and
the spoils of the temple of Solomon. A relief in the
crown of the coffering of the ceiling shows the
apotheosis of Titus. Bronze elephants that are
known to have been on the Sacra Via in a . d . 5 3 5 -
5 36 (Cassiodorus, Var. 10.30) very likely belonged
to a quadriga showing the deified princeps in glory,
an iconography familiar from coins. The arch is not
mentioned in ancient literature, and in the medieval
period it was built into a fortress of the Frangipani.
In 1822 it was freed from the constructions around
30
it and restored by Valadier, the missing portions
being reproduced in travertine.
The foundations rest on the pavement of the Cli-
vus Palatinus; it has therefore been supposed that it
originally stood farther north and was removed and
rebuilt in its present location at the time of the con
struction of the Temple of Venus et Roma. However,
it is more likely that it simply stands on a pre-
Neronian pavement and was hemmed in by the
nearby parts of the Domus Aurea. It is 13.50 m wide,
4.75 m deep, and 15.40 m high; the archway is 5.36
m wide and 8 .3 0 m high. The whole was faced with
Pentelic marble. On each side of the arch is a pair of
engaged columns with fluted shafts and composite
capitals, one of the earliest uses of this order. In each
pier, in lieu of reliefs, is a rectangular, windowlike
niche. The spandrels have reliefs of flying Victorias;
the keystones show figures probably representing
Virtus (toward the Colosseum) and Honos. On the
frieze of the entablature running around the arch
was shown the triumphal procession at small scale in
very high relief. Only part of the frieze on the east
face is preserved, perhaps one-quarter of the whole,
but among the things shown is a river god on a fer-
culum, believed to represent the Jordan River. De
spite its simplicity, the arch is a remarkably harmo
nious structure of elegant proportions, a model for
single-fornix arches for the next century.
Nash 1 .1 3 3 -3 5 ; R om M itt 82 (1975): 9 9 -1 1 6 (F.
M agi); R om M itt 84 (1977): 3 3 1 -4 7 (F. Magi);
B u llC om 88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 9 2 -9 3 (E. Rodriguez
Almeida); M . Pfanner, D er T itusbogen (Mainz
1983).
Arcus de Tosectis: the popular name for a marble
arch cited by the Anonymous Magliabechianus in
the early fifteenth century (Urlichs 1 5 4 ; V Z 4.120).
It is possible that the Arcus Novus of Diocletian (see
Arcus Novus) near the church of S. Maria in Via
Lata is meant (HJ 470). The Arcus de Tosectis was
ruinous at the time of the Anonymous Magliabechi
anus, and the inscription could not be made out, but
he believed it was built for Antoninus Pius (see VZ
3 .1 9 -2 0 n .6 ).
Arcus ad Tres Falciclas, Tripolis, and Trofoli:
late popular names applied to the Arco di Portogallo
(q.v.) found in the L ib er Pontificalis (cf. Jordan
2 .4 1 5 -1 6 ).
Arcus Traiani: see Forum Traiani.
Arcus Divi Traiani: listed in the regionary cata
logues in Regio I, perhaps the Arco di Druso just in
side the Porta S. Sebastiano (Porta Appia). One notes

especially the steep and strongly marked pediment
thrust forward from the face of the arch and sup
ported on freestanding columns to either side, which
are Trajanic features (but see Richmond, 1 3 8 -3 9 ).
The Arco di Druso was built into the Aqua Alexan
d r i a and carried the aqueduct across the Via Appia.
This must be the Forma Iovia (or Iobia) of the Ein-
siedeln itinerary (but see M em L in c, ser. 3 .4 [1880]:
3 1 8 -1 9 [R. Lanciani]). If Lanciani is right that the
name Iovia came to be applied to the whole system
of the M arcia, that must have been later, for the itin
erary distinguishes between them (see VZ 2.173).
The arch shown on coins of a . d . 1 0 4 111 (B . M.
Coins, R om . E m p. 3: Trajan nos. 8 4 2 - 4 6 pi. 3 1 .6
9), often thought to be this arch, is now believed to
be a Trajanic rebuilding of the entrance to the Area
Capitolina, as the inscription i o m proclaims.
Nash 1 .7 9 -8 0 .
Arcus Divi Veri (Parthici, N o t.): listed in the re-
gionary catalogues in Regio I together with the Arcus
Traiani and Arcus Drusi, so probably an arch span
ning the Via Appia, but nothing is known about it.
A relief in the Museo Torlonia possibly showing the
submission of barbarians to Lucius Verus has been
associated with it (S. Reinach, R ep ertoire d e reliefs
grecs et rom ains, 3 vols. (Paris 1 9 0 9 -1 2 ), 1.249; F.
Matz and F. von Duhn, A n tike B ild w erke in R om
[Leipzig 1882], 3 .4 2 43 no. 3526) but without suf
ficient reason. Hlsen (HJ 216) supposes the arch
may have lain outside the Porta S. Sebastiano near
the Almo.
Arcus Vespasiani et Titi: see Arcus Titi (1).
Area: see Forum , Area, Compitum.
Area Apollinis: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio I. It is possibly what is shown on fragment 469
of the Marble Plan inscribed ] r e a a p o [ . This can be
read as a square altar or statue base mounted on a
podium approached by two flights of four steps on
opposite sides, which seems to have stood in a large
open area. But this fragment has recently been
assigned by Rodriguez (Rodriguez 99 and pi.
14; cf. FUR pi. 50) to the Area Apollinis on the Pala
tine.
Area Calles: added by the N otitia to the Area Apol
linis et Splenis of Regio I. The reading is very doubt
ful, and the monument is otherwise unknown.
Area Callisti: a place designation found inscribed
on a late antique slave collar as Ara Callisti (C IL
15.7193). It has been supposed to be in the Transti-
A R E A C A P IT O L IN A
berim near the church of S. Maria in Trastevere,
which was founded by Pope Calixtus I in 2 1 7 -
222. He was believed to have been martyred in
the near vicinity, and the present church of S. Cal-
listo is thought to stand on the site of his house
(HCh 234).
Area Candidi: mentioned only in the N otitia as a
place in Regio VI, listed following X Tabernae and
Gallinae Albae. It is therefore commonly put toward
the south end of the Viminal near the church of S.
Pudenziana (HJ 374). As an area, it should have been
an open space or square, rather than a district.
Area Capitolina (Fig. 19): the precinct of the /
Temple of luppiter Optimus Maximus (Capitolinus)
on the southern summit of the Capitoline Hill. It
seems to have surrounded the temple and to have
been irregular, created by the construction of retain
ing walls following the configuration of the hill and
by leveling the area inside these (Livy 2 5 .3 .1 4 ; Veil.
Pat. 2 .3 .2 ; A. Gellius 2 .1 0 .2 ). It was enlarged at least
once, in 388 B .C . (Livy 6.4.12) and was regarded as
an impressive accomplishment. Along the front and
sides of the temple the space would have extended
about 3 0 40 m, perhaps more in front, while in
back, toward the Campus Martius, it was narrow,
but sufficient for a processional way (Pliny, H N
8.161). Probably when other temples were added,
annexes were added to accommodate them.
The principal entrance was in the middle of the
southeast side, the terminus of the Clivus Capitoli
nus opposite the faade of the temple and the Fores
Capitolini (Suetonius, Aug. 9 4 .9 ; Tacitus, Hist.
3.71). The Porta Pandana (q.v.) must have been a
secondary entrance, perhaps at the top of the Cen
tum Gradus (q.v.). The area was surrounded by a
wall and was closed at night and guarded by dogs
under the charge of a temple attendant, in whose
quarters Domitian hid when the Capitoline fell to the
assault of the Vitellians (Cicero, R ose. Am. 5 6 ; A.
Gellius 6 .1 .6 ; Tacitus, Hist. 3.74). Geese sacred to
Juno were also kept in the area (Cicero, R ose. Am.
5 6 ; Dion. Hal. 13.7). Under the surface of the area
were subterranean chambers called favissae, in
which damaged material from the temple, old dedi
cations, and dedications that could not be displayed
were deposited (R om a sotterran ea 2 7 1 -7 5 [A. Cas-
satella]). These could not be tampered with (Paulus
ex Fest. 78L ; A. Gellius 2 .1 0 .2 ). Porticoes lined part
of the edge of the area on the interior, at least toward
the front, some of them built by Scipio Nasica as
censor in 159 b . c . (Veil. Pat. 2 .1 .2 ; Tacitus, Hist.
3.71).
Within the Area Capitolina were numerous build-
31
A R E A C A R B O N IA N A
ings: the Casa Romuli, the Aedes Tensarum, the Tri
bunal Vespasiani, Titi et Domitiani, a library and an
atrium publicum, as well as several temples: of Fides,
luppiter Feretrius, Iuppiter Custos, Iuppiter Tonans,
Ops, Mars Ultor (?), Fortuna Primigenia (?), and
probably Mens and Venus Erucina (qq.v.). Some of
these may have stood only briefly; others were im
portant and venerable. The Temple of Fides was
probably near the southwest corner of the precinct.
There were also many altars, in addition to the great
altar of Jupiter: to Iuppiter Sutor, Isis et Serapis, Bel-
lona, Genius Populi Romani (together with Felicitas
and Venus Victrix), Gens Iulia, and possibly Indul-
gentia (qq.v.).
There were many statues of divinities in the area
and in the temples (Servius a d Aen. 2.3 1 9 ). One of
Jupiter of colossal size was erected by Sp. Carvilius
in 293 B .C ., so large that it could be seen from the
precinct of Iuppiter Latiaris on the Alban Mount
(Pliny, H N 3 4 .3 4 and 43). Another mounted on a
column was enlarged and turned to the east in 63
B .C . (Cicero, Cat. 3 .2 0 ; Div. 1 .2 0 ; Cass. Dio 37.9.1
and 3 4 .3 - 4 ; Obsequens 61). In 305 B.C . a colossus
of Hercules was dedicated there (Livy 9 .4 4 .1 6 ), and
in 2 09 a bronze colossus of Hercules by Lysippus
from Tarentum (Plutarch, F abius M axim us 2 2 .6 ;
Pliny, H N 3 4 .4 0 ; Strabo 6.3.1 [278]). There were
statues of Mars (Cass. Dio 4 1 .1 4 .3 ), Liber Pater (C IL
16.10), Iuppiter Africus (C IL 16.21, 31) and Neme
sis (Pliny, H N 1 1 .2 5 1 , 28 .2 2 ). Statues of distin
guished Romans were frequently erected in the area,
probably both in the open area and in the various
temples. Those in the open area seem to have in
cluded a set of statues of the kings of Rome and Bru
tus (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 5 .3 - 4 ; Asconius a d Scaur. [Stangl
29]; Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 2 -2 3 , 3 3 .9 -1 0 and 2 4 ; Appian,
B ellC iv 1.16), L. Scipio (Cicero, Rabir. 2 7 ; Val. M ax.
2.6.2), M. Aemilius Lepidus (Val. M ax. 3.1 .1 ), the
Metelli (Cicero, Att. 6 .1 .1 7 ), Q. Marcius Rex (C IL
16.4), T. Seius (Pliny, H N 18.16), Pinarius N atta (Ci
cero, Div. 2.4 7 ), Domitian (Suetonius, D om . 13.2),
Claudius (S.H.A. C laud. 3.4), Aurelian (S.H.A. Tac.
9.2). Periodically these became so numerous that
some had to be removed; Augustus transferred a
number to the Campus Martius (Suetonius, Calig.
34.1).
Trophies of victory (Marius: Plutarch, C aes. 6 .1 ;
Suetonius, lul. 11; Germanicus: C IL 16.32) and vo
tive offerings of every sort were thickly strewn here.
A wholesale clearance of these was ordered in 179
B .C . and again under Augustus (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .3 ; Sue
tonius, Calig. 34.1). Bronze tablets containing trea
ties and laws and military diplomas were commonly
fastened to the walls of buildings, statue bases, al
tars, and so forth; these must have been removed pe
riodically. It is difficult to see how the clutter was
32
kept from interfering with the functioning of the
temple.
Lugli 1946, 1936.
Area Carboniana: known only in Christian
sources, an area somewhere on the Caelian (Jordan
2 .1 2 0 ; H J 253).
Area Carruces: mentioned only in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio I. Probably it was the
square where travelers left their horse-drawn vehicles
for litters. With it must have been connected the
Schola Carrucarum (or better Carrucariorum), or
headquarters of those engaged in transportation (cf.
Dig. 19.2.13), known from an inscription. The
whole question was carefully investigated by Schnei
der Graziosi (B ullC om 4 0 [1912]: 2 0 4 22), who
concluded that the area should lie between Porta Ap-
pia and the Temple of Mars.
Area Concordiae: see C oncordia, Aedes.
Area M acari: known only from an inscription on a
circular bronze plate: in region e quinta in area M a
cari (C IL 1 5 .7 1 7 4 = IL S 8726), so presumably some
where on the Esquiline.
Area Palatina: an open square before the Palatine
palace, where people gathered to await the Salutatio
Caesaris (A. Gellius 4 .1 .1 , 2 0 .1 .1 ). Because Gellius
says people of every order gathered in great numbers,
we must suppose it was a place of some size and per
haps given architectural definition. The only satisfac
tory space seems to be the level area at the top of the
Clivus Palatinus leading up from Summa Sacra Via,
where an area between the Domus Augustiana and
Domus Tiberiana was left unencumbered to enhance
the view of the faade of the Domus Augustiana (Fig.
63). The princeps might have made his appearance
on the gallery above the colonnade here. It is listed
in the N otitia for Regio X . It is probably not the area
mentioned by Josephus (A ntlud 19.223) as an open
space in the palace near the public land; more prob
ably that was an area or courtyard near the entrance
to the imperial enclave (cf. Josephus, A ntlud
1 9.117). There was also presumably much more
public space on the Palatine in the time of Claudius
than there was in the time of Antoninus Pius.
Whether the Forum Palatinum of the Einsiedeln syl-
loge ( 2 4 - C I L 6 .1 1 7 7 = IL S 776) is the same as the
Area Palatina is very doubtful.
HJ 6 6 ; Lugli 1946, 4 7 1 -7 2 .
Area Pannaria: mentioned only in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio I, but probably to be con
nected with the Campus Lanatarius (better Lanar-

ius?) of Regio X II. They might have been open
squares on either side of the Via Appia where mar
kets in wool and cloth were held. If so, they were of
a certain antiquity, because the word cam pus usually
indicates land outside the pomerium.
Area R adicaria: M arked on the Marble Plan (FUR
pi. 15; Rodriguez pi. 1) and listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio X II, it seems to have opened off
the Via Appia to the southwest, just beyond the
Baths of Caracalla. It may have been isolated by
streets and been, like the Area Sacra of Largo Argen
tina, a row of temples and dedications (less likely
tombs, in view of the area left free in front of them),
an interpretation that its location, a little outside
Porta Capena, makes more attractive. If so, we must
presume that Septimius Severus, when he created the
Via Nova leading to the Septizodium, blocked off the
old course of the Via Appia at various points and
converted it into a minor public way giving access to
public buildings and areas in the hinterland of the
new artery. The epithet Radicaria is obscure; pre
sumably it is derived from radix.
Area Sacra di Largo Argentina (Fig. 8): an area
of the southern Campus Martius in which stands a
row of temples of medium size, more or less aligned,
but without other clear relationship. Because they
stand between the Villa Publica (q.v.) and the Circus
Flaminius, it is presumed they are on the line of the
beginning of most, if not all, triumphal processions
and were all the offerings of successful generals. Four
temples have been uncovered, and more may extend
the line to the south, even to double this number. The
area is bounded on the north by the Hecatostylon
(q.v.), and on the east by a portico identified by some
as one of the Porticus Minuciae (q.v.), although the
case is not a strong one, beyond which is another
Porticus Minucia containing a large temple, presum
ably that of the Lares Permarini (q.v.). Just behind
the temples on the west lie the annexes of the Thea-
trum Pompeii (q.v.), probably including the Curia
Pompeii, where Caesar was murdered, but to the
south there is nothing for some distance, at least as
far as Piazza Costaguti.
The two northernmost of the temples were always
known, remains of the northernmost, known as
Temple A, having been built into the fabric of the
church of S. Nicola aCesarini, while a few battered
columns of the circular temple next to it, Temple B,
could be seen in a courtyard next door. These also
appear on a fragment of the Marble Plan (FUR pi.
3 2 ; Rodriguez pi. 28). Work here began in the sum
mer of 1926 with the object of enlarging Via Arenula
and its juncture with Corso Vittorio Emanuele and
has continued intermittently ever since, although the
AREA SACRA D I LA RG O A R G EN TIN A
main work of clearing down to the ancient levels was
completed and the area inaugurated as a monument
by the spring of 1929.
The oldest of the temples is probably Temple A,
because it seems to have begun as a small shrine on
a very high platform of Grotta Oscura tufa that was
subsequently enlarged in order to bring it into equal
importance with Temple C. In its first phase it was
prostyle, presumably tetrastyle, with a relatively
shallow pronaos and a deep rectangular cella. Across
the whole width of the faade a long stair of ap
proach, calculated as eighteen steps, laid on a system
of five sleeper walls, led down to a rectangular plat
form raised four steps above the surrounding ground
level, in the center of which stood the altar, evidently
rectangular, with its long axis on the axis of the
temple. Little remains of the temple of this phase,
especially because somewhat later the podium was
remodeled and a facing in blocks of Monteverde tufa
added to its top courses. This consisted of a base step
with a pronounced offset, a base molding of a fine,
slightly flattened, cyma recta above a high step, a
plain die with wide drafted margins, and a crown
molding of cyma reversa profile. Originally there was
no base molding, only an offset, and the character of
the crown molding is unknown. The date of the first
phase is almost certainly third century B .C ., whereas
the facing of Monteverde tufa and the replacement
of the original altar with a fine one of peperino must
be second century. Later, to bring the temple into line
with the architecture of Temple C, a ring of columns
of Anio tufa was added to make it peripteral, hex-
astyle, with nine columns on the flanks. These col
umns have Attic bases and were probably Corin
thian. At this time a new stair of approach was
installed and the altar platform raised. The stair was
now only ten steps high. Presumably this general
raising of the level was in response to repeated flood
ing in the area.
Temple C, although only a little younger than
Temple A and very similar to it in construction, was
from the beginning a much larger edifice, although
the altar platform in front of it was made to conform
in size to that of Temple A, in part doubtless because
of the space available. It stood on a very high plat
form of Grotta Oscura tufa, trimmed at the crown
with a flattened cyma reversa molding, but at the
base with only a simple offset. It was peripteral sine
p o stico with very widely spaced columns, four on the
faade, and five and an anta on each flank. The pron
aos was relatively shallow, and the cella was a deep
rectangle. Because there is no statue base, it is pre
sumed that the cult image was terracotta. Originally
the width of the faade was covered by the stair of
approach, twenty steps in all, leading down to the
altar platform, like that of Temple A lifted four steps
33
 A R EA SACRA D I LA RG O A R G EN T IN A
G eneral Plan
above the surrounding area. Stair and altar platform
were carried on sleeper walls, and the stair is not in
bond with the podium of the temple. Four clear
pavements can be distinguished in the altar platform.
The oldest altar stands on the second pavement; it is
a fine peperino replacement installed by A. Post
mius Albinus in conformance with a Lex Plaetoria
(IL L R P 121). This was subsequently buried and pre
served in excellent condition. The temple platform
was emptied, but no complete account of the con
tents has been published. It was found that older
construction in the area, notably a drain, runs
obliquely under the oldest level of the altar platform.
The original date of the temple is not fixed, but a
date in the third century B.C . seems indicated by the
material and style.
The round temple between A and C, Temple B, is
much later in date. It was peripteral from the begin
ning, cella and peripteros walls having heavy foun
dations of concrete faced with fine opus incertum.
Although the area under the cella was emptied to the
bottom, no earlier construction was found until the
original floor of this area of the time of the first con
struction of Temples A and C was reached, where a
wall trace of blocks of cappellaccio was found
aligned with those temples and cutting a chord
across the cella from west to east. Its nature remains
obscure. The temple itself stood on a low podium of
34
tufa with elaborate base and crown moldings. The
eighteen columns are Corinthian, tufa shafts with
Attic bases and Corinthian capitals of travertine. It
is preceded by a shallow rectangular porch, only
large enough to straighten the stair, and a stair cal
culated as having been originally of thirteen steps. To
either side of the stair is added a wing from which a
second wing runs out perpendicular to the stair to
either side, perhaps to hold statuary or dedications,
perhaps also a boundary for an altar precinct. At the
time of the construction of Temple B, the level of the
whole area was raised, the old altars of Temples A
and C buried, and the whole repaved with tufa at a
uniform level. At some later time the cella wall was
destroyed, a new wall run between the columns, and
an apron added to the back parts of the circumfer
ence to make an ampler podium. This work was car
ried out in thin slabs of tufa over a fill of rubble. At
this time an immense statue base was installed, evi
dently to carry the great acrolithic image of a god
dess of which the head, right arm, and foot were
found.
In many ways Temple D, which could not be ex
cavated completely, is the most mysterious of the
four. It embraces in its podium elements of an earlier
shrine with a stair descending to the level of the orig
inal construction of Temples A and C, but of this
little is known, except that it was smaller than the
 A R EA SACRA D I SANT O M O B O N O

C A P I T O L I V M
present building. The present building dates from the
time of the general pavement of the area in tufa in
the first century B .C . The temple is very large, with
foundations of Roman cement, and its podium is
very high, approached by a stair of travertine. The
pronaos is very deep, but without any trace of col
umns or column footings. The heavy cella walls are
faced with brick and have fluted pilasters of stucco
on the exterior and a line of tufa blocks along the
base on the interior. There are remains of marble
pavement in both pronaos and cella and a massive
marble threshold for an enormous door. The size of
cella and pronaos and the lack of evidence of col
umns suggest that the temple was hypaethral.
The area burned in the fire of Titus in a . d . 80 and
was restored under Domitian. At that time the level
was again raised and repaved with blocks of traver Figure 9
tine, the last general rehandling of the precinct. Sub Area Sacra di
sidiary structures were added from time to time that San tO m o bo n o, Plan
eventually came to fill most of the space between and o f the Twin Tem ples,
FORVM BOARIVM Final Phase
behind the temples. These we can think of as sacris
ties and accommodations for the temple attendants.
A portico of slender Ionic columns, rather widely
spaced, runs along the northern flank of Temple A at
a slight angle to its axis and has rooms behind it.
These are all clearly of late date but replace an earlier
portico to be associated with the first general pave
ment in tufa. Along the whole east side of the area
runs a series of piers having engaged columns on
their eastern faces and fluted pilasters on their west
ern ones. There is no indication of a propylaeum or
other entranceway in what has been uncovered, the
stretch from the northern extremity to a point in
front of the northern flank of Temple C. This portico
is associated with the Domitianic pavement in trav
Figure 10
ertine, but is a replacement for another associated
Area Sacra di
with the pavement in tufa. S a n tO m o bo n o,
Although the dates and sequence of building in Plan o f the A rchaic
this complex are fairly well understood, the identity Tem ple (Restored)
of the divinities to whom these temples belonged is
very much disputed. Temple B is widely recognized
as Lutatius Catuluss temple of Fortuna Huiusce Diei chetti Longhi); F. Coarelli, I. Kajanto, U. Nyberg,
(q.v.) on the basis of evidence in Varro and appro and M . Steinby, L area sacra di largo Argentina
priate form and construction. Whether the acrolith (Rome 1981); M EFRA 9 7 (1986): 5 3 2 - 4 2 (M.-B.
represents that goddess is debated. If the analysis of Carre and C. Virlouvet), 98 (1986): 6 2 3 -4 1 (A.
Temple D as hypaethral is correct, it seems likely to Ziolkowski).
belong to Iuppiter Fulgur (q.v.). But for the older
temples, A and C, there is simply no firm evidence, A rea S a cra di S a n tO m o b o n o (Figs. 9 ,1 0 , 11,
and a great many divinities are known to have had 3 7 .1 0 ): an area at the foot of the Capitoline Hill on
temples in the Campus Martius. the ridge between the Forum Romanum and Forum
B u llC om 60 (1932): 2 5 3 -3 4 6 (G. Marchetti Lon- Boarium, closer to the latter but inside the line of the
ghi), 61 (1933): 1 6 3 -9 4 (G. Marchetti Longhi), 64 Servian Walls. It is bounded on the north by the an
(1936): 8 3 -1 3 9 (G. Marchetti Longhi), 76 (1 9 5 6 - cient Vicus Iugarius under the modern street of the
58): 4 5 -1 1 8 (G. Marchetti Longhi), 81 (1 9 6 8 -6 9 ): same name and on the east by a street that branched
1 1 5 -2 5 (I. Iacopi), 82 (1 9 7 0 -7 1 ): 7 -6 2 (G. M ar from the Vicus Iugarius, which need not be of high
chetti Longhi); M EFRA 82 (1970): 1 1 7 -5 8 (G. Mar- antiquity. The other boundaries are less certain be

35
 A R EA SACRA D I SA N T O M O B O N O
Figure 11
Area Sacra di
S a n tO m o b o n o ,
Faade o f the A rch aic
Tem ple (R estored)
cause, although the sacred precinct here is well de
fined, the nature of the adjacent areas is by no means
entirely clear. The excavation of the area was begun
in 1937 in preparation for the laying of foundations
for a large government building along the east side
of the Via del Teatro di M arcello (Via del Mare).
With the discovery of important remains of antiquity
in the area that project was abandoned and the area
surrendered to archaeology, which has pushed exca
vation to its modern boundaries but not gone be
yond these, except on the north, where the search for
the Porta Carmentalis and for connection with ar
chitectural remains on the north side of the Vicus
Iugarius has led to exploration under a consider
able stretch of the modern street, though with
inconclusive results. Ever since the discovery of
this sanctuary, work has gone on there intermit
tently, notably in 19611964 and 1 9 7 4 -1 9 7 5 ,
when deep stratigraphic soundings were made.
Although much has been written about it, its
temples, and the finds, a definitive report has yet
to appear.
The most important feature is a pair of single-cella
temples set side by side on a large rectangular plat
form walled and paved with tufa. These were evi
dently twins throughout their history and are iden
tified as the temples of Fortuna and M ater Matuta
36
(qq.v.) founded by Servius Tullius. The temples
turned their backs to the Vicus Iugarius, but the pre
cinct was entered from it by a large doorway be
tween them. The celia of the Temple of M ater M a
tuta was built into the church of S. Omobono and
cannot at present be studied in detail, but, because
the temples were twins, the plan can be recon
structed. In their final phase, to be dated after the fire
of 213 B .C . that destroyed the area from the Porta
Trigmina to the Porta Carmentalis (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5),
each consisted of a small celia with a pronaos some
what deeper than the celia, having two pairs of col
umns on the lines of the lateral walls of the celia,
both celia and pronaos enclosed by a wall of tufa
blocks open only in front (south). The suggestion is
that the architectural form, while readily recogniz
able as a temple, was unusual, similar to that of the
temple of the Ara della Regina at Tarquinia and the
temple of Fiesole, great blank walls supporting a
spreading roof over an interior with architectural ar
rangements much like a temple complete in itself.
From the temple one descended three steps to the al
tar platform in front, an area much confused by re
paving at various times, but preserving parts of a
pair of large altars of archaic form on axis with the
temples but facing east.
Deep soundings have been carried down to a

depth of more than 7 m, to virgin earth below any
trace of human habitation. At least six major phases
of construction are distinguished. These include: (1)
a pretemple phase; (2) a first temple of the archaic
period, which in the course of time underwent an
important rebuilding with enlargement and renewal
of the terracotta decoration; (3) a destruction layer
followed by leveling, after which a deep layered fill
containing heterogeneous material, some of which
goes back to the Bronze Age, was laid in (this is
dated to the early fourth century); (4) a construction
level, the first phase of the surviving twin temples
and their altars, with use of blocks of Monteverde
and Anio tufa; (5) a reconstruction following a fire
(almost certainly that of 213 B .C .) with repavement
with flags of Monteverde tufa; and (6) an imperial
repavement in travertine and rebuilding of the area
with commercial establishments following abandon
ment of the sanctuary as a cult center.
The archaeological material recovered from the
deep soundings gives precious testimony to the im
portance of Rome from the beginning of the Iron
Age, if not earlier, as well as a wealth of decorative
and votive material belonging to the temples. O b
jects carved in bone, ivory, and amber, as well as
bronzes, have appeared, and the pottery ranges from
impasto and bucchero through East Greek and Attic
black figure and on through Roman wares. The
temple terracottas are especially impressive and in
clude fragments of two large felines from a pedi
ment, archaic figured friezes, simas, and antefixes.
O f particular interest are a late archaic group of M i
nerva and Hercules at two-thirds life-size, Hercules
wearing his lions skin as though it were a coat belted
at the waist, a fine circular base of peperino, and a
fragmentary inscription that has been restored as a
dedication by M . Fulvius Flaccus from the spoils of
Volsinii in 264 B .C . (cf. Pliny, H N 34.34).
B u llC om 77 (1 9 5 9 -6 0 ): 3 -1 4 3 (A. M. Colim et
al.); 79 (1 9 6 3 -6 4 ): 3 - 9 0 (G. Colonna et al.), QITA
5 (1968): 6370 (P. Somella), 7176 (M. Torelli);
Nash 1 .4 1 5 -1 7 ; PP 32 (1977): 9 -1 2 8 (A. M . Colini
et al.); Coarelli 1988, 2 0 5 -3 0 1 ; L a gran de R o m a dei
Tarquini (1990): 1 1 1 -3 0 (G. Pisani Sartorio, A.
Sommella Mura, et al.).
Area Saturni (Fig. 19): known only from inscrip
tions (C/L l 2.810 = 14.153 = IL S 8 9 2; C IL 6.1265
= ILS 5 9 3 7 ; C IL 8.9249). The lack of space in front
of the Temple of Saturn suggests that the area may
have been an open space behind it, between the Vi-
cus Iugarius and the Clivus Capitolinus, but the
space between the clivus and the base of the Tabular-
ium was also open down to the time of the building
of the Temple of Vespasian. Cf. Jordan 1 .2 .3 6 3 65
A R G E O R U M SA CRARIA
and C IL l 2.5 8 7 , 5 8 9 = IL S 38 (laws that seem to
have been displayed there). It was probably always a
small area, but an association of n eg otiatores had
their headquarters there in the late first century b . c .
Area Splenis: listed in the regionary catalogues
after the Area Apollinis in Regio I and confirmed by
a medieval legend in which thieves who were taking
a miraculous picture of the Virgin from the ancient
church of S. Sisto Vecchio on the Via Appia toward
the Lateran were stopped by supernatural manifes
tations a d locu m qu i dicitur Spleni. There may have
been a shrine to Splen as a divinity (cf. Cicero,
N at.D . 3.6 3 ), or there may have been a connection
of the church of SS. Nereo ed Achille, Tituls Fas-
ciolae, across the Via Appia from S. Sisto Vecchio,
with splenium meaning plaster or bandage. In
that case the Area Splenis must be sought in the im
mediate environs of S. Sisto.
B u llC om 5 4 (1926): 4 9 - 5 3 (C. Hlsen).
Area Volcani (1): see Volcanal.
Area Volcani (2): listed only in the N otitia, in Re
gio IV after the Porticus Apsidata and before the
Aura (Aureum Bucinum). If the sequence is signifi
cant, which is doubtful, it might be in the vicinity of
the Vicus Sandaliarius, northeast of Templum Pacis.
Argeorum Sacraria (Fig. 7 4 ): twenty-seven sa-
craria (cf. Ulpian, Dig. 1 .8 .9 .2 : sacrarium est locus
in q u o sacra reponuntur) at points throughout the
city of the four regions (see Regiones Quattuor).
These were visited on 16 and 17 March (Ovid, Fast.
3 .7 9 1 ; A. Gellius 1 0 .1 5 .3 0 ), though what was done
there at that time is not stated. On the Ides of May
they were visited again in fixed order, probably
counterclockwise, by a procession in which the Fla
men Dialis and Flaminica, the other chief priests, the
Vestals, the praetor urbanus, and those for whom it
was right (th em is: Dion. H al.1.38) to be present
took part. This procession ended on the Pons Subli-
cius, and there the priests threw twenty-seven rush
dolls into the Tiber (Varro, Ling. 7 .4 4 ; Paulus ex
Fest. 14L, 4 5 0 -5 2 L ; Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 3 2 , 86;
Dion. Hal. 1.38). Both the dolls and the sacraria
were called Argei (Livy 1.21.5) or Argea (Paulus ex
Fest. 14L).
In both ancient and modern times, this ceremony
has excited the liveliest interest in students of Roman
religion. Its foundation was ascribed by Livy to
Numa, and by Dionysius to Hercules, and it was
generally regarded as very old. but the partial list of
sacraria, as transmitted by Varro (Ling. 5 .4 5 -5 4 ),
cannot be older than the third century. The Latin is
A R G E O R U M S A C R A R IA
old-fashioned, and Varro was probably quoting
from the official record of the pontifices. It is, in a
slightly edited version, as follows:
Regio Suburana
1st: In Suburanae regionis parte prin ceps est Caelius
m ons.
4th: C aeriolen sis: qu articep s circa M inervium qu a
in C aelio m on te itur in tabern ola est. This appears to
be the neighborhood of the shrine of Minerva Capta
(q.v.). The only ancient roads leading to the top of
the Caelian are those leading to the Porta Caelimon-
tana (Clivus Scauri) and to the Porta Querquetulana.
This should be a minor approach, probably some
where on the slope between the Temple of Divus
Claudius and the church of SS. Quattro Coronati.
The phrase in tabern ola indicates that while the sa-
crarium might best be described by reference to the
temple, it was independent of it.
Regio Esquilina
1st: O ppiu s m on s: p rin cep s Esquilis ovis lacum (or
lucum) facu talem sinistra via secundum m erum est.
The Fagutal is well established to have been at the
western extremity of the Oppius, near the modern
church of S. Francesco di Paola. It is more likely to
have been a single beech tree than a grove; the only
references to a grove are late, and Festus (Paulus ex
Fest. 77L) believed that Fagutal was the name of a
sacellum of Jupiter. M erum is generally believed to
be a corruption of m oeru m (m urum ). The designa
tion is believed to be a wall shrine.
Varro says {Ling. 5 .4 9 -5 0 ) that the Esquiliae, the
second of Rom es early regiones, got its name either
from watch posts of the king or because it was cul
tivated (ex cu lta e) by Servius Tullius. He favors the
latter explanation, because the place-names are in
harmony with it, and as examples he cites the lacus
. . . fagutalis and L aru m Q uerqu etu lan u m sacellum ,
the lucus M efitis et Iu n on is L u cin ae. Perhaps we
should supply aed es before Iunonis. But lacus . . . fa
gutalis was altered by Pomponio Leto, Varros first
editor, to lucus, and he has been followed by every
editor since, I believe wrongly. The reasoning behind
the change is that Varro, in citing places in the list of
the Argei for Regio II, is citing groves, as in citing
those for Regio III, the Collina, he cites colles. I have
no quarrel with this, but it seems to me unlikely that
the copyist of the manuscript would have got the lu
cus M efitis, about which we know from other
sources, right and the lacus fagutalis wrong, since its
name already associates it with a tree or trees. M ore
over, lucus fagu talis amounts to a tautology.
So also in what follows: the manuscripts have
lacum fagu talem , lacum esquilinum , lacum esquil-
inum, and lacum p oeteliu m . For the first three there
38
is no justification for change, since the association
with trees is already implicit in the second element,
and watering places are apt to have been at least as
common as groves from the very beginning and are
apt to have been used as place designators from a
very early period. The variation in the devices on the
standards of the street fountains in Pompeii seems to
have been introduced especially for this purpose. The
last item, however, is puzzling; as a plebeian gentili-
cial name Poetelius is well known in the fifth and
fourth centuries B .C ., but the family died out there
after. The name might be associated with either a lu
cus or a lacus, but here Varro adds the particular
esquiliis as an element of the name, making the as
sociation with trees explicit. On the face of things
there is little justification for altering the manuscript
readings.
3rd: O ppius m on s: terticeps cis lacum (or lucum)
esquilinum ; d ex terio re via in tab ern o la est.
4th: O ppius m on s: qu articep s cis lacum E squ il
inum via d ex terio re in figlinis est. The figlinae should
be potters shops, or perhaps better a potters shop,
but the Esquiline was not particularly noted for the
quality of its clay. It may be that the reference is to
the story of the drunken potter told by Festus
(468L).
5th: C espius m on s: qu inticeps cis lacum Poetelium
E squiliis est. The plebeian Gens Poetelia produced
several distinguished members in the fourth century
B .C ., but the name scarcely appears thereafter.
6th: C espius m on s: sexticeps ap u d a ed em Iunonis
Lu cin ae, u bi aeditu m u s h a b ere solet. The location of
the Temple of Iuno Lucina at the southwestern ex
tremity of the Cispian is well known. It is more puz
zling why it should be in the sacristans lodge, or why
he should occupy a sacrarium.
Regio Collina
3rd: C ollis Q uirinalis: terticeps cis a ed em Quirini. If
one is going counterclockwise, the first two sacraria
would then presumably be on the Viminal, and one
would descend Alta Semita after rounding the head
of the valley between Viminal and Quirinal. The sa
crarium would be east of the Temple of Quirinus.
4th: C ollis Salutaris: qu articep s adversum est f pi-
lonar\ cis aed em Salutis. One would like to see in
the corruption reference to a gateway to the Temple
of Salus, because the hill is not large and the temple
was its main feature.
5th: C ollis M ucialis: qu inticeps ap u d a ed em D ei
Fidi; in d elu bro, u bi aeditu m u s h a b ere solet. (Cf. Re
gio Esquilina 6th.) The Temple of Semo Sancus Dius
Fidius was near the Porta Sanqualis northwest of
modern Piazza Magnanapoli, but no remains are
known.
6th: C ollis L atiaris: sex ticep s in vico In steian o

su m m o ap u d auguraculum aedificiw n solum est. The
Vicus Insteius is known from a flood of water that
burst forth there in 2 1 4 B.C . (Livy 24 .2 0 .8 ) and is
probably to be located just behind the Forum
Traiani. An auguraculum on the lowest lobe of the
Quirinal seems incongruous; the view from it would
have lain chiefly over the valley of the Forum Ro-
manum. If, as the description seems to declare, this
was the only one of the Argei that was an indepen
dent building, it is odd that it is not described in
greater detail.
Regio Palatina
5th: G erm alen se: quinticeps a p u d a ed em R om uli.
This is the same as the Casa Romuli (q.v.) on the
slope along the Scalae Caci (q.v.), perhaps identical
with the Tugurium Faustuli. The Scalae Caci now
seem positively identified, and hut foundations to the
northwest of the head of these have been found, but
the Casa Romuli must have been farther down the
slope toward the Lupercal. Apparently the doll was
kept in the hut. Because the Cermalus was only the
slope of the Palatine and not a well-defined geo
graphical entity, this designation suggests that the
shrines (or dolls) served differently defined units.
6th: Veliense: sexticeps in Velia ap u d aed em deum
Penatium. The Temple of the Penates seems to have
disappeared in the fire of Nero and probably lay
under the platform of Hadrians Temple of Venus et
Roma.
With thirteen of the twenty-seven shrines located for
us, we are in a position to say something about them.
They seem to have been equally distributed among
the four regions, so the missing twenty-eighth must
be due to some calamity or evil omen that caused it
to be dropped. They are not simply places spaced out
at equal intervals around the city; each has, and ap
parently always had, a particular location. That they
are not associated with temples, so that even when
they are in the charge of a sacristan it is he and not
the temple that is specified, suggests that they were
regarded as potentially dangerous. Moreover, some
are located so vaguely that anyone at all unfamiliar
with them would have difficulty finding them, and
all are imprecisely enough defined that even someone
familiar with the ritual might after the lapse of a year
have more than a little trouble locating them. This
vagueness suggests they were to some extent delib
erately hidden and had to be discovered from the
clues given. That the priests threw the dolls in
the Tiber from the Pons Sublicius, therefore into the
river at its greatest strength, suggests this was a rite
of lustration, and so Plutarch (Q u aest. R om . 86) de
scribes it.
Jordan 2 .2 3 7 -9 0 ; L. A. Holland, Jan u s an d the
A R M IL U S T R IU M
B ridge (Rome 1961), 3 1 3 - 3 1 ; PP 26 (1971): 153
66 (G. Maddoli).
Argiletum: The main approach to the Forum Ro-
manum on the northeast, it connected the Subura
and the forum square, debouching between the
Comitium and the Basilica Paulli (Fig. 39). Because
the expansion of the imperial fora gradually ab
sorbed portions of the Argiletum, it is of some im
portance to be able to define its beginning and end
at various periods. For Livy (1.19.2) and Servius (ad
Aen. 7.607) the Ianus Geminus stood a d im um A r
giletum or circa infim um A rgiletum , and a stretch of
roadway with ancient paving still runs along the side
of the Curia today, though in its passage through the
Forum Nervae (Transitorium) its character as a road
was probably obliterated. For Martial the Argiletum
continued northeast of the Forum Transitorium and
was a center of booksellers and cobblers (Martial
1 .2 .7 -8 , 1.3.1, 1 .1 1 7 .9 -1 2 , 2.1 7 ). Probably it was
always the main thoroughfare of the Subura and did
not lose the name Argiletum until it divided into the
Clivus Suburanus and Vicus Patricius. M artials pri-
m ae fau ces Suburae would then be the area just be
hind the Forum Transitorium.
Various fanciful explanations of the name Argile
tum were offered in antiquity, the most popular
being that it derived from a Greek scoundrel (Varro,
Ling. 5 .1 5 7 ; Servius a d Aen. 8.345). Because it was
never called anything else, never via or vicus, and ran
along the side of the Cloaca until the stream was cul-
verted and put under the road in the second century
B .C ., the name may be connected with argilla.
Nash 1 .1 5 1 -5 3 .
Arm amentarium: an armory, evidently connected
with the Colosseum, associated in the regionary cat
alogues with the Spoliarium (q.v.) and Samiarium
(q.v.). It is listed in Regio II. Because we know that
at least one of the individual gladiatorial ludi had its
own armamentarium (C IL 6 .1 0 1 6 4 = IL S 51 5 3 ), we
should perhaps think of this as serving only for the
Colosseum itself.
Armamentarium (in Castris Praetoriis): see
C astra Praetoria.
Armilustrium: a square (Livy 27 .3 7 .4 ) on the Av-
entine where the festival of the Armilustrium was
celebrated annually on 19 October. It is listed first in
Regio X III by the regionary catalogues, and by vari
ous arguments it can be shown probably to have
been on the northwest corner of the hill, northwest
of the church of S. Sabina. It must have contained an
altar, presumably of Mars (Paulus ex Fest. 17L),
probably at its center, and was probably bordered at
AR X
least in part by a portico with square marble pillars
embellished with chu tes d arm es, two of which are
in the octagonal gallery of the Uffizi in Florence
(R om M itt 48 [1933]: 1 -7 3 [I. W. Crous]).
The ceremony of the Armilustrium was the closing
of the war season. The Salii purified the arms of the
Romans by dancing with the ancilia, and trumpets
were blown in accompaniment (Paulus ex Fest. 17L).
There was a sacrifice and probably a dedication of
captured arms to M ars, if there was booty. The Ar
milustrium square gave its name to the Vicus Armi-
lustri, almost certainly the ancient road under the
modern Via di S. Sabina.
R om M itt 48 (1933): 1 -1 1 9 (I. W. Crous); De-
grassi 5 2 3 24.
A rx (Figs. 19, 5 8 ): The fortified summit of the Cap-
itoline Hill, also called Arx Capitolina (Livy 6 .2 0 .9 ,
2 8 .3 9 .1 5 ; Val. M ax. 8 .1 4 .1 ; Tacitus, Hist. 3.71). Be
cause a distinction seems frequently made between
Arx and Capitoline, as, for example, in arce aut C ap-
itolio (Livy 6 .2 0 .1 3 ; Val. M ax. 6.3.1a), it has been
supposed that the arx was the slightly higher north
ern height of the Capitoline Hill, and the Capitoline
proper was the southern height, originally called Sa-
turnius Mons (Varro, Ling. 5.42) or Tarpeius Mons
(Varro, Ling. 5.4 1 ). But arx is a common noun, not
a proper name, and both heights had to be provided
with strong defenses to prevent an enemy from oc
cupying either and hurling missiles from that vantage
point. And the two heights must have had a single
fortification system, which included the saddle be
tween them (cf. Pliny, H N 16.216). This seems ade
quately demonstrated by the stories of the defense of
the Capitoline during the siege of the Gauls and by
Flavius Sabinus against the soldiers of Vitellius (Livy
5 .3 9 .9 -4 3 .3 , 4 6 .8 -4 7 .1 0 ; Tacitus, Hist. 3 .6 9 -7 3 ).
The term arx would have been used especially for
those parts outside the Area Capitolina but within
the fortifications, but the name arx should not apply
to the lower slopes.
The arx was the site of the house of Titus Tatius
(Solinus 1.21) and that of M. Manlius Capitolinus,
which was pulled down in 3 8 4 B .C . At that time it
was decreed that no patrician should thenceforth live
on the arx or Capitoline (Livy 5 .4 7 .8 , 6.2 0 .1 3 ). On
the site of this house was later built the Temple of
luno Moneta (see Iuno Moneta, Aedes). The only
other landmark there was the Auguraculum near the
brow on the southeast, an observation point where
the augurs took the auspices.
In early times, when the comitia centuriata were
held in the Campus Martius, sentinels were posted,
and a flag was flown on the arx and on the Jani-
culum to guard against an unforeseen enemy attack
(Cass. Dio 37 .2 8 ). Servius (ad Aen. 8.1) also tells us
40
that in ancient times in periods of imminent danger
there might be displayed on the Capitoline a red
vexillum to summon the foot soldiers and a blue
one to summon the cavalry. The custom had fallen
out of use by his time, and he adds that other author
ities would have it that a rose-colored vexillum was
a signal of war and a white one was a signal of
comitia.
In imperial times the lower slopes of the hill, ex
cept toward the Forum Romanum, were covered
with commercial and residential buildings, some of
them sizable insula complexes. One brought to light
with the removal of the church of S. Rita de Cascia
in 1927 ran to at least five storeys and extended back
nearly to the Museo Capitolino. Probably such de
velopment ringed most of the hill.
Jordan 1 .2 .1 0 2 15; Lugli 1946, 3 - 5 3 ; Nash
1 .5 0 6 -7 ; A JA H 3 (1978): 1 6 3 -7 8 (T. P. Wiseman).
A rx Tarpeia: an alternative name for the Arx Cap
itolina used by Vergil (Aen. 8.652) and Propertius
(4.4.29).
Asinus Frictus: a place designation used in a
twelfth century document to locate a church of SS.
Cosma e Damiano subject to the convent of S. Er-
asmo, probably the same as that described in a doc
ument of 978 as p osita R o m a e region e 11 iuxta for-
m am C laudia. This would place it on the Caelian,
and the convent lay to the west of S. Stefano Ro-
tondo (HCh 249) and was associated with the
church of S. Tomaso de Formis. It seems possible
that the Asinus Frictus refers to a low passage
through the aqueduct. It might even be a joking
name for the Arcus Dolabellae et Silani (q.v.).
Asylum (Fig. 19): an area on the Capitoline inter
d u os lucos, in the saddle between the two crests of
the hill. The identification of the two groves is en
tirely uncertain. The Asylum took its name from the
tradition that here Romulus welcomed and accepted
into citizenship in the new city all comers eager for a
change in their circumstances (Livy 1 .8 .5 -6 ; Dion.
Hal. 2 .1 5 .3 - 4 ; Strabo 5 .3 .2 [230]). It was a locus
saeptu s (Cicero, Div. 2.40) and respected down at
least to the time of the Flavian defense of the Capitol
against the Vitellians (Tacitus, Hist. 3.7 1 ), but there
seems never to have been any building there. The evi
dence suggests that it was a trapezoidal area imme
diately in front of the Palazzo del Senatore, now
largely taken up by the exterior stairs of the palazzo.
Lugli 1946, 3 8 - 3 9 .
Athenaeum: an assembly hall used especially for
rhetorical and poetical declamations (S.H.A. Perti-
nax 11.3, A lex. Sev. 3 5 .2 , G ordian . 3.4) but also for

other gatherings (Cass. Dio 74.17). Attached to it
was a large library arranged in cunei (Sidon. Apoll.,
Epist. 2 .9 .4 ), perhaps like the library of Timgad. It
was built by Hadrian, but there is no indication of
its location in our sources. Because it was originally
intended as a school of the liberal arts (Aur. Viet.,
Caes. 1 4 .2 -3 ), it should have been a fairly large
building, and because Aurelius Victor puts it at the
beginning of Hadrians reign, we might associate it
with his other early works in Rome, the Temple of
Divus Traianus, the Pantheon, and the Temple of
Diva Matidia. See also Atrium Minervae, for which
this may be another name.
TAPS 80.2 (1990): 4 2 - 4 5 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Atrium: see Domus, Insula, Atrium, etc.
Atria Licinia: large auction halls of the time of Ci
cero, probably near the Forum Romanum, perhaps
northeast of it (Cicero, Q uinct. 12, 2 5 ; Servius a d
Aen. 1.726).
Atria Septem: mentioned only by the Chronogra-
pher of 354 as buildings of Domitian, the first item
in a long and very full list, followed by the Horrea
Piperataria. They have not been identified.
Atrium C aci: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio VIII following the Aquam Cernentem IIII Sca
res and before the Porticus Margaritaria (Curiosum)
and the Vicus Iugarius et Unguentarius, Graecostad
ium, and Porticus M argaritaria (N otitia). This might
indicate a place near the Porta Carmentalis.
Atrium Cyclopis: see Antrum Cyclopis.
Atrium Libertatis: the headquarters of the censors
and a repository for their records and various laws
and documents inscribed on bronze (Livy 4 3 .1 6 .1 3 ,
4 5 .1 5 .5 ; Granius Licinianus 28 .3 6 ). It served as a
place of detention for the hostages from Thurii and
Tarentum in the Second Punic War (Livy 25.7.12)
and was the place where the slaves of Clodius were
examined prior to the trial of M ilo (Cicero, M ilon.
59). In exceptional circumstances it was used for
meetings of the senate. It stood just inside the Porta
Fontinalis, between this and the Forum Iulium, fac
ing on the Clivus Argentarius (Cicero, Att. 4.1 6 .1 4 ).
In 193 B .C ., for the convenience of the censors, a por
tico was built from the gate to the Altar of Mars in
the Campus Martius, where the census was held
(Livy 35 .1 0 .1 2 ). It was restored and enlarged in 194
B.C . (Livy 34.4 4 .5 ) and rebuilt magnificently by Asi-
nius Pollio (Suetonius, Aug. 29 .5 ), who included the
first public library in Rome, containing both Greek
and Latin writers and busts of distinguished writers,
A T R IU M M IN E R V A E
Varro being the only living writer represented (Pliny,
H N 7.115). This was built from the spoils of his Il
lyrian campaign, for which he enjoyed a triumph (Is
idore, Orig. 6 .5 .2 ; Ovid, Trist. 3 .1 .7 1 7 2 ; Pliny, H N
3 5 .1 0). He also embellished it with his very extensive
collection of sculpture, though this seems not to have
been in a special gallery (Pliny, H N 3 6 .2 3 -2 5 and
3 3 -3 4 ). At this time it probably covered much of the
area of the Basilica Ulpia, which was in some sense a
rebuilding of the atrium, commemorated by the in
scription l i b e r t a t i s on the fragment of the Marble
Plan preserving the north apse (FUR pi. 2 8 ; Rodri
guez pi. 21). A contingent of German soldiers was
housed or stationed there during the last days of Gal-
bas reign (Tacitus, Hist. 1.31).
Three inscriptions of the early imperial period re
fer to this atrium: C IL 6 .4 7 0 = ILS 3 7 8 0 , C IL
6 .4 7 2 = IL S 27 4, and C IL 6.1 0 0 2 5 . The second of
these records a restoration by Nerva. Another resto
ration, evidently an important one, was carried out
in the sixth century under Theodoric (C IL
6 .1 7 9 4 = IL S 825), so at least the library appears to
have kept its original name. Ovid (Fast. 4 .6 2 1 24) is
apparently mistaken in giving the dedication day as
13 April; that belongs to the Temple of Iuppiter Li
bertas on the Aventine (Degrassi 440).
R en dL in c, ser. 8.1 (1946): 2 7 6 -9 1 (F. Casta-
gnoli); M EFRA 91 (1979): 6 0 1 -2 2 (M. Bonnejond);
Anderson 2126.
Atrium M aenium: probably a private house,
bought in 184 B .C . by Cato the Elder, together with
four tabernae and the Atrium Titium as land for the
Basilica Porcia. It was in lautum iis (see Lautumiae)
on the Clivus Argentarius, probably a simple atrium
house, the shops being those that would normally
flank a house entrance on a busy thoroughfare. PA
thinks it would have been an office or hall rather
than a house, but at this date there were probably a
good many private houses near the forum. See also
Columna Maenia.
Livy 3 9 .4 4 ; pseudo-Asconius a d Cic. Div. in Caec.
50 (Stangl 201).
Atrium M inervae: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio VIII. Dio (51.22) says that the Chal-
cidicum built by Octavian in conjunction with the
Curia Iulia was also called the Athenaion, and it has
been proposed that Atrium Minervae is simply a
translation of this, or vice versa. But the coins show
ing the Curia Iulia clearly show only a single hall of
the general lines of the curia as rebuilt by Diocletian,
with a light colonnaded porch on a high platform in
front of it and extending to either side. If this is the
Chalcidicum, it would never have been called an
atrium. No one knows exactly what the architectural
41
A T R IU M P U B L IC U M
form of a chalcidicum should be, or precisely what
the word means. In both the examples where we
have good evidence, Leptis Magna and Pompeii, the
chalcidicum is the first member of a complex to be
named and seems to be a colonnaded porch of spe
cial importance (C IL 1 0 .8 1 0 11 = IL S 3 7 8 5 : cbalci-
dicum , cryptam , p orticu s; J. M . Reynolds and J. B.
Ward-Perkins, T h e In scription s o f R om an Tripoli-
tania [Rome 1952], 3 2 4 : calchidicu m et p orticu s et
porta et via). Therefore, all our evidence at present
points to Octavians chalcidicums being the raised
and colonnaded porch shown, which was lacking in
Diocletians building and probably suppressed at the
time Domitian rebuilt the curia.
A measured drawing of the plan of the complex of
the churches of S. Adriano (the Curia Diocletiani)
and S. M artina by Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane
shows a tripartite building, a large apsidal hall (S.
Adriano), a smaller apsidal hall (SS. Luca e Martina),
and an intermediate complex consisting of a long
hall with a row of supports down the middle and a
walled courtyard. All three members were long con
sidered originally ancient. They are identified by
Lugli (Lugli 1946, 1 3 1 -3 8 ) as Curia, Atrium Miner-
vae, and Secretarium Senatus. But we now know that
the Secretarium Senatus was one of the tabernae of
the Forum Iulium (L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze,
eds., In M em oriam : O tto ]. B ren del [Mainz 1976],
1 9 1 -2 0 4 [E. Nash, Secretarium Senatus]). But
study of the plan of Sangallo and the excavated re
mains of the Forum Iulium shows that whereas most
of the walls of S. M artina have no relation to those
of the Forum Iulium, those of the northeast and
southeast sides were based on forum walls and very
likely incorporated in their fabric remains of an an
cient building aligned with the Curia above the ta
bernae of the forum. This suggests that Dio, being
familiar only with the Domitianic rebuilding of the
Curia and such modifications as were made in it and
subsequently to it, did not understand the word ch al
cidicum as used in the R es G estae D ivi August! and
interpreted it to mean the annexes to the curia,
which were the Athenaeum of Hadrian.
On this interpretation, when the curia was rebuilt
by Domitian, the chalcidicum was either suppressed
or moved to the northeast end of the curia, and the
Athenaeum was added by Hadrian.
O puscu la Instituti R o m a e Finlandiae 1 (1982):
2 5 - 4 0 (A. Franchetti); Anderson 4 9 - 5 1 , 1 2 2 -2 5 .
Atrium Publicum: a building in C ap itolio that
lightning struck in 2 1 4 B .C . (Livy 2 4 .1 0 .9 ). This may
be what Polybius (3.26.1) calls the treasury of the
quaestors, with the information that the treaties be
tween Rome and Carthage were kept there in his day.
42
Atrium Regium: mentioned only by Livy as one of
the buildings lost in the fire of 2 1 0 B.C . (Livy
2 6 .2 7 .3 , 2 7 .1 1 .1 6 ). Because this fire burned from the
Lautumiae along the northeast side of the Forum Ro-
manum, and the Temple of Vesta was barely saved
from destruction, this is more likely to be the Regia
than the Atrium Vestae.
A recent attempt to identify the Atrium Regium
with the basilica of Plautus, Cure. 4 7 2 (Arctos 21
[1987]: 1 7 4 -7 6 [E. M . Steinby]), seems unlikely to
be right. It puts the Curculio too early, and the trans
lation of the name into Latin between Plautus and
Livy is hard to account for.
Atrium Sutorium: a building in which the Tubilus-
trium, the solemn purification, with sacrifice of a ewe
lamb, of the trumpets used in sacred rituals, was per
formed on 23 March and 23 May (Degrassi 429,
4 6 0 ; cf. Varro, Ling. 6 .1 4 ; Ovid, Fast. 3 .8 4 9 50,
5 .7 2 5 -2 6 ; Festus 480L ). There is no indication
where the atrium might have been, unless the name
of the Vicus Sandaliarius is a vestige of an original
concentration of shoemaking and it was on or near
this.
Atrium Titium: see Atrium Maenium.
Atrium Vestae (Figs. 12, 13): the building in which
the Vestal Virgins lived (A. Gellius 1 .1 2 .9 ; Pliny, Ep-
ist. 7.1 9 .2 ), except when illness forced them from it,
at which time they were entrusted to the care of some
reputable matron. The name was sometimes ex
tended (cf. Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 6 3 -6 4 ) to include the
group of buildings clustered around the Temple of
Vesta: the Regia, the Domus Publica of the pontifex
maximus (Suetonius, lul. 46), and even the Lucus
Vestae extending in republican times from the base
of the Palatine to the Nova Via (Cicero, Div. 1.101).
Gradually these were encroached on by other build
ings or absorbed into the atrium itself, until in the
early imperial period the only ones surviving were
the Temple of Vesta, Regia, and Atrium, three quite
separate structures. Serviuss statement (ad Aen.
7.153) that the Temple of Vesta was not founded
with inauguration, so the senate could not meet here
but could meet in the Atrium Vestae, is probably
only a bit of antiquarian lore, because we know of
no such meeting and it seems a very unlikely place
for a senate meeting.
The building, almost as large as the Basilica Iulia
and much larger, one would think, than the needs of
the six Vestal Virgins would require, lies between the
Sacra Via and the Nova Via, south and east of the
Temple of Vesta. It has a very complicated building
history, modifications having been introduced in

N O V A V I A
nearly every generation. O f the republican period
there are remains at a lower level and on a com
pletely different orientation at an angle of nearly
forty-five degrees to the walls of the imperial period.
Excavations were first made in 1549, and intensive
exploration of the building was conducted in 1883
and 1 8 9 9 -1 9 0 2 . New excavations were undertaken
there by R. T. Scott beginning in 1987 and still con
tinue.
Rebuilt before the fire of Nero, but part of his re
organization of the Sacra Via, the building seems to
have consisted of a large rectangular court sur
rounded by rooms of various sizes with little inter
communication among them. The cells of the indi
vidual Vestal Virgins seem to have lain along the
north side, the public rooms on the south. Presum
ably the court was colonnaded and contained a gar
den. The eastern reaches are enigmatic but seem to
have been separated off from the rest. Toward the
exterior was a line of tabernae opening to the exte
rior to the east and another opening to a portico to
the north. After the fire of Nero the colonnades of
the court were rebuilt and a large shallow rectangu
lar tank installed in the middle of the open area, pos
sibly for the breeding of fish. M ost of the bank of
individual cells was destroyed and replaced by a
more elaborate group of rooms with a stair to an
A T R IU M V E S T A E
Figure 12
A trium Vestae, Plan o f
Republican and Early
Im perial Rem ains
upper storey, probably leading to new living quar
ters. The main entrance to the atrium was made a
broad door approached by a wide flight of steps at
the northwest corner near the temple.
In the time of Trajan there was a very extensive
renovation of the atrium. The east end of the build
ing was reconstructed at monumental scale with a
great central exedra flanked by banks of small rooms
with windows to large lateral courts containing
fountains. Additional rooms to north and south of
the eastern court were also built, to create which sev
eral of the tabernae at the east end of the northern
line and whatever was left of the eastern line were
sacrificed. A number of rooms were broken up into
smaller spaces, and in some places hypocausted
floors and cellars were installed. One begins to see
the influence of the planning of apartments of Ostian
type, and probably a whole new second storey was
now added.
Under Hadrian the little Aedicula Vestae was
built west of the main entrance to the Atrium, a
pretty shrine of two unfluted columns and a trian
gular pediment on a low base. It has been supposed
that this contained a statue of Vesta, but ordinarily
there seems to have been a prohibition on statues of
this divinity, because she was in essence the fire itself.
Under the Severans came the last great remodeling
43
 ;
A U D IT O R IU M M A E C E N A T IS
Plan after the
Severan Rebuilding
of the atrium, following a fire that destroyed part of
the building in the time of Commodus. The central
court was now extended to become the dominant
feature for the rooms in the eastern parts as well as
the western, and given colonnades of cipollino with
an upper storey of breccia corallina. Later a huge
central feature of octagonal shape divided into
wedges around a circular center, perhaps the foun
dation of a pavilion or a flower bed, was also added.
Small rectangular tanks to either side of this were for
water and fish. A collection of statues of Virgines
Vestales M axim ae on inscribed pedestals stood
around the court; presumably additions were made
to it regularly. A statue of Nerva of the time of Tra
jan was also found here (B u llC om 4 7 [1919]: 2 1 1 -
24 [C. Anti]). Six large brick arches were added
about the same time to buttress the east end of the
south front of the building along the Nova Via and
smaller ones were added along the south part of the
east front, presumably in connection with changes in
the upper storey. Changes thereafter were only mi
nor.
At no time does the Atrium Vestae seem to have
included an atrium of traditional form, perhaps be
cause it antedated the invention of that form. It is
44
impossible to make out the usage of all but a few
parts at any given period. Obviously some of the
rooms were reception rooms, others for living. None
seems especially designed for cult use, though many
of the activities of the Vestal Virgins, such as the
careful and elaborate preparation of the m ola salsa
required for every official sacrifice, presumably
would have been performed here. As we see it, this is
more a splendid setting for formal entertainments
than anything else, the p ia n o n ob ile of a Renaissance
palazzo, fronted by and concealed behind lines of
shops.
Bloch 6 7 -8 5 ; Lugli 1946, 2 0 8 -1 2 ; Nash 1 .1 5 4 -
5 9 ; R en dP on tA cc 5 1 -5 2 (1 9 7 8 -8 0 ): 3 2 5 -5 5 , espe
cially 3 2 5 46 (G. Carettoni); Q A rchE tr 16 (1988):
182 6 (R. T. Scott et al.).
Auditorium M aecenatis: the modern name given
a nymphaeum discovered in 1874 between Via Mer-
ulana and Via Leopardi built across the Servian
Walls, therefore within the area of the Horti M ae
cenatis (q.v.). It is a rectangular room sunk 7 m be
low ground level and approached by a ramp. At the
far end is an apse in which a hemicycle of six concen
tric steps leads up to a ring of five deep rectangular

niches, while along each side wall are six larger rec
tangular niches. A series of orifices in the edge of the
top step shows these were for a cascade, and the
niches probably held fountain figures. The main
room is paved with fine mosaic, and the niches are
painted with landscape. The rest of the decoration is
in the Third Pompeian Style. A date toward the be
ginning of the Christian era is indicated by the con
struction as well. The relation of the Servian Walls
to the building remains enigmatic, but there seems
clearly to have been one.
B u llC om 2 (1874): 1 3 7 -7 3 (V. Vespignani and L.
Visconti); Neuerburg 2 0 4 - 5 ; Nash 1 .1 6 0 -6 3 ;
R om a cap itale 1 8 7 0 1911 (show catalogue, Venice
1983), 2 2 5 -5 2 (S. Rizzo and C. Scondurra).
Auguraculum (1): an observation post on the Cap-
itoline in arce, probably marked off by cippi, where
the augurs took the auspices and from which the fe-
tials took the verben ae for striking treaties. Varro
{Ling. 7.8) gives the formula for laying out an au
gural templum there, and Livy (1.24) gives the for
mulae for investing fetials with their office. Livy
(1 .1 8 .6 -1 0 ) also gives a description of the ritual of
augury there. Everyone specifies that it was in arce,
but the only more precise information we get is that
Claudius Centumaluss house on the Caelian ob
structed the augurs sight line and therefore had to
be pulled down (Cicero, O ff. 3.6 6 ), whereas Livy
says that for the auspices Numa was seated on a
stone facing south. It was always a very simple affair,
the only building being a hut of thatch, presumably
periodically rebuilt (Vitruvius 2.1 .5 ). It may have
lain at the head of the Sacra Via facing the Alban
Mount.
AJA 82 (1978): 2 4 0 42 (L. Richardson);
B u llC om 87 (1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 1 9 -2 3 (G. Gianelli).
Auguraculum (2): mentioned only by Varro (Ling.
5.50) in his list of the Argeorum Sacraria (q.v.) as the
sixth sacrarium of the Regio Collina on the Collis
Latiaris, the lowest lobe of the Quirinal. The reading
is corrupt, the manuscripts having auraculum , so
there is some doubt about this, and we do not know
much about the topography of the Collis Latiaris.
Auguratorium: listed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio X ; mentioned by the M irabilia (Jordan
2 .6 3 7 ; V Z 3.58): u bi est S. C aesarius fu it au gu rato
rium C aesaris. Hlsen (HCh 2 3 2 -3 3 ) locates the
church of S. Caesarius in the so-called Stadium of
Domitian, or Hippodromus Palatii, in the Domus
Augustiana. Because these are now our only sources
for this landmark, they must be accepted, and any
attempt to attach this to the Curia Saliorum or any
other augural templum is quite futile. Our knowl
A U G U STU S, D IV U S, T EM PLU M
edge of this part of the imperial palace is woefully
incomplete. C1L 6 .9 7 6 = 1LS 3 1 7 may refer to a res
toration of this building by Hadrian.
Augustus, A ra: an altar dedicated by Tiberius in
Augustuss lifetime, known only from the Fasti Prae-
nestini; the day of dedication was 17 January (De-
grassi 401).
Augustus, Divus, Sacrarium: a shrine to Divus
Augustus in Regio X at the site of his birthplace ad
C apita B u bu la (q.v.). It is mentioned by Suetonius
(Aug. 5.1), who says that it existed in his day but
was built only some time after Augustuss death, and
in inscriptions (C IL 6 .2 3 2 9 , 2330b = IL S 4 9 9 2 ,
4 9 9 3 ). It was built by Livia as Iulia Augusta (Pliny,
N H 12.94) and after her deification rededicated by
Tiberius (Cass. Dio 5 6 .4 6 .3 ) as the Templum Divi
Augusti et Divae Augustae (C IL 6 .4 2 2 2 = IL S 4995).
It was called Aedes Divorum in Palatio by the Arval
Brethren (C IL 6 .2 0 3 5 = 3 2 3 4 9 , 2 0 8 7 , 32379) and,
perhaps loosely, Caesaraeum (C IL 6.2104). This is
probably also the Aedes Caesarum of Suetonius
(G alb. 1) that was struck by lightning in a . d . 69, at
which time all the heads fell and the scepter was
dashed from the hand of Augustus.
Augustus, Divus, Templum: one of the thorniest
problems in all of the topography of ancient Rome,
a temple built by Tiberius (Cass.Dio 57 .1 0 .2 ). Tiber
ius either did not finish it, or finished it but did not
dedicate it (Suetonius, Tib. 4 7 ; Tacitus, Ann. 6.45).
It was dedicated by Caligula (Suetonius, Calig. 21),
the day of dedication probably being 5 October, and
the statue of Diva Livia was added by Claudius
(Cass.Dio 60.5). It was used by Caligula as one of
the supports for his famous bridge connecting the
Palatine with the Capitoline (Suetonius, Calig. 22). It
was destroyed by fire sometime before a . d . 79 (Pliny,
TIN 12.94) and evidently restored by Domitian, at
which time it was connected with, or close to, a
shrine of Minerva, possibly the library mentioned
below (Martial 4 .5 3 .1 -2 ; C IL 1 6 .3 6 -1 5 7 , 1 6 0 -8 9 ).
It was extensively restored by Antoninus Pius, whose
coins show it as octastyle with Corinthian capitals
and containing two statues. The last mention of it is
in a military diploma of a . d . 2 98 (C IL 16.156).
It is shown on coins of Caligula (B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 1 Caligula nos. 4 1 - 4 3 , 58, 69) as hex-
astyle with Ionic or Corinthian columns, a sculp
tured pediment, and, on the roof, a central acroter-
ion of a quadriga and lateral acroteria of Romulus
with the sp o lia o p im a and Aeneas leading Ascanius
and carrying Anchises. As rebuilt by Antoninus and
shown very frequently on his coins (B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 4 Antoninus Pius nos. 916, 9 3 8 43,
45
AUGUSTUS MONS
1652, 1718, 1729, 2 0 5 1 , 2 0 6 3 - 6 6 , 2 0 7 0 , 2 0 7 2 ,
2 0 7 9 , 2 0 9 8 ), it is octastyle with Corinthian columns
and the same program of acroteria.
In literature it is called Templum Augusti or Divi
Augusti, except by M artial (4.53.2) and Suetonius
(Tib. 74), who call it Templum Novum, a name that
it seems to have been given early and that appears in
the Acta Fratrum Arvalium (e.g., C IL 6 .3 2 3 4 6 .1 0 ,
2 0 4 1 .5 , 2 0 4 2 a .28 = IL S 2 3 0 , C IL 6 .2 0 5 1 .1 4 ), along
with the variant Templum Divi Augusti Novum (C IL
6 .2 0 2 8 e .l2 , 2 0 4 4 c.5 , 3 2 3 4 5 ). It contained a paint
ing of Hyacinthus by Nicias of Athens (Pliny, H N
35.131) and other treasures (Pliny, H N 12.94). Con
nected with it was a library, the Bibliotheca Templi
Divi Augusti (q.v.) or Templi Novi established by T i
berius. It is generally agreed that the large Domi-
tianic building of brick-faced concrete often pro
posed to be the Temple of Augustus is rather an
entrance hall to the Domus Tiberiana. The temple is
presumed to lie somewhere to the west of this, be
hind the Basilica Iulia, in an area that has never been
excavated.
B u llC om 69 (1941): 2 9 -5 8 (G. Lugli); Lugli 1946,
1 8 5 -9 1 ; Nash 1 .1 6 4 ; A then aeu m 52 (1974): 2 8 7 -
88 (R. E. A. Palmer).
A ugustus M o n s : Tacitus (Ann. 4.64) relates that
after a fire on the Caelian had destroyed a great area,
a statue of Tiberius there had miraculously remained
unscathed. It was therefore proposed in the senate
that the name of the Caelian be changed to Augus
tus. Suetonius (Tib. 48.1) says that Tiberius ordered
this. If there was any such gesture, it was short-lived.
Aula Isiaca: a large vaulted hall discovered by Boni
in 1912 under the Basilica in the north corner of
the Domus Augustiana. It had been discovered ear
lier in the excavations of the Farnese family in 1724,
at which time careful copies of the paintings were
made, which are precious documents for the recon
struction of the decoration today. The hall is propor
tionately long and narrow, with one curved end, lit
only through its doors and by a rectangular window
high in the apsidal wall. It had a complicated archi
tectural history, having been modified repeatedly, so
the walls show construction going back to fine small
reticulate facing and coming down to brick facing,
the apse being a late feature. The hall was not iso
lated, but part of a larger complex, of which almost
nothing is known. It was destroyed by the construc
tion of a large reservoir, probably semicircular, but
divided into chambers of roughly equal width by
parallel walls, that is believed to belong to the D o
mus Transitoria of Nero. This cuts through the
middle of the hall, and at this time the hall and the
complex to which it belonged were buried.
46
The decoration, although in very poor condition
today, except for some parts of the vault, is an im
portant document for the development of the Third
Pompeian Style in Rome, being an example roughly
contemporary with the decorations of the house
found in the gardens of Villa Farnesina known as the
Casa della Farnesina. The walls are still treated ar
chitectonically with columns and pillars that rise
from the dado to a deep frieze just under the vault
and an elaborate central aedicula with an arched
opening framing a subject picture. The rest of the
wall is divided into three zones, the two lower ones
being treated as a continuous wall, the upper one as
space developing behind this in which we get
glimpses of architecture. The continuous wall is di
vided between a deep lower zone painted with elab
orate landscapes, some of which run behind col
umns, while others are marked off by them. There
are also plain panels with floating erotes. Above
these is a relatively deep band framed at base and top
with running ornaments, the top developed as a cor
nice. This is embellished with a series of individually
framed panels containing single figures and two-
figure groups posed in artificial scrolling. All the ar
chitecture is covered with ornament and brilliantly
colored in a very rich palette. Egyptianizing motifs
and figures abound, especially those pertaining to the
cult of Isis, hence the name given to the chamber. But
the subjects of the landscapes are teasing and elusive,
except for a possible disembarkation of Helen and
Paris, with little that suggests Egypt. It seems un
likely that the room was actually used for cult prac
tices.
The Aula Isiaca is usually dated to the time of Ca
ligula, because of his known interest in the cult of
Isis. However, the painting belongs rather to early
than to fully developed Third Style. It is not far in
character from the decorations of the Casa della Far
nesina, which are usually assigned an Augustan date.
G. E. Rizzo, L e pitture d ellA ula Isiaca di C aligola
(M onum enti d ella pittura antica scop erti in Italia,
ser. 3, Roma fasc. 2 [Rome 1 9 36]); NSc 25 (1971):
3 2 3 -2 6 (G. Carettoni).
Aura: listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio IV,
together with the equally mysterious Bucinum (au-
reum bucinum , N ot.) and then mentioned in medie
val documents that place it behind the Basilica Con-
stantini and frequently connect it with an Arcus
Aurae or Arcus Aureus that is the entrance to the
Forum Transitorium east of the Temple of Minerva
(see Forum Nervae). Representations of the seasons
as allegorical figures are often called Horae, but
there is no real support for the notion that such a
statue might be meant.
HCh 177, 3 1 2 , 3 1 6 , 5 8 4 , 596.
 A VENTINUS M O N S

Aurelii: see Sepulcrum Aureliorum.

Aureum Bucinum: the reading of the manuscripts

of the N otitia for Aura Bucinum in the C uriosum
(see Aura and Bucinum).

Aventinus Mons (Fig. 14): the southernmost of the

seven hills of Rome, lying southeast of the Tiber, di
vided into two heights, the Aventinus M aior and Av
entinus Minor, or Aventine and Little Aventine
(sometimes also called pseudo-Aventine), with a dis
tinct cleft between them, down which ran the Vicus
Portae Raudusculanae (Viale Aventino, Via di Porta
S. Paolo). The slopes of the Aventinus M aior toward
the river are precipitous, and those toward the south
west are very steep, so this hill has a very distinct
geographical formation, but both heights were in
cluded in the circuit of the Servian Walls, and tradi
tion held that Remus took his auspices for the found
ing of the city from the Saxum or Remoria on the
Aventinus Minor. A fragment of the Acta Fratrum
Arvalium (NSc 1914, 4 6 6 , 4 7 3 ; IL S 9522) shows
. .
that in a d 240, though there was a distinction be
tween the Aventinus M aior and Aventinus Minor,
together they were considered a single geographical
unit. Such now proves to have been the case with
most of the lobes of the larger hills.
In the names given to the Augustan divisions of the
city, Regio X III is called Aventinus, while Regio XII,
which includes the Aventinus Minor, is Piscina Pub-
lica, but, because both names are apt to be relatively
late, the significance of this is minimal. Although the
evidence of Ennius (Cicero, Div. 1.107) is equivocal,
that of numerous other ancient authors seems quite
unequivocal that the two parts of the Aventine were
regarded as a single hill (see, e.g., Livy 1 .6.4; Plu
tarch, R om . 9 .4 ; Paulus ex Fest. 3 4 4 45L). ious towns conquered by Rome shows (Livy 1.33.2; Figure 14
It seems quite clear that for some reason the Av Dion. Hal. 3.4 3 ). Later parts of it were taken over M o n s Aventinus,

entine, though included within the circuit of the Ser ..

vian Walls, was excluded from the pomerium until
the time of Claudius. It was certainly not included in
the city of the four regions (see Regiones Quattuor;
cf. Varro, Ling. 5.45). The name Aventinus was pro
vided with a number of etymologies, all fanciful, for
the most part the name of a very ancient king (Livy
1.3.9; Paulus ex Fest. 17L ; Vergil, Aen. 7 .6 5 7 and
Servius a d Aen. 7 .6 5 7 ; Lydus, M ag. 1.34).
It appears that the Aventinus was originally ag er
publicus, as the settling there of people from the var
unlawfully, until in 4 5 6 b c a Lex Icilia was passed E m porium , M ons
T estaceus, G eneral
giving it to the plebs for distribution among them Plan Show ing Known
(Dion. Hal. 1 0 .3 1 -3 2 ; Livy 3 .3 1 .1 ). Throughout the Rem ains o f Antiquity
republic, it remained essentially a plebeian strong
hold, where cults with plebeian associations found a
place, but after the establishment of the empire it be
came a fashionable part of Rome to live in and con
tinued so down to the late empire (see, e.g., Domus:
L. Fabius Cilo, Licinius Sura, M . Valerius Bradua
Mauricus).
A. Merlin, L Aventin dans l an tiqu it (Paris 1906).

47
Bacchus, Sacellum: see Liber.
Balineum, Balneum: see Therm ae.
Balineum Abascanti: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio I, but otherwise unknown. It may
have been built by Domitians freedman T. Flavius
Abascantus, but the name is not uncommon.
Balnea Alexandri: baths said to have been built by
Alexander Severus in all those parts of the city not
provided with baths (S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 39).
Balineum Ampelidis: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio XIV. It seems to have been shown on
a lost fragment of the Marble Plan (FUR pis. 9 and
3 4 .4 7 ; Rodriguez pi. 34 .4 7 ), but not enough was
preserved to give an idea of the building or any in
dication of its location.
Balineum Antiochiani: listed by the N otitia in Re
gio I, but otherwise unknown. PA suggests it may
have been built by Flavius Antiochianus, cos. a . d .
270.
Balineum Bolani: mentioned only in the N otitia,
listed in Regio I. PA suggests it may have been built
by M . Vettius Bolanus, cos. suf. a . d . 66. His son
of the same name was also consul in a . d . I l l
(PW 2 .1 6 .1 8 5 7 -5 8 ; cf. C IL 6 .6 5 - 6 7 = IL S 3 5 0 0 -
3501).
Balineum Caenidianum: a bath created in what
had been the property of Antonia Caenis, the con
cubine of Vespasian. It was in Villa Patrizi south of
Via Nomentana, in the area now occupied by the
Ministero dei Trasporti.
M AAR 10 (1932): 7 3 -7 4 (H. Sander); R end-
PontA cc 5 0 (1 9 7 7 -7 8 ): 1 5 3 -5 4 (R. Friggeri).
48
Balineum Caesaris: the inscription on a fragment
of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 3 .4 3 ; Rodriguez pi.
34.4 3 ). Its location is entirely unknown.
Balineum Charini: a bath mentioned by Martial
(7.34) as the surprisingly good work of a cinaedus of
the time of Domitian.
Balineum Claudianum: the inscription on a
marble epistyle (C IL 6.2 97 6 7) copied near the
church of S. Silvestro al Quirinale and again near the
Thermae Constantini. Other inscriptions relating to
the Claudii come from the neighborhood (cf. Do-
mus, Claudii), so probably this belongs here and re
fers to a public bath built at private expense.
Balneum Claudii Etrusci: described by Statius
(Silv. 1.5) and praised by M artial (6.42) for the
richness of the marble veneer, the clarity of the
water, and the luxury and variety of the amenities of
fered. It was supplied by both the Aqua Virgo
and the Aqua M arcia and must therefore have been
in the Campus Martius, Regio VII or IX , more
likely the former, but it cannot be placed more
precisely.
Balneum Cotini: the inscription on a fragment of
the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 4 .4 8 ; Rodriguez pi.
3 4.48) now lost, and the drawing of it is uninfor
mative.
Balineum Daphnidis: in Regio IV (N ot.), presum
ably a private bath. The scholiast on Juvenal (7.233)
says the Balineum Phoebi was the same as the bal-
n eae q u a e D ap h n es appellantur, which might well be
the same as this bath. Probably it was a much-
frequented bath in the Subura, which did not have a
readily accessible imperial bath complex until the
building of the Baths of Titus.

Balineum Dianae (Dianes, Cur.): listed by the re-
gionary catalogues in Regio XIV, otherwise un
known.
Balineum Fausti and Balineum Fortunati: men
tioned by M artial (2.14.11) in a list of resorts in the
southern Campus Martius, perhaps to be located
south or west of the Theatrum Pompeii.
Balineum Germani: known only from a lead tes
sera (Rostovtzeff, Sylloge no. 886).
Balinea Gordiani: a few unpretentious baths that
Gordian III built in different parts of the city for the
use of ordinary citizens (S.H.A. G ordian . 32.5).
Balineum Gratiarum (Loutron C hariton):
known from an inscription in Greek stating that it
was built by Memphis and Gelasis (IG 1 4.1034,
found in 1715, together with IG 1 4 .1 4 2 4 ; IG U R
203). This lay in a beautiful room veneered with
marble and with a white marble alveus found on the
Aventinus M inor facing Porta Ostiensis (R m M itt 2
;i8 9 4 ]: 3 3 2 -3 3 [C. Hlsen]; H J xxi and 1 8 7 -8 8 ).
Balineum Grylli: mentioned twice by Martial
1 .59.3, 2.1 4 .1 2 ) in a list of buildings of which those
that can be identified are in the southern Campus
Martius. Apparently it was famous for being badly
lit.
Balineum Iuliorum Akariorum : known only
from an inscription in the Einsiedeln sylloge. The in
scription (C IL 6.29764) is said to have been found
near the Pons Gratiani (Pons Cestius).
Balineum Lupi: a bath mentioned by Martial
2 .1 4 .1 2 ; cf. 1.59.3), so notorious for its draftiness
that he nicknamed it the Aeolia.
Balineum M amertini: mentioned in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio I. PA suggests the bath
may have been built by Sex. Petronius Mamertinus,
praetorian prefect a . d . 139143.
Balneum M ercurii: known only from the Einsie
deln itinerary (9): ib i est aqu a subtus Aventinum cur-
rens scala usque in m on tem A ventinum et balneum
M ercurii. This puts it somewhere along the northeast
slope of the Aventine above the Circus Maximus,
perhaps not far from its northern extremity. Whether
it was actually a bath is doubtful; a fountain seems
more likely. See also Aqua Mercurii.
Balineae (and Balneae) Naeratii Cerealis: built
by the consul of a . d . 358 (C IL 6 .1 7 4 4 , 3 1 9 1 6 = 715
BALNEAE SEVERI
5718) and found in 1873 on the Esquiline in the
modern city block north of the basilica of S. Maria
Maggiore, but only hurriedly and partially exca
vated. Parts of the foundations and a considerable
number of architectural members and sculptures
were recovered (B u llC om 2 [1874]: 8 4 - 8 8 [R. Lan-
ciani]). Probably the house of the Naeratii was not
far away, possibly on the Vicus Patricius (B ullC om
33 [1905]: 2 9 4 - 9 9 [G. Gatti]).
Balneae Pallacinae: mentioned only by Cicero
(R ose. A m. 18). There was a Vicus Pallacinae follow
ing the line of the modern Via delle Botteghe Oscure
and Via S. M arco, and this may have given its name
to a district. The baths could have been almost any
where here, because the subsoil of the Campus M ar
tius is rich in water.
Balneum Phoebi: mentioned only by Juvenal
(7.233), where possibly the name is used only ex em
p li gratia. Cf. Balineum Daphnidis.
Balneum Plautini: see Lavacrum Plautini.
Balneum Polycleti: Porphyrion, commenting on
Horace, Ars P. 3 2 , says the Ludus Aemilii had been
converted into the Balneum Polycleti in his day. Be
cause Horace is talking about bronze sculpture in
this passage, and the Ludus Aemilii may well have
been a school for artisans in bronze, the name may
have been a humorous invention at the time of the
remodeling. There is no indication of where it stood.
Balineum Prisci: mentioned only in the N otitia,
listed in Regio XIV. Lugli (Lugli 1938, 633) suggests
the Balineum Ampelidis was the Balineum Ampelidis
Prisci.
Balneum Scriboniolum: located in Regio XII,
known from a single inscription, a slave identifica
tion, found at Grottaferrata (C IL 15.7188).
Balneae Seniae: known only from Cicero (Cael.
6162), in which they figure in an intrigue involving
delivery of poison and the laying of a trap for those
involved. They seem to have been well known at the
time but cannot be located. Seniae is unusual, not a
known cognomen, and perhaps should be corrected
to Saeniae.
M EFRA 97 (1985): 3 2 5 -2 8 (A. Vessilieiou).
Balneae Severi: baths built by Septimius Severus on
the right bank of the Tiber near the Porta Septim-
iana. If the Historia Augusta (S.H.A. Sept. Sev. 19.5)
is accurate in saying that the early collapse of the
aqueduct supplying these baths prevented the public
49
BALNEA STEPHANI
from enjoying them, it is difficult to understand why,
because the proximity of the Aqua Traiana would
have made substitution very easy. (See also Thermae
Septimianae and Severianae). Richmond (2 2 4 26)
has proposed that what is meant is that the Aurelian
Walls cut through these baths, but it is hard to get
this from the Latin.
Balnea Stephani: mentioned twice by Martial
(11.52 .4, 14.60) and said to be very close to his
house (q.v.), which was on the Quirinal on a street
leading from the Temple of Flora to the Capitolium
Vetus (Martial 5 .2 2 .3 -4 ) . This indicates that they
were somewhere along a street leading from modern
Piazza Barberini to the ridge of the Quirinal, a line
followed by Via delle Quattro Fontane.
Balneum qui Cognominatur Templus (in
Vicum Longum): listed in the L ib er Pontificalis
(LPD 1 .4 2 .6 ; V Z 2.236) as among the possessions of
the basilica of Saints Gervasius and Protasius, dedi
cated under Pope Innocent I (40141 7 ), the present
church of S. Vitale (HCh 4 9 8 -9 9 ). This does not give
us much to go on. Because it stood in Vicum Lon gu m
and not in Vico L o n g o , it must have been on a side
street, and the name Tem plus is very strange.
R w StorA nt 4 (1974): 1 4 6 -4 8 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Balneum Tigellini: a public bath evidently built by
Neros favorite. It is mentioned only by Martial
(3.20.16), on a lead tessera (Rostovtzeff, Sylloge no.
888), and in a gloss (C G L 3 .6 5 7 .1 4 ), but there can
be no doubt of its existence. Tigellinus had real es
tate in the Aemiliana (q.v.), so it might be there that
we should look for it.
Balineum Torquati: a private bath listed by the re-
gionary catalogues in Regio I just after the Lacus
Promethei.
Balineum Vespasiani: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio I, together with the Balineum Tor
quati, but otherwise unknown.
Basilica: the name given by the Romans to a type of
building that became important just after the begin
ning of the second century after Christ, a public hall,
the roof supported on columns (later often arches),
in which a central nave is surrounded by one or more
aisles. The nave may have its ceiling raised a second,
or even third, storey on a clerestorey, and there may
be a gallery over the surrounding aisle, either an
open deck or a closed balcony overlooking the cen
tral nave. One side or end is regularly open to a pub
lic square, or street, and there is usually a raised tri
bunal at the end of the principal axis, long or short,
50
which is given special architectural emphasis. The
successful exploitation of the form depends on com
prehension of the possibilities of truss roofing to free
the central area of encumbrances.
Our oldest example of such a building is that
known as the hypostyle hall on Delos, very tentative
and somewhat awkward in design, the clerestorey
hardly more than a small square lantern over the
center of the building, the surrounding aisles pro
gressively lower as they move away from the center.
It is securely dated between 2 1 0 and 2 0 7 B .C . and
gives us a term inus p o st qu em for all other basilicas
(D los 2.1, L a Salle hy p osty le [G. Leroux, 1909],
2 .2 , C om p lem en t [R. Vallois and G. Poulsen, 1914]).
In Rome there was an early basilica that had no
other name, evidently a small experimental building
below the Cloaca on the northeast side of the Forum
Romanum in an area later covered by the southern
part of the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia (Plautus, Cure.
472). With the building of the Basilica Porcia in 184
B .C ., basilicas began to be named, and the original
basilica gave way to the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia in
179 B .C . (Livy 40 .5 1 ).
Basilicas served especially as business halls, the
places where bankers set up their tables, entrepre
neurs sold shares in enterprises, and the like. By the
first century B .C . the tribuni plebis were accustomed
to appear in the Basilica Porcia and hold audience,
probably on its tribunal. Still later, under the early
empire, the centumviral court met in the Basilica
Iulia (Martial 6 .3 8 .5 -6 ; Pliny, Epist. 5 .9 .1 -5 ,
6 .3 3 .1 -6 ), and after the time of Trajan most courts
may regularly have met in basilicas. Earlier, however,
religious considerations forced them to meet in the
open air. The unencumbered space provided by bas
ilicas encouraged the expansion of their use.
R om a, arch eo lo g ia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .5 6 -6 6
(M. Gaggiotti).
Basilica Aemilia: see Basilica Paulli.
Basilica Alexandrina: a columnar hall Alexander
Severus is said to have undertaken to build between
the Campus Martius and the Saepta Iulia (S.H.A.
A lex. Sev. 26.7). It was to be 100 feet (29.70 m)
wide, 1,000 feet (297 m) long, and completely col
umnar. We are told that he was prevented from com
pleting the project by death, but, because the Saepta
was completely surrounded by a deep belt of build
ings by this time, the whole project sounds fictitious.
Basilica Argentara (Fig. 3 6 ): listed in the region
ary catalogues in Regio VIII between the Cohors VI
Vigilum and the Temple of Concordia. The Clivus
Argentarius, though known only from medieval doc
uments, is well identified as the road running from

the Career over the east shoulder of the Capitoline
to the Campus Martius (VZ 1.115n .4). The Basilica
Argentaria has therefore been thought to be the L-
shaped arcaded hall built by Domitian and Trajan to
link the west portico of Forum Iulium and Forum
Traiani, the only unidentified building of importance
hereabout. The floor of this hall was raised a half-
dozen steps above that of the porticoes of the Forum
Iulium, and the pillars were rusticated, so the build
ing has an aesthetic distinction from its adjacent
neighbors and reads as a separate entity.
MAAR 13 (1932): 219 (O. Grossi); Nash 1 .4 3 0 -
31.
Basilica Claudii: listed by Polemius Silvius at the
end of his catalogue of the eleven basilicas of Rome,
but otherwise unknown.
Basilica Constantini or N ova (Polemius Silvius
545; N ot. Reg. IV), Basilica Constantiniana
Chron. 1 4 6 ; N ot. app.) (Figs. 15, 9 0): begun by
Maxentius, but completed by Constantine after 313
Aur. Viet., Caes. 40.26) with some alteration of the
program. It stands on the north side of Sacra Via, on
land previously at least in part covered by Domi-
tians Horrea Piperataria (Chron. 146), the last of
the great secular basilicas of Rome, a great shell of
brick-faced concrete, which owes more in design to
BA SILIC A CON STAN TIN I
*nr
Figure 15
B asilica C o n stan tin i,
F lo o r Plan , Restored
the great central halls of the imperial baths than it
does to classical basilicas. Although it remained in
use in the Middle Ages, it had lost its proper desig
nation by the sixth century and was called Templum
Urbis Romae and Templum Romuli (LPD 1.279,
323). The south aisle and nave probably collapsed in
the earthquake of Pope Leo IV in ca. 847 (LPD
2 .108).
It stood on a platform of concrete raised a storey
above the Sacra Via at its west end; this was 100 m
long and 65 m wide. It consisted of a central nave
flanked by side aisles, each divided into three equal
sections communicating with the nave along their
whole width and with one another by generous arch
ways. Everything was vaulted, and all the vaults were
deeply coffered in elaborate patterns of octagons,
hexagons, and lozenges. The cross-vaulted roof of
the great central nave, 80 m long, 25 m wide, and 35
m high, appeared supported on eight monolithic col
umns of Proconnesian marble, of which the sole sur
viving member is now in Piazza S. M aria Maggiore,
taken there in 1614 (LS 2.2 0 9 ).
As designed by Maxentius, the entrance was to be
at the east end, from a short street leading off the
Sacra Via. Here a single-storey narthex, 8 m deep,
preceded the building. This had five entrances to the
basilica proper, three to the nave and one to each
side aisle, but only two to the exterior on the east,
51
BA SILICA FLO SC ELLA RIA
that opposite the north aisle having been suppressed
in order to preserve parts of the Domus Aurea. An
other door led to the narthex at its south end. At the
west end of the nave opened a vast apse, 20 m in
diameter, with a half-dome; this probably became
the setting of a seated colossus of Constantine. Parts
of this acrolithic statue were found in 1486 and are
now displayed in the courtyard of Palazzo dei Con-
servatori.
Constantine changed the design by adding a new
entrance at the middle of the south side. Here a flight
of steps led up from the Sacra Via to a shallow porch
with four porphyry columns framing three double
doors. Opposite this, on the short axis, he opened a
second apse in the north wall, somewhat lower than
that at the west end, screened from the nave by a pair
of columns which must have carried a straight epi
style. In this apse a large central niche with a round
head is flanked by rows of square-headed niches in
two zones, four on a side, sixteen in all. Here a gal
lery of Constantines lieutenants may have flanked a
standing figure of the emperor. Generous round-
headed windows in two zones, six to a room, lit the
chambers of the side aisles, and triple-light arched
windows of the type familiar from bath complexes
opened in the clerestorey of the nave.
The floor was paved with colored marble in a pat
tern similar to that of the Pantheon. The walls were
revetted with marble up to the springing of the
vaults. Vaults and exterior were finished with stucco,
painted and gilded. Niches for statuary abound in
the interior, and presumably the exterior was simi
larly embellished, but we know nothing of the pro
gram.
The building was a triumph of engineering, the
central nave having been the largest cross-vaulted
hall in antiquity and supported by an ingenious sys
tem of flying buttresses. Stairs hidden in the thick
ness of the walls gave access to the roofs over the side
aisles at strategic points, and stairs built into the con
crete of the roofs facilitated maintenance. However,
the necessity of tunneling through the concrete plat
form on which the basilica stands to permit a road
there to continue in use (the Arcus Latronis) alarmed
the builders so much that they added an enormous
buttress at this point and a series of relieving arches
in the superstructure above it.
The basilica was a great masterpiece and has been
admired by architects and artists throughout its his
tory. It was exhaustively studied in the High Renais
sance, and its impact on such architects as Bramante,
Raphael, Antonio da Sangallo, and Michelangelo
was immense. Its influence on the design of the new
basilica of S. Pietro is readily apparent.
PBSR 12 (1932): 1 -2 5 (A. M inoprio); Nash
1 .1 8 0 -9 2 .
52
Basilica Floscellaria: mentioned only in the ad
denda to the regionary catalogues and Polemius Sil-
vius, without indication of its location. It was evi
dently a center of the flower business.
Basilica Fulvia (Fulvia et Aemilia): see Basilica
Paulli.
Basilica Gaii et Lucii: see Basilica Iulia.
Basilica Hilariana: a curious building of the end of
the second century after Christ discovered on the
Caelian in the grounds of the military hospital in the
angle between Piazza Celimontana and Via di S. Ste-
fano Rotondo. Only a small part could be excavated,
and our knowledge of it is consequently very imper
fect. It was apparently half-underground; one de
scended a flight of twelve steps revetted with marble
and came to a vestibule paved with black-and-white
mosaic. This showed an eye pierced by a spear and
assailed by a ring of birds and animals. Beyond it
was a tabu la an sata with the inscription: intrantibus
h ie d eo s / p rop itios et basilic(ae) / H ilarian ae (C IL
6 .3 0 9 7 3 a = IL S 3992) and a threshold with the out
line of feet entering and leaving. The room to which
this gave held a rectangular basin rather like an im-
pluvium, but 0 .7 0 m deep, and a statue base with an
inscription showing that it was for a statue of M .
Poblicius Hilarus, m argaritarius, set up by the colle
gium of d en d ro p h o ro i (C IL 6 .30973b = ILS 4171).
So the building belonged to a collegium devoted to
the cults of the Magna M ater and Attis, presumably
built for them by Hilarus, and this permits associa
tion of yet another inscription, C IL 6 .6 4 l= I L S
3 5 4 0 , with it. Its claim to being a basilica is myste
rious, because it shows none of the characteristics of
basilical architecture. Whether this was the schola of
the collegium must remain doubtful, but seems
likely.
Nash 1 .1 8 3 -8 5 ; Q A rchE tr 19 (1990): 7 2 - 8 0 (A.
Corignani et al.).
Basilica Iulia: on the southwest side of the Forum
Romanum between the temples of Saturn and Cas
tor, filling this side in monumental grandeur. It was
begun by Julius Caesar to replace the Basilica Sem-
pronia of 170 B .C ., probably about 54 B .C . (Cicero,
Att. 4 .1 6 .8 ), paid for out of the spoils of the Gallic
wars, and dedicated unfinished in 4 6 (Augustus, R G
2"0; Hieron. a. Abr. 1971). It was completed by Au
gustus, but then soon burned and was rebuilt in en
larged form and dedicated in the names of Gaius and
Lucius Caesar in a . d . 12 (Augustus, R G 20;
Cass.Dio 5 6 .2 7 .5 ; Suetonius, Aug. 29 .4 ). It burned
again in the fire of Carinus and was restored by Dio
cletian (Chron. 148) and restored again by Gabinius

Vettius Probianus, praefectus urbi in a . d . 4 1 6 , at
which time he embellished it with statues (C IL
6 .1156 = IL S 722, C IL 6 .1 6 5 8 , 31883 = IL S 9354,
C IL 6 .3 1 8 8 4 -8 7 ). Despite its rededication in the
names of Gaius and Lucius, the original name per
sisted in use (see, e.g., Martial 6 .3 8 .6 ; Statius, Silv.
1.1.29). Part of the basilica is represented on the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 13).
It occupied a space 101 m long and 49 m wide,
bounded on all sides by streets, fronting on the street
along the southwest side of the forum, with the Vicus
Iugarius and Vicus Tuscus at its ends and an un
named street behind. The central nave, 82 m long
and 16 m wide, was surrounded by two aisles, each
~.50 m wide, over which there were galleries in a
second storey. These aisles were all arcaded, the fa
cade being of blocks of white marble, while the inner
rows of arcading were of concrete faced with marble.
There were eighteen pillars on the long sides, and
eight on the short ones. The faade was embellished
with an engaged order, Tuscan on the ground storey,
and unfluted Ionic above. The floor was paved with
marble, colored in the nave, and white in the aisles.
Because the ground sloped down from the Vicus
lugarius to the Vicus Tuscus, a gradually increasing
number of steps had to be introduced to bring visi
tors into the basilica; these increase from one at the
west end to seven at the east. Between the top of
these and the faade is a narrow walk, and three
steps then lead into the northern aisle, while two
more lead from the outer to the inner aisle. The outer
aisle on the principal faade thus has much of the
character of a separate portico.
At the back of the basilica, a row of tabernae with
walls of tufa and travertine responding to the pillars
of the arcading opened in toward the basilica, and
stairs show that there must have been another storey
of such tabernae above. How accessible the flat roof
over the aisle may have been is doubtful; the report
that Caligula threw coins to the people from it (Sue
tonius, Calig. 37.1) need not mean it was in regular
use. The roof over the central nave was a trussed ga
ble raised on a clerestorey.
Little survives but the pavement and foundations
of the arcading. Toward the northwest corner, some
brick pillars and arches belong to the restoration of
Diocletian. Some fragments of the architecture have
been restored, but the travertine faade pillar now
standing is modern and simply intended to show the
architectural forms.
The basilica was especially accommodation for
banking and similar business (C IL 6 .9 7 0 9 = ILS
509, C IL 6.9711). Late in the first century after
Christ it came to be used for the sessions of the cen-
tumviral court (M artial 6 .3 8 .5 -6 ; Pliny, Epist.
5 .9 .1; Quintilian 12.5.6). We are not informed about
BA SIL IC A M A T ID IA E ET M ARCIANAE
what other uses it may have served, but presumably
the tabernae were government offices, and the use of
the basilica was constant and heavy.
R en dL in c, ser. 8.16 (1961): 5 3 60 (G. Carettoni
and L. Fabbrini); B u llC om 78 (196162): 3754 (L.
Fabbrini); Nash 1 .1 8 6 -8 9 ; Coarelli 1985, 3 2 2 -2 4 .
Basilica Iulia Aquiliana: mentioned by Vitruvius
(5.1.4) as having been adapted to a long narrow site
by the addition of chalcidica at either end. It has
been conjectured that it was built by C. Aquillius
Gallus, the great jurist, in honor of Julius Caesar, but
there is no proof. M ore likely it was a business house
built as a commercial venture; we have no indication
of its location.
Basilica Iunii Bassi: on the Esquiline east of S.
M aria Maggiore, built by the consul ordinarius of
. d . 331 (C IL 6.1 7 3 7 ), who died in 359 (C IL
.3 2 0 0 4 = IL S 1286). It was in form like a Christian
church, an apsidal hall with windows set high in the
side walls preceded- by a lower, but two-storeyed,
narthex with rounded ends. It survived in good con
dition until the Renaissance, and Giuliano da San-
gallo has left a drawing of the interior decoration
that shows it to have been very rich, with marble re
vetment that was essentially architectonic, with pi
lasters dividing the walls into bays, but including
figural panels of opus sectile. The marbles used were
the richest in color, especially serpentine and por
phyry. O f the figural panels, two showing tigers at
tacking calves are now on the stair of Palazzo dei
Conservatori, whereas one of Hylas and one show
ing the consul in a biga with mounted escorts repre
senting the four circus factions were formerly in Pal
azzo del Drago.
In the time of Pope Simplicius (4 6 8 -4 8 3 ) the ba
silica was converted into the church of S. Andrea Ca-
tabarbara Patricia (HCh 17981). This was ab
sorbed into the monastery of S. Andrea in Assaio
before the year 1000 and gradually abandoned. Parts
of the decorations were removed in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries, after which only naked and
ruinous walls remained. These were finally destroyed
in 1930 to make way for the Oriental seminary.
EAA 3, s.v. Giunio Basso (C. Bertelli); Rend-
PontA cc 40 (1 9 6 7 -6 8 ): 1 5 1 -7 0 (M. Cagiano de
Azevedo); Nash 1 .1 9 0 95.
Basilica M atidiae et M arcianae: The regionary
catalogues list in Regio IX between the Pantheon and
Templum Divi Antonini a Basilicam Matidies et
Marcianes (N ot.) or Basilicam Neptuni, Matidiaes,
Marciani (Cur.). It is otherwise known only from Po-
lemius Silvius (5 4 5 ; V Z 1.309). We know from coins
that M arciana and her daughter Matidia, grand
53
B A SIL IC A M A XEN TII
mother and mother of Hadrians wife, Sabina, were
revered together (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 3 Trajan
no. 531) and that following their deaths they were
given divine honors. M arciana was accorded by sen-
atus consultum the car drawn by a pair of elephants
in which she sits with the attributes of Ceres (B. M.
Coins, R om . E m p. 3 Trajan no. 655 pi. 21.9), while
Matidia received by senatus consultum a building
dedicated Divae Matidiae Socrui that appears on a
rare bronze of Hadrian (Nash 2 .3 7 fig. 717). This is
shown as a small aedicula with two columns in
which a female figure sits enthroned. It is sur
mounted by a triangular pediment surmounted by
acroterial statues at the apex and each front corner.
To either side of the aedicula on a base that is an
extension of that of the aedicula, but under a slightly
lower lintel, is a statue, probably female, on a high
plinth. To either side of these, evidently to be read as
projecting at right angles to the central group, is a
portico in two storeys on a base continuous with the
rest. The lower storey is columnar; the much lower
attic seems not to be columnar but is difficult to read.
The roofing is very uncertain. Only three bays of the
flanking portico are shown to either side. It seems
possible that we are intended to read this as a short
section of a basilical building with small axial shrines
at the ends that to M arciana at one end, that to
Matidia at the other.
In 1636, in excavations in connection with the fa
ade of S. Ignazio, a lead pipe with the inscription
Tem plum M atidiae was found (C/L 15.7248). This
apparently belonged to a supply line from the Aqua
Virgo, but its precise location and original direction
can no longer be identified. It therefore serves only
to put the temple in this vicinity.
On R. Lancianis FUR under the southeast corner
of Palazzo Serlupi is shown a paved area flanked by
lines of columns with the notation Scavi Piranesi. C.
Hlsen (HJ 5 7 5 n .l3 ) speaks of a building with gran
ite columns, 0 .9 0 m in diameter, and a splendid
marble pavement, known from excavations of 1779,
the year after Piranesis death, but known from Pi of servi pu blici d e B asilica O p im ia {C IL 6.2338,
ranesi, Pantheon, T f. 1. I have been unable to verify
this. Lanciani (B u llC om 11 [1883]: 15) mentions re
mains of a splendid building found in the time of
Piranesi of form and measurements as shown on
my plan, as though he were then unable to cite any
further source. If his drawing is accurate, the build
ing may well have been basilical and the granite col
umns suggest a Hadrianic date. It is certainly the best
candidate at present available for the Basilica M ati
diae et Marcianae.
Nash 2 .3 6 - 3 7 ; Boatwright 5 8 - 6 2 .
Basilica M axentii: see Basilica Constantini.
54
Basilica Neptuni (Fig. 6 4): listed by the C uriosum
in Regio IX , included by Polemius Silvius, and re
corded in the life of Hadrian as among his restora
tions (S.H.A. H adr. 19.10). This is now generally ac
cepted as identical with the Stoa of Poseidon that
Dio (53.27.1) says was built by Agrippa in 25 B.C .
and the Poseidonion listed as destroyed in the fire of
Titus in 79 (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 4 .2 ). It is always asso
ciated with the Pantheon, Saepta, and Baths of
Agrippa and can with some confidence, although
without proof, be identified as the large basilical hall
between the Pantheon and the baths. Its design, like
that of the Basilica Constantini, owes more to the
central halls of imperial bath complexes than it does
to classical basilicas. Drawings by Palladio (Zorzi,
figs. 1 3 6 -4 3 ) in large part confirmed by excavations
show it as a large rectangular hall with wide rectan
gular niches at the ends and a deep semicircular
niche on the north side on the short axis. The roof
was cross-vaulted in three sections, supported on
eight fluted columns with Corinthian capitals that
carry an entablature in which the frieze is decorated
with marine motifs. Smaller niches in a single zone
break up the surfaces of the walls. There may have
been entrances at either end, one giving directly to
the Porticus Argonautarum of the Saepta, but the
principal entrance was probably that connecting it to
the Baths of Agrippa. There was no connection with
the Pantheon. There is no indication of the pur
pose the building served, and the architectural form
and style are Hadrianic, not Augustan.
Nash 1 .1 9 6 -9 7 ; R en dL in c, ser. 8.35 (1980): 181
92 (G. Tedeschi Grisanti).
Basilica N ova: see Basilica Constantini.
Basilica Opimia: closely linked with the Temple of
Concordia and probably built when L. Opimius re
built the temple in 121 B .C ., perhaps only an annex
of the temple. It is known only from a single mention
in Varro {Ling. 5.156) and a couple of inscriptions
2 3 3 9 = IL S 1969). The space available, as described
by Varro, seems exiguous, and the basilica seems to
have been eliminated when Tiberius rebuilt the
Temple of Concordia beginning in 7 B .C . It can never
have been a large building, and it must be left uncer
tain on which side of the Temple of Concordia it
stood, although the Gradus Monetae (q.v.) make it
more probable that it stood southwest of the temple.
Basilica Paulli (Fig. 3 9 ): always one of the most
celebrated buildings of ancient Rome, located at the
juncture of the Argiletum and the Sacra Via, balanc
ing the Basilica Iulia on the opposite side of the

Forum Romanum, but technically in Regio IV
(N ot.). Soundings under the floor have brought to
light remains of two earlier basilicas, but the earliest
of all, that mentioned by Plautus (Cure. 472) must
have stood east of the Cloaca, because it is listed
after the shrine of Cloacina in a sequence moving
from west to east. This was unnamed and apparently
built between 2 1 0 B .C ., when fire devastated the area
and there were as yet no basilicas (Livy 2 6 .2 7 .2 -5 ),
and the reconstruction of the Tabernae Novae in 193
by the plebeian aediles M . Iunius Brutus and L. Op-
pius Salinator (Livy 3 5 .2 3 .7 ; Festus 258L ), because
for Plautus it was not separated from the forum by a
row of shops. In 179 M. Fulvius Nobilior as censor
let the contract for building a basilica p o st argen tar
as n ovas (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .5 ), at which time the Cloaca
must have been diverted from the so-called Braccio
Morto that runs through the substructures of the ba
silica to the channel that runs around its west end,
while the Braccio M orto was roofed and buried. Of
the basilica, a foundation wall of Grotta Oscura tufa
with the settings of two columns and part of a third
was recovered, together with small parts of a tufa
pavement, in 1 9 4 6 -1 9 4 8 . The columns were 1.10 m
in diameter; the intercolumniation of 4 .9 3 4.95 m
shows that the superstructure must have been en
tirely of wood. This lay parallel to the northern line
of columns of the nave of the imperial building,
about 0.50 m south of it. Parallel to this, about 2 m
south of it, a small section of a second, lighter foun
dation wall of similar tufa, but differing in construc
tion, was found. Other finds included an archaic cis
tern with beehive-shaped dome, which had been
deliberately filled with blocks of cappellaccio. Al
though it is not possible to reconstruct the basilica
completely from these remains, one can see clearly
that it had light, open architecture like the early bas
ilicas of Cosa and Ardea. It has since been reburied,
but its place is marked on the existing pavement.
In the same exploration a second foundation came
to light parallel to the west colonnade of the imperial
basilica, consisting of three footings for columns of
blocks of Grotta Oscura tufa connected in series by
somewhat lighter walls. These show columns of the
same dimension as before (diameter 1.05 m), but
with the astonishing intercolumniation of 5.85 m,
and they have remains of a pavement of travertine
slabs clearly associated with them. This must be re
mains of the rebuilding of L. Aemilius Paullus, of
which Cicero writes indignantly in 5 4 B .C . (Att.
4.1 6.8), saying that Paullus had salvaged the col
umns of the previous building for reuse. As Tenney
Frank (Buildings, 67) acutely perceived, Paulluss
work must have been twofold, a restoration on
which he spent as little as possible and used as much
BA SILICA PAULLI
of the older building as he could, and a magnificent
rebuilding financed by Julius Caesar from the spoils
of the Gallic wars (Plutarch, C aes. 2 9 ; Appian,
B ellC iv 2.2 6 ). After 54 this is always called Basilica
Paulli, except once by Varro (Ling. 6.4: B asilica Ae-
m ilia et Fulvia) and once by Pliny referring to an
event of 78 B .C . (H N 3 5 .1 3 : in B asilica . . . A em ilia).
Between Fulvius N obiliors original construction
and Aemilius Paulluss magnificent rebuilding there
is almost no record of the building. In 159 B.C . P.
Cornelius Scipio Nasica installed a water clock ad
jacent to it (Varro, Ling. 6 .4 ; Censorinus, D e D ie
Nat. 2 3 .7 ; Pliny, H N 7.2 1 5 ). And in 78 B.C . M . Ae
milius Lepidus decorated it with im agines clip eatae
of his ancestors (Pliny, H N 35 .1 3 ). There is no rec
ord, literary or archaeological, of any restoration or
rebuilding. By 54 it must have seemed a very anti
quated and dilapidated edifice.
The rebuilding by Paullus was extravagant, and he
did not live to complete it. He was proscribed by the
second triumvirate, fled, and died in exile. The basil
ica was finished and dedicated by his son, L. Aemi
lius Lepidus Paullus, when he was consul in 34 (Cass.
Dio 4 9 .4 2 ). It burned in 14 B .C . and was restored by
Augustus and the friends of Paullus (Cass. Dio
5 4 .2 4 ). Later, in a . d . 22, it was restored by M. Ae
milius Lepidus at his own expense (Tacitus, Ann.
3.72). Pliny (H N 36.1 0 2 ) considered it, the Forum
Augustum, and Templum Pacis the most beautiful
buildings in Rome and speaks of its Phrygian marble
columns as especially beautiful. After the first cen
tury the basilica is scarcely mentioned, though it con
tinued in use down to the early fifth century, when a
fire destroyed the roof.
With the bank of tabernae that preceded it, the
basilica occupied the space between the Argiletum
and a small street along the west side of the Temple
of Antoninus and Faustina (Corneta?) and from
Sacra Via to the Macellum. The line of tabernae was
still in effect a separate structure screening off the
basilica proper from the forum. From the Sacra Via
one mounted a flight of seven steps with a landing at
halfway to a very deep arcaded portico, above which
was a second arcaded storey reached by a stair at
either end and from which spectators could view
events in the forum. At the east end a porch a single
intercolumniation wide and deep projected out to
ward Sacra Via, a rather curious annex. Behind the
arcaded portico opened the row of fifteen tabernae,
three of which were really simply entrances to the
basilica, while two were stairs to the gallery above.
These were all given vaulted ceilings in concrete. The
granite columns in the portico today do not belong
to the basilica, but to a late-antique rehandling of
parts of the ruin of it.
55
BA SILICA PO RCIA
The interior was treated as a great central nave
surrounded on all four sides by an aisle and with a
second, narrow aisle along the north side. The col
umns of the nave were of africano from Teos with
white marble bases and Corinthian capitals, and
those of the northeast extra aisle were of cipollino.
The pavement was of polychrome marble. The dis
tribution of architectural elements, of which a great
many lie scattered in the area, is disputed and awaits
definitive study and publication, but above the
ground storey was a second storey with columns of
africano at smaller scale. Everything else seems to
have been of white marble. The most interesting fea
ture is a frieze laboriously reconstructed from a mul
titude of fragments showing scenes from the early
history and traditions of Rome, which seems to have
been part of the entablature of the lower storey of
the nave (now in the Antiquarium Forense, Helbig4
2.2062), while the upper had a frieze decorated with
an elaborate anthemion.
The faade of the front portico on the Argiletum
is preserved in a drawing by Giuliano da Sangallo
(Cod. Vat. Barb. Lat. 4 4 2 4 , fol. 2 6 ; Nash 1.178).
This shows an engaged order of very elaborate de
sign, Doric, the columns raised on plinths, carrying
an entablature in which the metopes are decorated
with bucrania and paterae. Because blocks of a free
standing order of the same design are found in the
area, we can presume this order was carried as a col
onnade at the short ends of the basilica. The doors
to the portico in the drawing have ornate frames
with ornament corresponding to that found else
where in this building.
At the east end one mounted three steps on the line
of the colonnade; at the west end the steps precede
the colonnade. The approach from the north (north
east) side was originally over three steps and through
a colonnade like that on the southeast; this had a
travertine pavement, and the columns were closer
spaced than those of the nave, some twenty-five in
all with footings revetted with africano. During or
after the construction of Templum Pacis and Forum
Nervae the colonnade was removed and replaced by
a solid wall, so that the portico became in effect a
narrow extra aisle of the basilica.
Discovery in 1899 of a large inscription, a dedica
tion to Lucius Caesar (C IL 6 .3 6 9 0 8 ), grandson and
adoptive son of Augustus, near the southeast corner
of the portico, led E. B. Van Deman to identify the
little projecting porch here as the Porticus Gaii et Lu-
cii (q.v.) mentioned by Suetonius (Aug. 29.4) and
Dio (56.2 7 .5 ). The inscription, though broken, is
substantially complete, and it seems that it cannot be
far from its original place. In this identification Van
Deman was followed by Gamberini Mongenet and
Nash, who slightly modified her reconstruction of
56
the monument to make it an arcade that ran south
to join the lowest storey of the Temple of Divus Iul-
ius. But because the Fornix Fabianus spanning the
Sacra Via very near here survived at least as late as
the time of Saloninus Gallienus (S.H.A. Salon. 19.4),
this interpretation is questionable. Besides, one
would not have expected so insignificant a building
to have been dedicated to such beloved grandsons
(see also E pig rap bica 31 [1969]: 1 0 4 12 [S. Pan-
ciera]). One might better think that the portico in
front of the Basilica Paulli was rededicated to Gaius
and Lucius after the rebuilding of 14 B .C ., but, as
was the case with the Basilica Iulia, the older, more
familiar name remained in common use and eventu
ally drove the new name out.
NSc 1948, 1 1 1 -2 8 (G. Carettoni); Nash 1 .1 7 4 -
7 9 ; BCSSA 29 (1983) (A. Ghisetti Giovarina, L a B a
silica E m ilia e la rivalutazione d el d o rico n el rinasci-
m en to); Coarelli 1985, 1 3 5 -3 8 , 2 0 1 -9 ; A rctos 21
(1987): 1 6 7 -8 4 (M. Steinby); R om M itt 94 (1987):
3 2 5 -3 2 (M. Wegner).
Basilica Porcia: the first named basilica in Rome,
built by Cato as censor in 184 B .C . (Livy 3 9 .4 4 .7 ;
[Aur. Viet.], D e Vir. III. 47) against senatorial oppo
sition (Plutarch, C ato M ai. 19.2), the reason for
which is difficult to understand. It was a small build
ing covering the ground previously occupied by only
four shops and two private (?) atria, the Atrium
Maenium and Atrium Titium, in lautum iis (q.v.),
therefore between the Clivus Argentarius and the
Curia Hostilia, facing on the former. The tribuni ple-
bis came to use it as their public station (Plutarch,
C ato Min. 5 .1 ; see Tabula Valeria). It burned in the
conflagration caused by the pyre of Clodius in 52
B.C . (Asconius in M ilon. [Stangl 32]) and was evi
dently then not rebuilt.
Coarelli 1985, 5 9 - 6 3 .
Basilica Sempronia: built in 170 b . c . by the censor
Ti. Sempronius Gracchus behind the Tabernae Ve-
teres (see Tabernae Circum Forum) toward the statue
of Vertumnus, on land formerly occupied by the
house of Scipio Africanus, butchers stalls, and shops
(Livy 4 4 .1 6 .1 0 -1 1 ). It therefore stood at the point
where the Vicus Tuscus entered the Forum Ro-
manum and must have been replaced by the Basilica
Iulia. It must have been built to balance the Basilica
Fulvia et Aemilia on the opposite side of the forum,
and therefore was probably a sizable building from
the beginning, as Livy makes it sound, but no one
informs us more precisely about its size or design.
R en dL in c, ser. 8.16 (1961): 5 3 60 (G. Carettoni
and L. Fabbrini); Coarelli 1985, 13840.
Basilica Sicinini: see Sicininum.

Basilica Subterrnea: Discovered in 1917, thanks
to the collapse of the vault of its vestibule, under the
Rome/Naples railway line just outside Porta Praenes-
tina (Porta Maggiore) along Via Praenestina, the
complex consists of a steep stair of access from Via
Praenestina, now replaced by a modern access, a
square vestibule of small dimensions, and a rectan
gular basilical hall divided into three vaulted naves
by two lines of three large rectangular pillars con
nected by heavy arches. The hall measures about 12
m long by 9 m wide, and a semicircular apse with a
half-domed ceiling finishes the central nave. The
floor is 7.25 m below the level of Via Praenestina.
The effect is thus of great height and mystery. Illu
mination was provided by a large skylight in the
crown of the vault of the vestibule, but torches must
have been necessary in the basilica itself.
The whole, vestibule and hall, walls and ceiling,
was elaborately decorated with fine stucco reliefs
and painting, much of which is preserved, although
little of the color survives in the hall itself. In the
main room the walls and ceiling are divided into rec
tangular panels of many different sizes by narrow
moldings; where decorated, these are worked with
egg moldings. The subjects of the decoration show
the greatest variety. Illustrations of myths and liter
ature, especially plays of Euripides, are varied with
genre scenes, exotic subjects such as pygmies, deco
rative figures and masks, and the paraphernalia of
cult. The only large composition, that filling the half
dome of the apse, has been identified as Sappho
throwing herself into the sea from the Leucadian
rock and about to be received by a Triton, who
spreads a mantle wide with both hands. Although
many of the scenes remain obscure, enough are iden
tifiable that students of religion interpret this as a
cult center for a congregation of neo-Pythagoreans.
Scenes related to the mysteries of Dionysus are rela
tively numerous. Others maintain that the hall had
no religious purpose and was simply a specus aesti-
vus.
The decorations of the vestibule are distinguished
from those of the main hall by the use of tondos and
odd shapes in the panels and heavier moldings, while
the stuccowork in the side aisles is simpler and per
haps inferior to that of the main nave. The floor is
paved with white mosaic with black borders that
outline the walls and pillars and indicate the position
of features, or furniture, now missing, and a deep
space is marked off in front of the apse. A single bust
in profile, poorly preserved, low on one of the pillars,
may have been a portrait. There is no sign of repair
or remodeling anywhere, and the suggestion is that
the hall was built about the middle of the first cen
tury after Christ and used for only a short time, less
than a half-century.
BELLON A, AEDES
S. Aurigemma, L a basilica sotterran ea n eop itag o-
rica d i Porta M aggiore in R o m a (Rome 1961); E. H.
Wedeking and B. Segall, eds., F estschrift Eugen von
M ercklin (Stiftland 1964), 9 0 -1 0 5 (P. Mingazzini);
Nash 1 .1 6 9 -7 3 ; B A B esch 45 (1970): 1 4 8 -7 4 (F. L.
Bastet).
Basilica Traiani: see M ercati di Traiano.
Basilica Ulpia: see Forum Traiani.
Basilica Vascellaria: listed in the addenda to the
regionary catalogues (Vascolaria: Cur.) and by Po-
lemius Silvius, but otherwise unknown. It has been
suggested that this is an alternate name for the Basil
ica Argentaria, but that is only conjecture. Because
in late antiquity there seem to have been basilicas
associated with a number of trades, this might be
either a market or the seat of a collegium.
Basilica Vestilia: listed in the addenda to the re
gionary catalogues, where there is one manuscript
with the reading vestiaria, and there are other var
iants. Polemius Silviuss Basilica Hostilia is regarded
as an error for Vestilia. This might be either a market
hall where clothes were sold or the seat of a guild of
clothes merchants.
Basis Q. M arcii Regis: the base of a statue in the
Area Capitolina (q.v.) behind the Temple of Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus, to which a bronze military di
ploma was affixed in a . d . 64 (C IL 16.5).
Bellona, Aedes (Figs. 17, 3 7 .3 ): the principal
temple of this goddess, the personification of frenzy
in battle, in Rome, vowed by Appius Claudius Cae-
cus in 2 9 6 B.C . (Livy 1 0 .1 9 .1 7 ; Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 2 ;
Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 0 1 -4 ; C IL P p. 192 elog.
1 0 = 1 1 .1 8 2 7 = IL S 54 = Degrassi, In scription es Ital-
iae 13.3.12) in a battle against the Etruscans and
Samnites and dedicated on 3 June (Degrassi 4 6 4
65). Ovid (Fast. 6 .2 0 1 -4 ) says that it overlooked the
end of the circus near at hand, and this, together
with the Fasti Venusini (ad diem ), serves to place it
in the vicinity of the Circus Flaminius. From it the
senators in session could hear the screams of the pris
oners butchered on orders from Sulla in the Villa
Publica after the battle of Porta Collina (Plutarch,
Sulla 3 0 .2 - 3 ; Seneca, C lem . 1 .1 2 .2 ; Cass. Dio 3 0 -
35 fr. 1 0 9 .5 -7 ). The temple has now been convinc
ingly identified by F. Coarelli as that just east of the
Temple of Apollo Medicus Sosianus, a large perip
teral temple, probably hexastyle, with a deep pro-
naos in the Roman fashion, raised on a low podium
of concrete faced with brick. It is now little more
than a denuded core of concrete of the imperial pe
57
BELLO N A IN SU LEN SIS, AEDES
riod, but one can see that it was once an impressive
edifice with an arcaded portico in peperino framing
the precinct behind and to the east. About its earlier
phases we lack information, because explorations
have not been made within the concrete core of the
podium.
The senate met here frequently (C IL 12.581
= 10.104 = 715 18 = IL L R P 511 [SC de Bacchanali-
bus]; Cicero, Verr. 2 .5 .4 1 ; Plutarch, Sulla 7 .6 ; Cass.
Dio 5 0 .4 .5 ), especially, because the temple lay out
side the pomerium, to receive victorious generals on
their return from campaign and to consider and vote
on their applications for triumphs (see, e.g., Livy
2 6 .2 1 .1 , 2 8 .9 .5 , 2 8 .3 8 .2 , 3 1 .4 7 .7 , etc.) and to re
ceive foreign embassies it did not wish to have inside
the pomerium (see, e.g., Livy 3 0 .2 1 .1 2 , 3 0 .4 0 .1 ,
3 3 .2 4 .5 , 4 2 .3 6 .2 ). It is mentioned in the second and
third centuries, although there is no notice of its res
toration (Cass. Dio 6 9 .1 5 .3 [70.2 .2 ]; S.H.A. Sept.
Sev. 22.6). Near it was a senaculum (q.v.), and be
tween it and the Circus Flaminius, presumably
within the general bounds of its precinct, was the
Columna Bellica (q.v.).
Nash 1 .5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; B u llC om 80 (1 9 6 5 -6 7 ): 3 7 -7 2
(F. Coarelli); R om M itt 94 (1987): 2 4 1 65 (G. Haf-
ner).
Bellona Insulensis, Aedes: a temple known only
from a single funerary inscription from a tomb
erected by Apidia M a, who was scap h aria of Bellona
Insulensis. Here we are dealing with a shrine of Ma-
Bellona on the Tiber island hitherto unknown.
R endP ontA cc 43 (1 9 7 0 -7 1 ): 1 2 1 -2 5 (S. Pan-
ciera).
Bellona Pulvinensis, Aedes: a shrine known only
from inscriptions (C IL 6 .4 9 0 = IL S 4 1 8 0 , C IL
6 .2 2 3 2 -3 3 = IL S 4 1 8 1 82) of a goddess assimilated
to Bellona but probably Oriental in origin, given the
epithet Pulvinensis not in allusion to the great pulvi-
nar in the Circus Maximus, as otherwise the epithet
would be shared by other divinities, but probably to
a ceremonial couch on which the image of the god
dess was displayed to her devotees. Her temple was
in Regio VI, Alta Semita, in Vicus Bellonae, not far
from the Porta Collina, and stood in a grove (C IL
6.2 2 3 2 = IL S 4 1 8 1 , 22 3 5 ). It may well have been
built by Sulla as a victory monument after the battle
of Porta Collina in 82 B .C . She is generally believed
to be the Cappadocian goddess M a and to have had
another shrine somewhere on the Vatican Hill, per
haps not far from the Phrygianum of the Magna M a
ter (q.v.), whom she resembles in a number of partic
ulars. Her worship was orgiastic, and her priests
58
slashed their arms in frenzy to get blood with which
to sprinkle the faithful. Tombstones belonging to her
priests have come to light on the Via Triumphalis on
M onte M ario, which strengthens the case for loca
tion of a temple on the right bank of the Tiber (C IL
6 .2 2 3 2 33 = 7L5 4 1 8 1 -8 2 ). All evidence points to a
late second or third century date for these monu
ments, and so presumably the temple. Cf. Martial
1 2 .5 7 .9 -1 1 ; Juvenal 6 .5 1 1 -2 1 ; and see Bellona, Sa-
cellum (Enueion).
M EFRA 87 (1975): 6 5 3 -6 5 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Bellona Rufilia, Aedes: known only from the
tombstone of a priest (C IL 6 .2 2 3 4 = IL S 4181a) who
is described as a b Isis Serapis and a b a ed em B ellon e
Rufiliae, which seems to indicate a place in Regio III.
The epithet probably refers to the name of the
builder of the temple, perhaps P. Cornelius Rufinus,
cos. 2 9 0 , 2 7 7 B .C ., after his victory over the Sam-
nites. Because the priest is described as fanaticus, the
divinity is to be identified as Ma-Bellona.
M EFRA 87 (1975): 6 5 3 -6 5 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Bellona, Sacellum (Enueion): a shrine inadver
tently destroyed when the temples of Isis and Serapis
in Rome were destroyed in 48 B .C ., at which time jars
containing human flesh were discovered in it (Cass.
Dio 4 2 .2 6 .2 ). This indicates that the orgiastic wor
ship of Ma-Bellona had already been introduced into
Rome, and that the exotic nature of the cult and its
rites led to its confusion with the Egyptian divinities.
The jars containing human flesh suggest that origi
nally at least the cult was a mystery one confined to
initiates.
Bibliotheca Apollinis Palatini (Figs. 2 7 .1 5 -1 6 ,
6 3): twin libraries, one for books in Greek and one
for books in Latin, built by Augustus in conjunction
with the Temple of Apollo Palatinus (see Apollo Pal-
atinus, Aedes). They also contained a gallery of por
traits of distinguished writers, probably imagines cli-
peatae (Tacitus, Ann. 2 .3 7 and 8 3 ; JR S 4 7 [1957]:
1 4 4 46 [S. W einstock]). The first librarian was
Augustuss freedman C. Iulius Hyginus (Suetonius,
G ram m . 20), and we have some sepulchral inscrip
tions of people proud of their association with
the library (C IL 6 .5 1 8 8 -8 9 = ILS 1 5 8 8 -8 9 , C IL
6 .5 1 9 0 -9 1 ). The libraries have been identified as
twin apsidal halls along the southeast side of the pre
cinct of Apollo adjacent to the Domus Augustiana.
These are large halls preceded by a colonnade (?).
The apses are shallow segmental arcs with a central
niche for emphasis, and the adjoining walls are di
vided into bays above two shallow steps on either

side. Thus they conform to the general lines of li
brary architecture, although positive identification is
impossible.
Nash 1 .2 0 4 -5 ; AJA 85 (1981): 3 3 5 -3 9 (D. L.
Thompson).
Bibliotheca Asinii Pollionis: the first public li
brary in Rome, built soon after 39 B .C . by Asinius
Pollio as part of the rebuilding of the Atrium Liber-
tatis (q.v.) from the spoils of his Parthinian cam
paigns in Dalmatia (Ovid, Trist. 3 .1 .7 1 -7 2 ; Pliny,
H N 7 .1 1 5 ; Isidore, Orig. 6.5 .2 ). It contained both
Greek and Latin works and was embellished with
portraits of distinguished men of letters, among
whom Varro was the only living person represented
(Pliny, H N 7.1 1 5 , 35 .1 0 ). Whether it also contained
other parts of Pollios extensive collection of art is
doubtful.
Bibliotheca Capitolina: mentioned only at its de
struction in a conflagration caused by lightning in
the reign of Commodus, a . d . 189 (Hieron. a. Abr.
2 2 0 4 ; Orosius 7 .1 7 .3 ). Orosius says: m aioru m cura
stu d ioqu e com p ositam , which is further puzzling.
Bibliotheca Divi Traiani: see Forum Traiani.
Bibliotheca Domus Tiberianae: see Domus
Tiberiana.
Bibliotheca Panthei: a library built for Alexander
Severus by Julius Africanus, probably an adjunct of
the Thermae Alexandrinae encroaching, or opening,
on the forecourt of the Pantheon in some way (P O xy
3.39 no. 412).
Bibliotheca Porticus O ctaviae: built by Octavia
after the death of her son Marcellus in 23 B.C . as part
of a memorial to him in the Porticus Octaviae (Ovid,
Trist. 3 .1 .6 9 -7 0 ; Plutarch, M arc. 30 .6 ). The first li
brarian was C. Melissaeus, a freedman of Maecenas
(Suetonius, G ram m . 21). Like other libraries of the
time, it was divided between books in Greek and
books in Latin (see, e.g., C IL 6 .2 3 4 7 -4 9 = ILS
1 9 7 0 -7 2 , C IL 6 .4 4 3 1 -3 5 , 51 9 2 ). It burned in the
fire of Titus in 79 (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 4 .2 ) but was early
restored by Domitian (Suetonius, D om . 2 0); from
the way Suetonius speaks, one gathers that it was
considered a m ajor loss and that the work of restor
ing it was a major accomplishment. O f its later his
tory we know nothing.
Bibliotheca Templi Divi Augusti (also called
Bibliotheca Templi N ovi): a library established by
BO N A DEA SU BSAXA N A , AEDES
Tiberius in connection with the Temple of Divus Au
gustus (see Augustus Divus, Aedes). For it he ob
tained from Syracuse the statue of Apollo Temenites,
remarkable for its size and beauty, but was unable to
dedicate it, being cut off by death (Suetonius, Tib.
74). This may be the same as the Tuscanic bronze
Apollo 50 feet high mentioned by Pliny (HN 34.43)
as displayed in the library. The library was probably
destroyed or damaged in the fire that destroyed
the Temple of Augustus shortly before 79 (Pliny,
H N 12.94) but, if so, was restored by Domitian (M ar
tial 1 2 .3 .7 -8 ). From the way Martial speaks, it
would appear that the books, or most of them, sur
vived.
Bibliotheca Templi Pacis: see Pax, Templum.
Bibliotheca Ulpia: see Forum Traiani.
Bona Dea: known only from three inscriptions
found near one another and close to a small aedicu-
lar shrine near the church of S. Cecilia in Trastevere
in 1744 (C IL 6 .6 5 - 6 7 = IL S 3 5 0 0 -3 5 0 1 ). These in
form us that a sacrum B o n a e D ea e was restored by
M . Vettius Bolanus, cos. before a . d . 69, and that an
image was set up to watch over an Insula Bolani (or
Bolaniana) by a certain Cladus, who also made an
other present to the Bona Dea. From these we can
gather that this was a neighborhood sanctuary of
little importance, and the fact that it is not known
from other sources is not surprising. Because the
Bona Dea seems to have been considered especially
efficacious in dealing with problems of vision, she
may have had numerous neighborhood shrines (see,
e.g., C IL 6 .6 8 , 73, 75 = IL S 3 5 0 6 , 3 5 0 8 , 3513).
Bona Dea Subsaxana, Aedes (Fig. 14): the prin
cipal shrine of this goddess in Rome. It stood in Re-
gio X II (N ot., Cur.) below the Saxum, or Remoria,
where Remus was supposed to have taken his au
gural station preliminary to the founding of Rome
(Ovid, Fast. 5 .1 4 9 -5 4 ; Festus 345L ). This was the
north end of the eastern part of the Aventine, the
Aventinus Minor. The foundation of the temple is
ascribed by Ovid (Fast. 5 .1 4 9 -5 4 ) to the senate, its
dedication to Claudia, a Vestal Virgin, and the prin
cipal festival seems to have been on 1 May (Degrassi
45 3 ). Because Festus (60L) equates the early Roman
goddess Bona Dea Fauna with the Greek Damia and
adds that the priestess of the Bona Dea was called
Damiatrix, it has been supposed that the temple
might have been built after the capture of Tarentum
in 2 7 2 B .C ., for there was a festival called the Dameia
there (see Roscher 1.1, s.v. D am ia [R. Peter]). But
59
BO N US EVENTUS, T EM PLU M
the association of this temple with the legends of
Hercules at the site of Rome (cf. Propertius 4 .9 ; Ma-
crobius, Sat. 1 .1 2 .2 7 -2 9 ) makes it likely that it was
very old.
The Bona Dea was unquestionably a goddess of
fertility and healing with chthonic associations. She
was frequently equated with M aia and the earth,
sometimes with Proserpina, and called also Fauna,
Ops, and Fatua. Snakes were allowed to roam free in
her precinct, unharmed and harmless, and the temple
attendants provided a great range of simples to those
in need of medicine, both men and women, but no
man was allowed inside the temple (Macrobius, Sat.
1 .1 2 .2 0 -2 6 ). In 123 B .C . a Vestal Virgin, Licinia,
tried to dedicate an altar, an aedicula, and a pulvinar
in the precinct, but the pontifices ordered them re
moved (Cicero, D om . 136). The temple was restored
by Livia (Ovid, Fast. 5 .1 5 7 -5 8 ) and again by H a
drian (S.H.A. H adr. 19.11). It was still standing in
the fourth century (N ot., Cur.), but no trace of it has
come to light.
Bonus Eventus, Templum: referred to only by
Ammianus Marcellinus (29.6.19), who says it was
near (prope) the Porticus Boni Eventus (q.v.), built
by Claudius, praefectus urbi in a . d . 374. The portico
was evidently in the Horti Agrippae, adjacent to the
west side of the Thermae Agrippae (porticum . . . in-
gentem , lavacro A grippae contiguam ), but it does
not follow that the temple necessarily also was. If,
however, five Corinthian capitals of extraordinary
size that have turned up and been recorded in this
area in the late nineteenth century are remains of the
portico, its line ran northwest/southeast, and we may
see the remains of ancient walls in blocks of peperino
built into the foundations of S. M aria in Monterone
as a likely vestige of the temple. These indicate that
the temple would have faced east, away from the
portico. This building seems to have been aligned
with the Agrippan buildings in the neighborhood, at
a slight angle to the buildings of Pompey, and so may
be part of Agrippas design. But a temple of Bonus
Eventus, originally an entirely agricultural divinity
(Varro, Rust. 1.1.6), seems rather out of place in the
60
context of these gardens, unless it was a rebuilding
of an older shrine.
Bucinum: a name listed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio IV after Aura, and sometimes confused with
it (Aureum Bucinum, N ot.), and before Apollo San-
daliarius. This tends to place it in the vicinity of Tem
plum Pacis, perhaps just behind it. It also occurs once
in the D igesta (14 .4 .5 .1 6 ) in the form a d Bucinum ,
as a place where a man might have a shop, as op
posed to trans T iberim . The word means conch
shell and was perhaps in reference to a relief of such
a shell used to identify a square or a street fountain.
This would probably have been on, or just off, the
Argiletum.
Busta Gallica: evidently a locus saeptus (cf. Varro,
Ling. 5.1 5 7 ) explained in various ways, as a place
where the Gauls cremated their dead promiscuously
in a period of pestilence while they were holding the
city (Livy 5 .4 8 .3 ), as well as a place where the Ro
mans heaped the bones of the slaughtered Gauls
after successfully retaking the city (Varro, Ling.
5.1 5 7 ). Its general location is established by Minu-
ciuss speech in Livy 2 2 .1 4 .1 1 : although Camillus,
after being appointed dictator and coming to Rome,
might have waited in safety on the summit of the
Janiculan hill, he chose that very day to descend and
then crushed the Gauls in m ed ia u rbe and a d Busta
G allica. Because the only bridge across the Tiber at
this time was the Pons Sublicius with its bridgehead
in the Forum Boarium, the Busta Gallica should be
in the Forum Boarium and probably within the line
of the Servian Walls, if it is in m ed ia urbe, although
Livy may not have known where that line lay. An
important inscription of the time of Sulla, C IL
l 2.8 09 = IL L R P 4 6 4 , gives fragmentary information
about the building and paving of streets, especially
in the Forum Boarium and around the Circus M axi
mus, and associates the Busta Gallica with a clivus
and scalae. We may then be justified in putting it in
the near vicinity of S. M aria in Cosmedin. This
would agree also with Varros listing of the Doliola
(q.v.) immediately after the Busta Gallica.
C aca, Sacellum: a shrine said to be of the sister of
Cacus, who betrayed him in one way or another and
in return was given a sacellum at which the Vestal
Virgins worshiped with perennial fire. It is men
tioned by Servius (ad Aen. 8.190) and Lactantius
(Div. Inst. 1.20.36), but by no one else. Its impor
tance is as elusive as its whereabouts. Many students
of religion see Caca and Cacus as fire gods antedat
ing Vesta.
Caci Scalae: see Scalae Caci.
Cacus (or Cacum ): according to the C osm og rap h ia
(Riese, G eog. L at. Min. 83) another name for the
Forum Boarium: iuxta Forum B oariu m quern C acum
dicunt transiens, but this is difficult to believe. It
looks as though this were the mangled remains of a
note explaining Cacuss responsibility for the name
of the Forum Boarium.
Caelimontium (and Caelemontium): the name
given to Regio II of Augustan Rome in the regionary
catalogues, appearing also in C/L 1 5 .7190 = ILS
8730. It embraced various lobes of the Caelian Hill,
reaching as far as the line of the Aurelian Walls, but
not much else. The name is formed like Septim on-
tium and perhaps derives especially from the Porta
Caelimontana of the Servian Walls. The street lead
ing to that gate may have carried the same name and
been the principal artery here, as seems attested by
the epithet Caelimontienses occurring in C IL
6 .31893 = IL S 6072 and C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 9 .
Caeliolus (and Caeliolum): Varro (Ling. 5.46)
says that after the Etruscan army of Caele Vibenna
had been settled on the Caelian, because that situa
tion seemed too well defended, some were moved to
the Vicus Tuscus, while those who were above sus
picion were settled on the Caeliolus. Martial
(12.18.6) speaks of a Caelius M aior and a Caelius
Minor, and Cicero (Har. R esp. 32) of a Caeliculus or
Caeliculum. The principal lobes of the Caelian are
those crowned by the Temple of Divus Claudius and
the church of SS. Quattro Coronati, with a third ris
ing east of S. Gregorio Magno. The line of the Ser
vian Walls is very uncertain for the whole of the Cae
lian, but it seems likely that the Arcus Dolabellae et
Silani marks one of the gates, probably the Porta
Caelimontana, in which case we should be justified
in identifying the street leading from this to the top
of the Clivus Scauri as the main artery of this part of
Rome and the lobes to either side of this as the Cae
lius M aior (the site of Divus Claudius) and Caelius
Minor. Were we to take the line of the walls as run
ning east along the southern brow of the hill (a more
defensible line) before cutting across the waist west
of the Lateran, then we should probably see the Cae
liolus as the lobe of SS. Quattro Coronati.
Caelius M ons (Fig. 16): the southeasternmost of
the seven hills of Rome, a long narrow tongue run
ning from its juncture with the plateau of the Esqui-
line at Porta Maggiore in a gentle curve south and
west and ending in lobes at the church of SS. Quattro
Coronati, the Temple of Divus Claudius, and behind
S. Gregorio Magno. Its length is about two kilome
ters, its width never more than one-half kilometer. It
is separated from the Esquiline by a deepening valley,
down which a watercourse runs to empty into the
basin of the Colosseum (the Ceroniae); this then con
tinued as a brook to the southwest through the valley
between Palatine and Caelian and joined the brook
running down the Vallis Murcia of the Circus M ax
imus. In its upper reaches this second brook, now
called the M arrana, separates the Caelian from the
surrounding country and drains its southern slopes.
At its western end its draw was called the Vallis Ca-
menarum, and through it at Porta Capena passed the
 Figure 16
M on s C aeliu s, G eneral
P lan, Show ing Know n
Rem ains o f A ntiquity
and M odern Streets

62

Via Appia. The ancient Romans distinguished a Cae-
lius M aior and a Caelius Minor, the latter also ap
parently called Caeliolus (q.v.). The valley between
the Caelian and the Oppius seems to have been
called Subura, a duplication of the name of the valley
between Esquiline and Quirinal, and in the city of
the Regiones Quattuor (q.v.) the tribe of the Caelian
was the Suburana (abbreviated Sue.), with the sug
gestion that this valley was the most populous sec
tion of the Regio.
The hill is said by Tacitus (Ann. 4.65) to have first
been called Querquetulanus Mons (q.v.) from the
oak woods covering it, but this is probably simply an
extrapolation from the name of the Porta Querque-
tulana (q.v.) in the Servian Walls. It is said to have
got the name Caelius from Caele Vibenna, an Etrus
can soldier of fortune who came to the aid of one of
the kings of Rome with a force of fighting men and
was rewarded with citizenship and land within the
city (Tacitus, Ann. 4 .6 5 ; Varro, Ling. 5 .4 6 ; Paulus
ex Fest. 38L and Festus 48 6 L ; Dion. Hal. 2 .36.2).
There was a well-known Gens Caelia, a plebeian
family, and the name is thus parallel to that of the
Oppius and Cispius. Under Tiberius, in consequence
of a fire and miraculous preservation of a statue of
Tiberius, there was a proposal to change the name to
Mons Augustus, but this never caught on (Tacitus,
Ann. 4 .6 4 ; Suetonius, Tib. 48.2).
Tradition varies as to which king was responsible
for the addition of the Caelian to the city. We find it
ascribed to Romulus (Varro, Ling. 5.4 6 ), Tullus Hos-
tilius ([Aur. Viet.], D e Vir. III. 4 .4 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .1.5),
Ancus Marcius (Cicero, R ep. 2 .1 8 ; Strabo 5 .3 .7
[234]), Tarquinius Priscus (Tacitus, Ann. 4.6 5 ), and
Servius Tullius (C IL 13.1668 = IL S 212). When the
question is so inconsequential, the divergence of au
thority is surprising.
The line of the Servian Walls on the Caelian is dis
cussed under the rubric Caeliolus (q.v.). Both Cae
lian and Subura figured in the Septimontium (Festus
4 59L , 4 7 4 -7 6 L ) and were thus very old parts of the
city. The suggestion in Varros story of the transfer
ence of the Caelian settlement to the Vicus Tuscus
because of the strategic strength of the Caelian and
distrust of the Etruscans suggests a fortified village
or town, but this would probably have been pali
saded at best and the defenses completely destroyed
at the time of the transference.
In the Augustan redistricting of Rome, the Caelian
was divided among four of the new regiones, the
western and southern slopes falling into I, the main
body of the hill into II, most of the old Subura into
III, and the eastern reaches of the hill into V. It was
always thickly populated under the republic, but, so
far as we know, the site of no major temple or shrine,
a rather remarkable circumstance. In a . d . 2 7 the hill
CAMENAE
was apparently devastated by fire (Tacitus, Ann.
4.64) and thereafter became a favorite place for the
residences of the rich, but palatial houses (dom us)
rather than villas (horti). This character persisted at
least until the end of the fourth century.
A. M . Colini, Storia e top og rafa d el C elio n ellan-
tichita (M em PontA cc 7 [1944]).
Caesares, Septem: known only from inscriptions at
Praeneste (C IL 1 4.2886) and Reate (C IL 9 .4 6 8 0
= IL S 7484) but presumably indicating a district in
Rome. The first is the base of a statue of a freedman
of a certain Paris, in all probability the pantomimist
of the reign of Nero, who was c o a c to r argentarius,
the second of a vinarius, a septem C aesaribus. With
such diverse interests involved, we should look for a
place of intense commercial activity, and the idea of
portraits of seven Caesars in a public place suggests
the neighborhood of the Mausoleum Augusti (q.v.)
(but see PAPS 125.5 [1981]: 3 6 8 - 6 9 [R. E. A. Pal
mer]).
Caesarum, Aedes: see Augustus Divus,
Sacrarium.
Calcarienses: see [Schola] Calcariensium.
Camellenses: a district in Rome where tradesmen
were found abusing the norms of business recog
nized by the Romans and subject to an edict of the
praefectus urbi Tarracius Bassus aimed at curbing
their activities (C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 = /LS 6 0 7 2 , 31899).
They are listed immediately after the Caelimontan-
ienses, which has been taken to mean that they be
longed somewhere on or near the Caelian, but, be
cause in our main copy of this edict they are one of
the first four names on the list and inscribed in letters
conspicuously larger than the rest, they may have
been singled out rather for the seriousness of the of
fenses against them.
Camenae: originally almost certainly water god
desses presiding over a spring of especially good
water (Vitruvius 8 .3 .1 ; Frontinus, A q. 1.4). They be
came assimilated to the Muses. Their spring was in a
grove on the Caelian near Porta Capena (Servius a d
Aen. 7.6 9 7 ), almost certainly the spring of S. Gre
gorio Magno, m irabilis, im m o saluberrim us fons,
which Lanciani (LFUR sheet 35) connected with a
well just to the northeast of the church. The name
was extended to the whole area around the spring,
including the valley between the Caelian and the Av-
entine and a Vicus Camenarum (C IL 6.975 ILS
6073). At the spring was a small aedicula of bronze,
supposed to have been put there by Numa, which
was struck by lightning and then removed to the
63
CAMPUS
nearby Temple of Honos et Virtus (see Honos et Vir-
tus, Aedes) (Servius a d Aen. 1.8). Later still, in ca.
187 B .C ., M . Fulvius N obilior took it and put it in
his Temple of Hercules Musarum (see Hercules Mu-
sarum, Aedes). The aedicula must have been replaced
by a full-scale temple, for the tragic poet Accius is
said to have erected a very tall statue of himself there
(Pliny, H N 3 4 .1 9 ; cf. Juvenal 3.13). Presumably it is
the dedication of this temple that fell on 13 August
and became the annual festival of the Camenae
(Degrassi 4 9 4 96). Juvenals comment on the revet
ting of the banks of the spring with marble and con
version of it into an artificial nymphaeum (3 .1 7 -2 0 )
is probably somewhat exaggerated.
By order of Numa, the spring of the Camenae was
consecrated to the use of the Vestal Virgins, who had
to sprinkle the Temple of Vesta daily with its water,
which had to be fetched by hand (Plutarch, N um a
13.2; Festus 152L). The Vicus Camenarum of Regio
I would presumably have been the street of which
Lanciani (LFUR sheet 35) shows only a small por
tion, running slightly west of north from Porta Ca-
pena toward the Palatine.
Campus: see Ager, Campus, Prata.
Campus Agrippae: a considerable tract listed by
the regionary catalogues in Via Lata (Regio VII),
probably laid out as a park and a place where R o
mans liked to stroll (A. Gellius 14.5.1). It was begun
by Agrippa and embellished with a portico built by
his sister, Vipsania Polla, but unfinished at his death
and then completed by Augustus. The Porticus Vip
sania (q.v.) was still standing at the time the region
ary catalogues were compiled, and Martial locates it
close to a gate and with its laurels in view from his
house (Martial 4 .1 8 .1 2, 1.108.3), which was on the
clivus leading from the Temple of Quirinus to the
Temple of Flora (see Domus Martialis). So the gate
is probably the Porta Quirinalis (q.v.), and the Cam
pus Agrippae may have extended from the street
leading out through this gate (following roughly the
line of Via delle Quattro Fontane) on the east, pos
sibly as far as Via Lata on the west and Via S. Clau
dio on the north (along the line of the so-called Aqua
Sallustiana), if the remains of a portico found just
south of Via del Tritone belong to the Porticus Vip
sania. On the south it may have been bounded by the
line of the Servian Walls on the brow of the Quirinal,
if Agrippa was allowed to include the pomerial strip
within it.
Campus Boarius: known only from inscriptions
(C IL 6 .9 2 2 6 ; cf. 12.1 2 5 9 = IL L R P 802). Because the
64
subject of the first inscription is described as a gate
keeper of the campus, the Forum Boarium cannot be
meant. The logical place for a Campus Boarius in the
vicinity of Rome would be to the east of the city, but
beyond that one can say nothing.
Campus Bruttianus: mentioned in the regionary
catalogues and Polemius Silvius (545), listed in Regio
XIV. Because the Gens Bruttia is well known, the al
lusion is probably to that, rather than to the servants
of magistrates (A. Gellius 1 0 .3 .1 9 ; Paulus ex Fest.
28L ), whose interest in the right bank of the Tiber
would be difficult to explain.
Campus Caelemontanus: mentioned in a single
sepulchral inscription (C IL 6.9 4 7 5 ). On analogy
with the Campus Viminalis and Campus Esquilinus,
this should be a tract of land just outside the Servian
Walls at Porta Caelimontana.
Campus Codetanus: see Codeta.
Campus Cohortium Praetoriarum : Hiilsens re
construction of the name for what Tacitus (Ann.
12.36) calls cam pus, q u i castra praeiacet, a zone be
tween the Castra Praetoriana and the Servian Walls,
where only altars, dedications, and such small mon
uments as might suit a military drill ground have
come to light (B ullC om 4 [1876]: 17593 [R. Lan
ciani]; 5 [1877]: 2 1 -2 8 [R. Lanciani]).
Campus Esquilinus: a large area just outside the
Porta Esquilina, which in the late republic was the
great cemetery of Rome, where burial of public he
roes could be made in plots assigned by decree of the
senate (Cicero, Phil. 9.17) and slaves could be laid
down beside wits and neer-do-wells (Horace, Sat.
1 .8 .8 -1 6 ). The part between the Servian Walls and
the line of the Aurelian Walls was reclaimed under
Augustus and made the fifth regio of the city, Esqui-
liae, but under Claudius public executions were still
performed in the Campus Esquilinus (Suetonius,
C laud. 2 5 .3 ; cf. Strabo 5 .3 .9 [237]), so the cemetery
limit must simply have been moved beyond the new
line. Once reclaimed, the former cemetery was re
garded as a very salubrious district. Maecenas built
his famous horti (see Horti Maecenatiani) there, and
Propertius lived there (3.23.24, 4 .8 .1 2). The ar
chaeological finds indicate that this cemetery was in
use from the seventh century B.C . to the first. A gap
from the end of the sixth century to the middle of the
fourth, for which no burials have been recovered, is
puzzling.
B u llC om 42 (1914): 1 1 7 -7 5 (G. Pinza); I. S. Ry-

berg, An A rch aeolog ical R ecord o f R om e (Philadel
phia 1940), 1 -1 5 3 ; R om a m ed io rep u bblican a (show
catalogue, Rome 1973), 1 8 8 -2 3 3 .
Campus Flaminius: evidently synonymous with
Prata Flaminia (q.v.), used by Varro (Ling. 5.154)
and explained as the site around which the Circus
Flaminius was built and from which it took its name.
Because we now know that the Circus Flaminius was
simply a public square and not a regular circus,
Varro must be rationalizing. Livy (Epit. 20) says that
Gaius Flaminius as censor (220 B .C .) built both the
Via Flaminia and the circus.
C am pus Io v is: mentioned only once (S.H.A. Pes-
cen. N iger 12.4) as the site of the house of Pescen-
nius. In the absence of any corroborative evidence or
reasonable explanation of the phrase, it is to be re
garded as fictitious.
C am pus L a n a ta riu s: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio X II and probably to be associated
with the Area Pannaria (q.v.) of Regio I. This would
have been the site of a wool market, probably out
side the Servian Walls (hence cam p u s), so very likely
on the Via Appia, and possibly it and the Area Pan
naria were on opposite sides of the road, not far
from Porta Capena. It must have been relatively old
to be called cam pus, and lanatarius may be a mistake
for either lanarius, the form one would expect,
or better laniarius, because butchers were to be
found outside Porta Capena (C IL 6 .1 6 7 = ILS
3 6 8 2 a = IL L R P 97, C IL 6.168 = IL L R P 9 8 ; Plautus,
Pseud. 3 2 6 -3 4 ).
C am pus M a r tia lis : a place on the Caelian where
the Equirria were held whenever flooding of the
Campus Martius prevented their being held there
(Paulus ex Fest. 117L ; Ovid, Fast. 3 .5 1 7 22). This
was probably just beyond the line of the Servian
Walls and very probably the same as the Campus
Caelemontanus (q.v.). If there is a memory of it pre
served in the name of the medieval church of S. Gre
gorio in M artio, it may have lain a little to the west
of the baptistery of S. Giovanni in Laterano (HCh
2 5 8 -5 9 ).
Campus Martius (Figs. 17, 18): the flood plain of
the Tiber north of Rome, bounded by the river on
the west, by the Pincian Hill on the east, and by the
Quirinal and Capitoline hills on the southeast and
south. This very large tract was divided into smaller
units to identify particular locations, some of them
also called campus, as was the Campus Agrippae,
CAM PUS M A RT IU S
Figure 17
Southern Cam pus
M artiu s, Porticus
O ctav iae, Porticus
Philippi, Tem ple o f
A pollo M edicu s, Temple
o f B ello n a , Theatru m
M a rce lli, and
A djacencies,
R epresentation on the
M arb le Plan in
R elation to
M odern Streets
others called differently, as were the Prata Flaminia,
Aemiliana, and Villa Publica. In Augustuss time the
Campus Martius proper seems to have begun only at
the Petronia Amnis (q.v.) (Festus 296L). In the Au
gustan division of the city, the Campus Martius was
divided between Regio VII, Via Lata, and Regio IX,
Circus Flaminius, the line of division between the
two being somewhat uncertain, but lying parallel to
the line of the Via Flaminia and possibly along it.
The topographical value of the evidence of C IL
6.8 7 4 = ILS 5935 must remain doubtful; it deals
with the princeps purchase of land from private in
dividuals in order to make it public, but the phrase
a d cam p, versus is susceptible of more than one in
terpretation and is hardly likely to mean everything
north of the Pantheon.
The Campus in its broadest extent stretched about
two kilometers north and south from the Capitoline
Hill to beyond Porta Flaminia and about the same
east and west from the Quirinal hill to the Pons Ner-
65
 CA M PU S M A R T IU S
Figure 18 onianus. It was low, its surface only 3 - 8 m above the
Cam pus M artiu s, Tiber, and with few, and only minor, elevations; con
Area along the Southern
sequently it was subject to frequent flooding. It was
Stretch o f Via L ata
cut and drained by two important watercourses;
(Via F lam inia),
P orticus M in u cia one, the Petronia Amnis, ran south and west from
Fru m en taria (?), Statio the western slope of the Quirinal, its source being the
C o ho rtis I V igilum , Fons Cati (see Cati Fons), now in the courtyard of
Tem ple o f Divus
Palazzo del Quirinale. This passed along the line of
H adrianu s, and
C olum na M a rci A urelii Via S. M arco and Via delle Botteghe Oscure to the
western end of the latter, where it turned abruptly
south and emptied into the Tiber opposite the west
end of the island. The other drained the valley be
tween the Pincian and the Quirinal now marked by
Via del Tritone; its ancient name is unknown, and in
modern times it is usually called the Aqua Sallustiana
(q.v.). Its springs were near the eastern end of Via
Sallustiana, and it followed, as it does today, a
roughly east-northeast/west-southwest course, emp
tying into the Tiber near Ponte Umberto I, opposite
the Palazzo di Giustizia. There was also a swamp, the
Palus Caprae, or Capreae, in the little basin now
marked by the Pantheon; this may have been the
source of a rivulet that followed, at least in part, the
line of the runoff of the Thermae Agrippae, often
called the Euripus Agrippae, running west and then
northwest in an arc to empty into the Tiber just
above Ponte Vittorio Emanuele. There was also a
66
volcanic vent of some sort from which issued hot va
por near the river just below the bend at Ponte
Vittorio Emanuele; this was the origin of the Taren-
tum (q.v.). It has since disappeared and may have
disappeared quite early. The Campus was essentially
open ground, but there may have been an oak grove,
the Aesculetum (q.v.), near the river at the southern
end of modern Via Arenula.
The Campus Martius, often simply called Campus
(see, e.g., Livy 4 0 .5 2 .4 ; Cicero, C at. 2 .1 ; Horace,
Carm . 1.8.4, 3 .1 .1 1 ), was traditionally land that be
longed to Tarquinius Superbus and after his expul
sion was dedicated to M ars (Livy 2 .5 .2 ; Plutarch,
Poplic. 8 .1 ; Florus 1.3.9.1). However, there was an
other tradition, that the Campus had early been ded
icated to M ars and had been appropriated by Tar
qun, and to support this was the evidence of the
existence of an Ara Martis in the Campus as early as
the time of Numa (Dion. Hal. 5 .1 3 .2 ; Festus 204L).
The former was the more popular tradition, though
the latter seems sounder.
From the beginning of the republic the Campus
was ag er pu blicu s, and only in the time of Sulla,
when there was an economic crisis brought on by the
Social War and the war impending with Mithridates,
was part of it sold for private ownership (Orosius
5 .1 8 .2 7 ). This was the land near the Capitoline that

was traditionally assigned to the members of the
chief priesthoods. The name of the Prata Flaminia
may reflect either a very old ownership (Livy
3 .5 4 .1 5 , 3.6 3.7) or, more likely, may have been given
to the area on the left bank of the Petronia Amnis
after the creation of the Circus Flaminius. Gellius
(7.7.4) says the Campus Tiberinus (q.v.) was the
same as the Campus Martius and the gift of a Vestal
Virgin, Gaia Taracia or Fufetia, to the state, but this
is very doubtful, and Gellius is our only authority for
it. However, certainly after Sulla and possibly before
him, encroachment on the Campus by private build
ers was a serious problem (cf. Cicero, N at. D. 2 .1 1 ;
Att. 1 3 .3 3 .4 ; Varro, Rust. 3 .2.5). Some of these
buildings may have been on land awarded the build
ers as an honor (cf. Servius a d Aen. 9.272), but
others were probably simply abusive. The regionary
catalogues list 3,805 insulae and 120 domus in
Regio VII, as well as 2 ,7 7 7 insulae and 140 domus
in Regio IX .
Early the Campus was regularly used as a public
pasture and provided space and facilities for military
drilling and athletics, including swimming (Dion.
Hal. 5 .1 3 .2 ; Horace, C arm . 3 .7 .2 5 2 8 ; Vegetius
1.10). It lay outside the pomerium throughout the
republic and must have been curiously gerryman
dered by the surveyors of the new pomerial lines in
the early empire (see Pomerium). It was not brought
wholly within the pomerium until the construction
of the Aurelian Walls. It therefore made an ideal
place for the assembly of citizens both in their mili
tary formations as an army and in the comitia cen-
turiata in which they voted and the census was con
cluded (Livy 1 .4 4 .1 -2 ; Dion. Hal. 4 .2 2 .1 2 ; A.
Gellius 1 5 .2 7 .4 -5 ). The area in which the voting
was conducted was given the humorous name Ovile,
later changed to Saepta (cf. Servius a d E el. 1.33). In
the buildings in the Campus, the senate accorded au
diences to embassies that were forbidden entrance to
the city (see, e.g., Livy 3 0 .2 1 .1 2 , 33.24.5).
Besides the Altar of M ars, which must have been
very ancient, we know of three other early cult cen
ters here, the Ara Ditis et Proserpinae in the Taren-
tum, the Apollinare with the Temple of Apollo built
in 431 B .C ., and the Temple of Bellona beside the
Apollinare, vowed in 296 B.C . However, the archae
ological evidence from the Area Sacra of Largo Ar
gentina proves that two of the four temples there, A
and C, have a phase that goes back to the early third
century at the latest, so we may presume that temples
were not uncommon in the southern Campus M ar
tius by the time of the Punic wars. Between the Punic
wars and Actium, we hear of at least fifteen temples
built in the Campus, most of them victory monu
ments, and can presume the list is far from complete.
CAMPUS M IN O R
But the evidence suggests that they were all clustered
in the Prata Flaminia or close to the Petronia Amnis.
Building on a large scale in the middle Campus be
gan only with Pompeys theater and porticoes and
Julius Caesars project for the Saepta in the middle
of the first century B.C . Caesar is said to have con
ceived the idea of enlarging the Campus by diverting
the Tiber to a straightened course close under Monte
M ario and the Vatican (Cicero, Att. 13 .3 3 .4 ); so far
as we know, the project was never more than a pro
posal.
Beginning with Pompeys theater, the central Cam
pus Martius was rapidly built up. By the end of the
reign of Augustus, there can have been practically no
space available in the area south and east of the Pan
theon, while buildings and park associated with the
Mausoleum Augusti filled the throat between the
river and the Via Flaminia to the north. By the end
of the reign of Hadrian, the only open space of any
extent was an area west of the Stadium of Domitian
around which the river looped and another north of
the straight street running from the vicinity of Piazza
Colonna to the Pons Neronianus. This open space
was probably kept free of construction as long as
possible, but the second area at least was probably a
park rather than playing fields and drill grounds.
Strabo (5.3.8 [236]) has left a brilliant description of
the Campus in his day, in which he characterizes it
as the showplace p ar ex cellen ce of Rome.
With the decline of the population of Rome
brought on by the removal of power to Constanti
nople and other centers, as well as the decline in
wealth and vigor brought by the barbarian inva
sions, the dwindling population of Rome became
concentrated more and more in and around the
Campus Martius. This was the heart of the city in
the Renaissance and baroque periods and still re
mains so to a very large degree today. New develop
ments have produced large satellite communities of
every sort, but the Campus Martius is the hub from
which they radiate.
HJ 4 7 2 - 6 2 1 ; M em L in c, ser. 8.1 (1949): 9 3 -1 9 3
(F. Castagnoli); Lugli 1938, 5 - 2 8 2 ; Lugli 1975,
4 1 0 -7 7 , especially 4 1 1 -1 4 ; M EFRA 89 (1977):
8 0 7 -4 6 (F. Coarelli); L iv e rp o o l C lassical M onthly 4
(1979): 12934 (T. P. Wiseman); A nalR om , suppl.
10 (1983): 2 1 - 4 0 (L. Quilici); TAPS 80.2 (1990): 1 -
64 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Campus M inor: mentioned only by Catullus
(55.3), perhaps an alternate name for the part of the
Campus Martius stretching from the Petronia Amnis
to the Capitoline, at least part of which was also
known as the Prata Flaminia (q.v.).
PBSR 48 (1980): 6 -1 6 (T. P. Wiseman).
67
CA M PU S N ER O N IS
Campus Neronis (also Prata Neronis): a desig
nation in documents of the seventh to eleventh cen
turies inclusive (Jordan 2 .4 3 0 ), evidently identical
with the plain of Nero of Procopius (B ellG o th
1.19.3, 2 8 .1 5 , 2 9 .2 2 -2 5 ; 2 .1 .4 - 5 , 2 .1 9 -2 1 ). It was
the district on the right bank of the Tiber to which
the Pons Neronianus led and where the Circus Gaii
et Neronis stood, probably all the relatively flat land
between the Circus Gaii et Neronis and the Tiber,
and probably reaching as far east as the Mausoleum
Hadriani. But in at least one source it seems re
stricted to the area immediately surrounding the cir
cus (D issPontA cc 2 .8 .3 7 6 [C. Hlsen]).
Campus Octavius: listed in the addenda to the re-
gionary catalogues and Polemius Silvius (545), but
otherwise unknown.
Campus Pecuarius: listed in the appendix of the
regionary catalogues and in a single inscription (C IL
6 .9 6 6 0 = IL S 7 5 1 5 ), the funerary inscription of a
negotiator. It probably lay close outside the Servian
Walls, but everything else about it is uncertain.
Campus Sceleratus: an area in the agger just inside
Porta Collina and south of Vicus Portae Collinae
where Vestal Virgins who were convicted of unchast
ity were buried alive in a small chamber prepared for
this purpose (Dion. Hal. 2 .6 7 .3 - 4 ; Plutarch, N um a
1 0.67; Festus 4 4 8 L ; Servius a d Aen. 11.206). The
first infliction of this punishment may have been in
337 b . c . (Livy 8 .1 5 .7 -8 ).
Campus Tiberinus: identified by Aulus Gellius
(7.7.4) as an alternate name for the Campus Mar-
tius. Both Gellius and Pliny (H N 34.25) tell the story
that the Campus Tiberinus was presented to the Ro
man state by a Vestal Virgin, Gaia Taracia or Fufetia.
Plutarch (P op lic. 8.4) gives a slightly different ver
sion, in which the land donated is adjacent to the
Campus Martius that belonged to Tarquinius Super
bus, possibly land on the left bank of the Petronia
Amnis, what was later called the Prata Flaminia. But
Boehm, following the lead of Mommsen, has shown
that the story of Gaia Taracia is a doublet of that of
Acca Larentia and that both spring from a single
root. M acrobius (Sat. 1.10.16) tells us that Acca left
four agri to the Roman people, the Ager Turax, the
Ager Semurius, the Ager Lintirius, and the Ager So-
lenius. The first and Taracia are clearly the same
name.
Campus Vaticanus: used only by Cicero (Att.
13.33.4) in a context in which it is clear that he
means the area now known as Prati di Castello. It
was probably a phrase invented for the occasion and
not in general use. See Vaticanus.
Campus Viminalis Subager (for Sub Aggere [?]):
found only in the regionary catalogues, listed in Re-
gio V. This ought to be the area just outside the Porta
Viminalis, perhaps deliberately kept free of construc
tion for public use. The area outside Porta Viminalis
has yielded very little in the way of archaeological
remains in the part north of Porta Viminalis, prob
ably because of the proximity of the Castra Praeto-
ria. The troops quartered there must have used this
as an exercise ground. But the finds are almost
equally scarce in the area south of Porta Viminalis,
where the Campus should lie in order to fall within
Regio V. It seems not unlikely that this was a public
park.
Canalis: the open channel of the Cloaca through the
Forum Romanum in Plautuss day (Cure. 476). Livy
(1.56.2) credits Tarquinius Superbus with culverting
the Cloaca, but it appears rather that he dredged out
its channel and confined it within walls to prevent
flooding. It was probably in large part culverted in
preparation for the construction of the Basilica Ful-
via et Aemilia in 179 B.c. Cf. also Paulus ex Fest.
40L : Canalicolae forenses.
Capita Bubula, Ad: a locality in the Regio Pala-
tina, the birthplace of Augustus (Suetonius, Aug. 5)
near the Curiae Veteres (q.v.), because Servius (ad
Aen. 8.361) says Augustus was born in curiis veteri-
bus, therefore probably near the northeast angle of
the hill. It may be that the faade of the Curiae Ve
teres was decorated with the skulls of the animals
sacrificed there.
Capitolinus M ons (Fig. 19): the smallest of the
seven hills of Rome, a ridge between the Forum R o
manum and the Campus Martius with an axis lying
northeast/southwest, the southwest end precipitous
cliffs above the river (see Tarpeia Rupes), the north
east end dropping to a low saddle to connect with
the lower heights of the Quirinal. The Capitoline
proper was composed of two heights connected by a
high saddle, at least part of which was known as In
ter Duos Lucos, the site of modern Piazza del Cam-
pidoglio, especially the eastern part of this. The
southwestern height, slightly lower than the north
eastern and larger, was originally known as Mons
Saturnius (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 2 ; Festus 4 3 0 L ; Solinus
1.12). It was also known as Mons Tarpeius from the
cliff at its southwest extremity from which criminals
condemned on capital charges were hurled, the name
of the Saxum Tarpeium or Rupes Tarpeia being ex

tended to both the southwest lobe and the hill as a
whole (Varro, Ling. 5.41). After Tarquinius Priscus
decided to build the temple to the Capitoline triad
on the southern height and excavations were being
made for the foundations of the massive temple, a
human head of remarkable size and perfect preser
vation was discovered and taken as an omen that this
would be the head of the world (Livy 1.55.56;
Varro, Ling. 5.41). From this event, the epithet Cap-
itolinus was added to the titles of Jupiter and given
to the hill, being extended to include the hill as a
whole, although the Area Capitolina (q.v.) was con
fined to the southwestern height.
Both heights must have been included in a single
system of fortifications from a very early period, per
haps originally simply palisading. During the sack of
the city by the Gauls in about 3 9 0 B .C ., the fighting
strength of Rome took refuge on the Capitoline and
was able to hold it against every assault, including
one by way of the Saxum Tarpeium (Livy 5 .3 9 .9
4 0 .6 , 4 3 .1 -5 , 4 7 .1 -5 ). Propertius (4.4) would have
the same state of affairs prevail during the war with
Titus Tatius, which is only logical if the Capitoline
was defended by the Romans. A gate in the castel-
lum, originally called the Porta Saturnia, was later
known as the Porta Pandana (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 2 ; So-
linus 1.13). It was on the Capitoline crest (Dion. Hal.
1 0.14.2) and was probably a postern at the top of
CA PITO LIN U S M ONS
Figure 19
M on s C apitolinus and
A d jacencies, Plan
Show ing Rem ains of
A ntiquity in R elation to
M odern Streets
and Buildings
the Centum Gradus (q.v.). According to one story
the name was changed because of an agreement
Romulus made with Titus Tatius that the gate should
always remain open, or always open to the Sabines
(Fastus 246L , 496L ). The etymology is questionable,
but we must presume the gate was regularly open
throughout the classical period.
It has become usual to distinguish the northeastern
height by the name Arx, but arx is a common noun
and should apply to everything within the system of
fortifications. The very common phrase arx et Capi-
tolium (cf., e.g., Livy 1.33.2, 2 .7 .1 0 ; Val. M ax.
3 .2 .7 ; Tacitus, Ann. 11.23) is probably simply tau
tological, the Capitolium and arx being inseparable.
If the northeastern height ever had a name, no one
tells us what this might have been. It may well have
been called Auguraculum (see Auguraculum [1]),
from the station where Numa was consecrated king
of Rome (Livy 1 .1 8 .6 -1 0 ) and the augurs took
monthly auspices for the new month, because that is
the earliest shrine we hear of there and seems to have
been kept deliberately in its primitive state until a
late period. In the early settlement of Rome after the
war with Titus Tatius, the Capitoline was believed to
have been given to the Sabines, and Titus Tatius is
said to have had his house on the northeastern
height, on the spot later occupied by the Temple of
Iuno Moneta (Solinus 1.21). This may explain the
69
C A P IT O L IU M VETUS
persistence of the term collis for the Capitoline (Livy
1.12.1; Martial 1 2 .2 1 .6 ; Arnobius, Adv. N at.
4 .3 ; Augustine, D e civ. D. 2 .2 2 , 3 .8 , 3 .1 2 , 4.2 3),
in accordance with the pattern of the Quirinal
and Viminal, despite its usual designation as mons.
The slopes of both heights were steep and possibly
improved for defense by scarping in various sectors.
The only road from the direction of the Forum Ro-
manum up the hill was the Clivus Capitolinus (q.v.),
which began at the Temple of Saturn and climbed
steeply along the slope to the southwest before turn
ing and making directly for the entrance to the Area
Capitolina. A stair, the Gradus Monetae (q.v.), later
replaced by the Scalae Gemoniae (q.v.), led from the
end of the Sacra Via directly up the northeastern
height (E. Platner et al., B eschreibu n g d er Stadt R om
3.2 [Stuttgart and Tbingen 1838], 16; cf. AJA 82
[1978]: 241 [L. Richardson]). A second stair led
from the lower slopes, the level of the Temple of
Concordia, through the Tabularium to the saddle be
tween crests. A third stair, the Centum Gradus (q.v.),
led from the Forum Holitorium to the top of the
Saxum Tarpeium. Ancient streets have been found
under Piazza del Campidoglio that ran to both
heights and connected with the Clivus Capitolinus
behind the Porticus Deorum Consentium (q.v.), as
well as one that probably ran down along the line of
the Cordonata to the Campus Martius, but it has not
been possible to follow this far enough to be sure
where it led. The lower slopes of the hill seem to have
been covered with shops and housing from a very
early period, building that came right up to the walls
by the early imperial period (see, e.g., Tacitus, Hist.
3.71).
The Capitoline was not included in the city of the
Regiones Quattuor (q.v.), and it did not have any
shrine of the Argei, so far as we know, which sug
gests that it was regarded as special and possibly out
side the pomerium. However, the presence of the
Porta Stercoraria (q.v.) along the Clivus Capitolinus
can be taken to indicate that it was regarded as a sort
of no mans land, an idea that the presence of the
Asylum (q.v.) and Saxum Tarpeium could also be
used to support. Because this was the very heart and
head of the official religion of the Roman state, it
was above the limitations and characterization of
other places in the city.
Jordan 1 .2 .1 -1 5 4 ; Lugli 1946, 1 -5 3 .
Capitolium Vetus (Fig. 7 2): a sacellum on the
Quirinal dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva,
believed to be older than the Capitoline temple
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 8 ). It was still a landmark in the
time of M artial (5.2 2.4 , 7.73.4) and is listed in the
regionary catalogues. It may have been the source
of a group of inscriptions belonging to dedications
(C IL l 2.7 2 6 -2 8 = 6 .3 0 9 2 5 -2 7 = 1LS 3 2 - 3 4 = IL L R P
1 7 5 -7 7 , but see Degrassis note on nos. 1 7 4 -8 1 ). It
stood at one end of the Clivus Proximus a Flora su-
sus versus Capitolium Vetus, a clivus probably be
ginning at Porta Quirinalis and ending at Alta Sem-
ita, possibly the street that became Ad Malum
Punicum beyond Alta Semita.
Caprae Palus (Capreae, Ovid, Fast. 2 .4 9 1 ): a
place in the Campus Martius mentioned only in con
nection with the disappearance of Romulus, who
was holding a con tio, or a review of the army, there
when there was a sudden local squall and darkness
of brief duration, in the midst of which Romulus dis
appeared (Livy 1 .1 6 .1 ; Florus 1 .1 .1 6 ; Solinus 1.20;
etc.). It is widely assumed that this would have been
in the basin of the Pantheon, the lowest part of the
Campus Martius, and this likelihood is strengthened
by the proximity of the Saepta here, which replaced
the Ovile, a natural place for a contio. But there is
no proof. If it was in the basin of the Pantheon,
Agrippa must have drained it in preparation for the
construction of his complex of buildings here.
Capralia: according to Paulus ex Fest. (57L), the
correct name for the district commonly called a d ca
prae paludes. Because in the Augustan period the Ca
prae Palus must have disappeared under Agrippas
Saepta and Thermae, one wonders about the persist
ence of the designation.
Capraria, Aedicula: see Aedicula Capraria.
Caput Africae (Fig. 16): listed by the regionary cat
alogues in Regio II and known from inscriptions to
have been the site of a p aed ag og iu m for slaves in the
imperial house (C IL 5 .1 0 3 9 = ILS 1826, C IL
6 .1 0 5 2 , 8 9 8 2 -8 7 [8983 = IL S 1832]), one of whom
was to be a vestitor. A base bearing a dedication to
Caracalla of a . d . 198 lists twenty-four p aed ag og i, all
freedmen, six of them vernae. They describe them
selves as a cap ite A fricae, but usually capu t is not
declined. Presumably the name came from an alle
gorical head of Africa wearing the spoils of the ele
phant; because this survived as late as the Einsiedeln
itinerary of the eighth century, it must have been
sculpted, and it might be the standard of a street
fountain or similar landmark.
This gave its name to a vicus, convincingly identi
fied by G. Gatti (A d i 54 [1882]: 1 9 1 -2 2 0 ) with the
ancient street under Via della Navicella. He also
demonstrated that Caput Africae lay southwest of
the vicus, toward the Temple of Divus Claudius.
Probably it stood at or near the juncture of the Vicus
Capitis Africae and a nameless street perpendicular

to it leading in the direction of SS. Quattro Coronati,
and the paedagogium was behind it.
Caput Gorgonis: mentioned only in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio XIV. Granted the enor
mous popularity of the motif used decoratively in
every medium and at every scale, one feels this ought
to have been in some way remarkable, perhaps in the
round or of exceptional material, but nothing further
is known about it.
Caput Tauri: see Forum Tauri.
Career (Figs. 19, 2 0 ): the only public jail of Rome,
at the foot of the Capitoline between the Temple of
Concordia and the Curia, and with a faade on the
Clivus Argentarius. It was not a place for long im
prisonment, simply a place of detention, and espe
cially the place where non-citizens condemned of
capital crimes were executed, usually by strangula
tion. These were especially the kings who had fought
against Rome, such as Jugurtha and Vercingetorix,
who would be taken to the Career immediately after
having been exhibited in the triumphal procession.
The Catilinarian conspirators were also executed
there (Sallust, Cat. 55.16). See Livy 1 .3 3 .8 ; Veil.
Pat. 2 .7 .2 ; Val. M ax. 9 .1 2 .6 ; Pliny, H N 7 .2 1 2 ; Fes-
tus 325L .
It is described by Sallust (Cat. 5 5 .1 6) and still
consists of two parts, as he says. The underground
part was called the Tullianum, a name derived, ac
cording to our ancient sources (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 1 ;
Festus 490L ), from its having been built by Servius
Tullius, but more likely deriving from a spring (tul-
lius) that still rises in its floor. This existed in an
tiquity (cf. Propertius 4 .4 .3 -1 4 and the nearby Porta
Fontinalis), as shown by an ancient drain that con
veyed its water to the southeast, evidently to empty
into the Cloaca. In antiquity this lower chamber was
accessible only by a shaft in the center of the roof.
This chamber was originally round, almost 7 m in
diameter, built of large blocks of peperino. The walls
are three courses high, only about 2 m, with a strong
batter, while Sallust says it was 12 feet high, so
higher parts may have been lost when the present
flat-arched roof was installed. Frank dates the con
struction of the chamber to the third century b . c .,
and the roof to sometime after 100 b . c ., after the
upper chamber was constructed. This roof was ex
tensively repaired at a later date. Before the upper
chamber was built, the ring was cut by a straight
wall of Grotta Oscura tufa across its front on the
Comitium, presumably during work of regulariza
tion in connection with the Comitium.
The upper chamber is a trapezoid vaulted north
and south. Its east wall follows the line of the Com-
CA R IN A E
Figure 2 0
C areer, Plan o f B o th
Storeys
and Section
itium; its south wall, that of the Temple of Concor
dia. It is constructed largely of Monteverde tufa and
is dated 1 2 0 -8 0 B .C . by Frank. The faade, in blocks
of travertine, is the work of the consuls Vibius Rufi-
nus and Cocceius Nerva, as the inscription informs
us, between a . d . 39 and 4 2 (C1L 6 .1 5 3 9 , 3 1 6 7 4 ); it
has the grim forbidding strength one associates with
prisons.
One is a bit surprised that the Romans should have
chosen a place with a spring for their jail. It may be
that originally criminals were condemned to death
by starvation, and the spring functioned as the jug of
water deposited with Vestal Virgins condemned for
unchastity. Or it may be that the Career began its
existence as a springhouse and was converted to use
as a jail when the spring failed to produce an ade
quate supply. It was still in use in the fourth century
(Amm. M arc. 2 8 .1 .5 7 ). The epithet Mamertinus is
post-classical.
Frank 3 9 - 4 7 ; Lugli 1946, 1 0 7 -1 1 ; Nash 1 .2 0 6 -
8; R om a sotterran ea (show catalogue, Rome 1984),
1 1 2 -1 6 (R. Luciani); Coarelli 1985, 6 4 -7 6 .
Carinae: probably the whole brow of the western
end of the Oppius from the vicinity of the church of
S. Pietro in Vincoli around to the Thermae Titi (see,
e.g., Livy 2 6 .1 0 .1 ; Varro, Ling. 5 .4 7 -4 8 ; Horace,
Epist. 1 .7 .4 8; Dion. Hal. 1 .6 8 .1 , 3 .2 2 .8 ), probably
deriving its name from a fancied resemblance be
tween the natural shape of the edge and a row of
upturned boats (but see Servius a d Aen. 8.361). It
was a fashionable place to live, especially in the late
republic; Pompeys Domus Rostrata was there (Ci
cero, Har. R esp. 4 9 ; Suetonius, G ram m . 15; Florus
71
C A R M EN TIS, FANUM
2.1 8 .4 ), and Augustus was brought up there (Servius
a d Aen. 8.361). Its most conspicuous monument was
the Temple of Tellus (see Tellus, Aedes). Toward the
east it was bounded by the Murus Terreus (q.v.),
which was probably a terrace wall of crude brick
(Varro, Ling. 5.4 8 ), certainly not an agger, as many
commentators have supposed.
E ran os 85 (1987): 1 2 2 -3 0 (A. Fridh).
Carmentis, Fanum (Sacellum, Ara, Arae): the
shrine of Carmentis (or Carmenta), a goddess of
prophecy widely supposed to be the Arcadian
mother of Evander, a divinity who also helped
women in childbirth, probably originally a water
nymph. The Carmentalia was celebrated on 11 and
15 January (Degrassi 3 9 4 - 9 5 , 398). The shrine was
at the foot of the Capitoline at the Porta Carmentalis
of the Servian Walls, which took its name from her
(Solinus 1.13; Servius a d Aen. 8.337). It is variously
called a fanum (Solinus 1.13; A. Gellius 18.7.2), a
sacellum (Ovid, Fast. 1.629), an ara (Vergil, Aen.
8.337), and arae (Varro, ap. G ell. 16.16.4). The last
is probably most accurate. Varro says that to avert
the danger of having a child born feet first, altars
were set up in Rome to the two Carmentes, one sur-
named Postverta, the other surnamed Prorsa (or Por-
rima). Ovid {Fast. 1 .6 3 3 -3 6 ) explains these two
Carmentes as sisters or companions of the Arcadian
goddess, deriving their names from their ability to
look into both the past and the future. It may be that
originally there was a single altar and subsequently
others were added in its proximity.
In the recent excavations of the Area Sacra di S.
Omobono, despite careful research, no trace of
either the Porta Carmentalis or the shrine of Car
mentis has been identified. These must have been
very close to this area, the Porta Carmentalis opening
in the Servian Walls where they crossed the Vicus
Iugarius and the shrine just inside it (iuxta portam ,
not extra p ortam , Servius a d Aen. 8.337).
Casa dei Grifi: the modern name given remains of
a building of the late republican period found by
Boni in 1912 under the lararium of the Domus
Augustiana (q.v.) that preserved important decora
tions in the early Second Style, now for the most part
removed to the Antiquario Palatino. The general
plan of the building is impossible to read given the
state of our knowledge. It is clear that there were two
storeys, but these may not have been in communica
tion with each other, and the lower storey seems to
have been abandoned and buried while the upper
was still in use, to which circumstance we owe the
excellent preservation of the painting. The lower sto
rey has walls faced with opus incertum, with later
modifications in walls faced with opus reticulatum,
and was clearly largely subterranean, the only win
dows being in the crowns of the vaulted ceilings.
There are remains of four rooms, all originally
vaulted, but for only one of these is the plan com
plete. It is small and trapezoidal, one wall running at
a distinct angle, with a rather deep vestibule and an
alcove, probably for a piece of furniture, adjacent to
the entrance. The other rooms seem to have been reg
ularly rectangular and may have given on a court
yard or peristyle to the northeast. The use of all of
them is obscure. The pavements are fine mosaic.
The decorations are highly architectonic, repro
ducing the schemes of Pompeian First Style decora
tions, but with the addition of illusionistic columns
raised on a continuous plinth in one room and on
individual plinths in another. These appeared to
carry the vaults. Opus sectile of trompe loeil effect
is reproduced in some panels, and throughout there
is meticulous attention to detail and the rendering of
the mottling of certain stones shown. Much of the
painting is close to being a translation of First Style
decoration into painted illusion. The only stucco re
lief is in the vaults and the lunettes, one of which
shows a pair of gryphons in heraldic symmetry flank
ing an elaborate scrolled vine springing from a clump
of acanthus. This has given the building its name.
G. E. Rizzo, L e pitture della C asa d ei G rifi
{M onum enti della pittura an tica scop erti in Italia,
sec. 3, Roma fasc. 1 [Rome 1936]).
Casa dei Paesaggi dellOdissea: a large late-
republican house on the northwest slope of the Cis-
pian above Via Cavour at the corner between Via
Sforza and Via dei Quattro Cantoni, evidently devel
oped in terraces, the lowest being a portico or cryp-
toporticus of at least two wings decorated in the late
Second Pompeian Style. High on the continuous wall
was a landscape frieze, 1.16 m high, originally con
tinuous, but broken into panels by pairs of pillars of
the architectural frame. This showed in birds-eye
perspective the adventures of Odysseus, the nine
panels recovered whole or in part representing events
from the landing in the land of the Laestrygonians to
the encounter with the sirens, but these are neither
the beginning nor the end of the sequence. They are
unique, very fine work; important figures are identi
fied by name in the Greek alphabet. The paintings
were discovered in 1848 and are now, except for one
fragment, in the Biblioteca Vaticana.
R om M itt 70 (1963): 1 0 0 -1 4 6 (P. H. von Blanck-
enhagen); A. Gallina, L e pitture con paesaggi d ell
O dissea d a llE squ ilin o (StMisc 6 [1964]).
Casa della Farnesina: a splendid house with su
perb decorations on the right bank of the Tiber just
above the Cellae Vinariae Nova et Arruntiana dis

covered in the garden of Villa Farnesina during work
on the new Tiber embankment in 1879 and then par
tially excavated. It seems to have been, in effect, a
portico villa set facing northeast across the river,
probably of symmetrical plan, although the ruinous
condition of the northern half did not permit cer
tainty on this point. The main features recovered
were part of a hemicyclical corridor jutting out to
ward the river, a suite of painted rooms behind this
in highly organized symmetry facing a lateral garden
area of its own, and a long, straight cryptoporticus
divided in half by a line of pillars on the landward
side. This was the entrance side, and the cryptopor
ticus was here backed against a long line of small
service rooms. The river front was evidently terraced
and gardened, probably in more than one level. The
decorations are in early Third Pompeian Style and
are still highly architectonic and employ cinnabar
but include a wealth of figures and narrative and
genre panels. A date of 2 0 -1 0 B .C . is proposed; the
ownership of the house has been much discussed,
and it is frequently assigned to Agrippa, but there is
no evidence. The vaults of three of the smaller rooms
were decorated with fine stucco reliefs, including
landscapes and scenes of mythology and religious rit
ual. Much of the subject matter of the decorations is
enigmatic and has provoked lively debate, but the
excellence of the workmanship and the brilliance of
the decorative effect are beyond question. What
could be salvaged from the decorations is now in the
Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme.
I. Bragantini and M. de Vos, L e d ecorazion i della
villa rom an a della Farnesina (M useo N azion ale R o
m an o, L e Pitture, 2.1, Rome 1982), with biblio
graphy.
Casa di Augusto: see Domus, Augustus.
Casa di Livia (Fig. 6 3 .3 ): the modern name given
to a building discovered by P. Rosa in 1869 on the
Palatine behind the Domus Tiberiana, between the
Temple of the Magna M ater and the Domus Augus-
tiana. Although the southwest corner of the triclin
ium had been breached in Farnese excavations of
1 7 2 2 -1 7 2 4 and part of that decoration removed at
the time, the building was evidently not further ex
plored. It shows a very complicated history of con
struction, and large parts of it are of scant architec
tural interest, b u rit preserves wall decorations of the
greatest importance. The name is assigned it on the
basis of a lead pipe found in the excavations bearing
the name of Iulia Augusta (C/L 15 .7 2 6 4 ), but this is
now believed to be of questionable date and value.
The decorations belong to a phase intermediate be
tween the Second and Third Pompeian Styles and are
to be dated to the Augustan period. The house even
CAS A D I L I V I A
tually must have belonged to some member of the
imperial family, but whether it did at the time of this
decoration is doubtful.
The decorated part consists of a large lobby, its
roof originally supported by a pair of stout pillars,
onto which open three deep halls parallel to one an
other and together filling one long side of the lobby.
The central hall is somewhat wider than those flank
ing it and has been called the tablinum, while its
companions are called alae, but the identification
is groundless. Another room opening at the south
west corner of the lobby has been called the triclin
ium. These names are often retained for conve
nience. All these rooms were largely subterranean
and windowless, unless there were lights opened in
the missing ceilings. They were approached by a stair
and a ramped corridor leading to the exterior, which
has been thought to be a posticum, but it is hand
some and more commodious than the connection
with the rest of the house, which is by a narrow stair
leading up to a corridor at a higher level. Off this
corridor to the southwest lies a series of service
rooms, while behind the tablinum and alae was
a courtyard flanked or surrounded by porticoes sup
ported on stout square pillars. This part of the house
was later rebuilt as a series of rather cramped and ill-
planned rooms that seem not to have been living
quarters. And off the southwest side of the house, at
some uncertain period, was added another squarish
courtyard with pillars of tufa at the corners and col
umns along the sides that seems to have been sur
rounded with rooms on three sides. All this part of
the house has come down in poor condition, espe
cially the second courtyard.
The decorated suite is very fine, both in architec
tural concept and in the quality of the painting, but
there is no indication of how these rooms func
tioned, and sometime in antiquity they were butch
ered by the cutting of doors and addition of new
walls that were left undecorated. Presumably by that
time they had been relegated to use as a cellar. The
lobby had a rather severe late Second Style decora
tion proper to an atrium or similar apartment, its
main feature an arcuated cornice supported on fig
ured (?) brackets. The tablinum had an elaborate
early scaen ae fron s decoration, including large cen
tral subject pictures of Io watched by Argus and
Polyphemus and Galataea. The right ala is famous
for its continuous frieze in yellow monochrome of
exotic landscapes and the rich garlands swung be
tween fancifully embellished columns. The left ala
has a frieze of heraldically posed winged figures on
delicate scrolled brackets. And the triclinium has
large central landscapes of sacro-idyllic character.
There are scant remains of fine mosaic pavements
throughout.
73
 CA SA R O M U L I
Figure 21
C asa R o m u li, Plan and
Sections o f F lo o r and
Post H oles
Figure 22
Casa R o m u li,
R econ stru ctio n
o f Fram ew ork
The building is in every way a puzzle. When the
decorations were removed to protect them from the
humidity, it was discovered that the somewhat irreg
ular reticulate-faced walls showed older doors had
been closed with masonry before the plaster was
laid, so the building must be dated some years before
the painting. Perhaps the building is mid-first century
B.C . and the decorations ca. 2 5 - 2 0 B .C .
G. E. Rizzo, L e pitture della C asa d i L iv ia
(.M onum enti d ella pittura antica sco p erti in Italia,
ser. 3, Roma fasc. 3 [Rome 1936]).
Casa Romuli (Figs. 21, 22): the hut of Romulus on
the Cermalus slope of the Palatine beside the Scalae
Caci (q.v.). It is best described by Dionysius: a prim
74
itive hut built of wattle and daub, roofed with
thatch, which was preserved and repaired whenever
damaged in a form as close as possible to the original
(Dion. Hal. 1.79.11; Plutarch, R om . 20.4). Damage
to it was regarded as an evil omen (Cass. Dio
48.43.4, 54.29.8). It was evidently the same as the
Tugurium Faustuli (Solinus 1.18), although the dis
covery of cuttings and post holes for several huts
near the top of the Scalae Caci may possibly indicate
that more than one was known to have existed. It
was preserved at least until the fourth century, for it
is listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio X . An
Aedis Romuli on the Palatine is listed as the location
of one of the shrines of the Argei (Varro, Ling. 5.54:
a p u d aed em R om u li); it is probably the same as the
Casa.
A second Casa Romuli, a duplicate of the first, was
maintained in the Area Capitolina (q.v.) (Vitruvius
2.1.5; Seneca, Contr. 2.1.5; Conon, D ieg. [FG rH 1
p. 210]). We know nothing about this after a . d . 78.
Lugli 1946, 34, 455; M onA nt 41 (1951): 1-146
(S. M. Puglisi, P. Romanelli, A. Davico, and G. de
Angelis dOssat); Coarelli 1974, 1 3 8 -3 9 ; R E L 62
(1984): 5 7 -8 0 (A. Balland).
Castor, Aedes (Figs. 23, 63): the Temple of Castor
(or of the Castors) at the southeast corner of the
Forum Romanum flanked by the Vicus Tuscus and
fountain of Juturna (Cicero, N at. D. 3.13; Plutarch,
C oriolan . 3.4; Dion. Hal. 6.13.4; Martial 1.70.3;
also shown on the Marble Plan [FUR pi. 21.18; Rod
riguez pi. 13]). According to tradition it was vowed
at the battle of Lake Regillus in 49/3 B.C . by the dic
tator Postumius, first in the heat of battle and then
after the Dioscuri were seen watering their horses at
the spring of Juturna following the victory, and ded
icated in 484 by the son of Postumius (Livy 2.20.12,
2.42.5). The day of dedication is given as 27 January
by everyone but Livy (2.42.5), who gives 15 July, the
day of the Transvectio Equitum, which may be the
date of the dedication of the first temple (Degrassi
4 0 3 -4 ).
Its correct name was Aedes Castoris (Suetonius,
C aes. 10.1; Cass. Dio 37.8.2), and so it regularly ap
pears, but we also find Aedes Castorum (e.g., Pliny,
H N 10.121; N ot. Regio VIII; Chron. 146), and even
Aedes Castoris et Pollucis (e.g., Asconius in Cic.
Scaur. 46 [Stangl 28]; Suetonius, Tib. 20).
The foundations of the oldest temple show a plan
like that of Temple A at Pyrgi and suggest fecon-
struction with three rows of four columns preceding
the cella and a cella flanked by lateral features. The
Danish excavators believe there were three cellas, but
lateral colonnades or alae seem more likely, and alae
preferable.
The temple was rebuilt by L. Caecilius Metellus in
 CASTOR ET P O LL U X , AEDES

117 B .C . (Cicero, Scaur. 46 [Stangl 28], with Ascon-

ius in Cic. Scaur. 4 6 ; Verr. 2 .1 .1 5 4 ; Plutarch, Pom p.
2.4). The concrete of the podium associated with this
rebuilding is the earliest dated concrete known
(Frank 7879). Verres made some repairs to it (Ci
cero, Verr. 2 .1 .1 2 9 -5 4 ), and it was completely re
built by Tiberius and dedicated in a . d . 6 in his name
and that of his brother Drusus (Suetonius, Tib. 2 0 ;
Cass. Dio 5 5 .2 7 .4 ; Ovid, Fast. 1 .7 0 7 -8 ). Caligula in
some way incorporated the temple in his palace,
making an approach to the palace between the two
statues, so the Dioscuri became his gatekeepers (Sue
tonius, Calig. 2 2 .2 ; Cass. Dio 5 9 .2 8 .5 ). Claudius
abolished this modification. A restoration is ascribed
to Domitian (Chron. 146), and here the temple is
called Templum Castoris et Minervae, a name also
found in the regionary catalogues. But scholars are
agreed that the existing remains are essentially Au
gustan and that any subsequent restoration must
have been limited. It is also one of the finest of all
ancient Roman buildings.
It served frequently as a meeting place for the R o
man senate (e.g., Cicero, Verr. 2 .1 .1 2 9 ). Its stair was
arranged to form a rostra with small stairs leading
off from either end of a platform running the width
of the temple at midstair (cf. Nash 1: figs. 239, 241).
This must be one of the Rostra III of the regionary
catalogues, although there is no indication that it
was ever decorated with beaks. In the temple were the three surviving columns on the east side were all
kept the standards for weights and measures (cf. C IL that was standing in the fifteenth century, for the
5 .8 1 1 9 .4 , 11 .6 7 2 6 .2 = IL S 86 3 8 , C IL 1 3 .1 0 0 3 0 .1 3 - area near them was called Tre Colonne. These are of
14), and a series of chambers in the podium in the white marble, 12.50 m high, and carry an entabla
intercolumniations closed by metal doors served as ture with a plain frieze and a richly worked modil-
repositories for the imperial fiscus (C IL 6 .8 6 8 8 -8 9 ) lion cornice. The design of the capitals is especially
and for the wealth of private individuals (Juvenal admirable.
1 4 .2 6 0 -6 2 ). The temple was standing in the fourth century and
As rebuilt in the Augustan period, the temple was was included in the regionary catalogues, but virtu
octastyle, Corinthian, peripteral, with eleven col ally nothing is known of its history in the imperial
umns on each long side and almost certainly a and medieval periods. Its identity was early lost, and
double row to either side of the relatively shallow in the early nineteenth century it was often wrongly
pronaos. The podium is very high, the floor standing identified, most frequently as the Temple of Iuppiter
about 7 m above the Sacra Via. The pronaos is 9.90 Stator.
m deep and 15.80 m wide, the cella is 19.70 m deep Frank 7 8 7 9 ; M AAR 5 (1925): 7 9 102 (T.
and 16 m wide, and the whole building is some 50 Frank); Lugli 1946, 1798 3 ; Nash 1 .2 1 0 13;
m long and 20 m wide. The podium is concrete, en A ctaA rcb 56 (1985): 1 -2 9 (I. Nielsen, J. Zahle, et
closing remains of earlier phases encased in tufa al.), 59 (1988): 1 -1 4 (I. Nielsen).
walls from which spur walls project to make the lo-
culi for safekeeping of valuables. Under the columns, C a sto r et P o llu x , A edes (Fig. 2 4 ): a temple in
footings of travertine replace the tufa. From the Circo Flam inio, its day of dedication 13 August (De-
pronaos a flight of eleven steps leads down to grassi 4 9 4 , 49 6 ). It is cited by Vitruvius (4.8.4) as a
the rostra in front, 3.66 m above the street level. The temple of unusual plan, and from a fragment of a
rostra was provided with a railing and could accom detailed plan of its immediate area on a marble plate
modate a fairly large number of persons. From ref it is now known to have been a temple with a trans
erences in literature (Plutarch, Sulla 3 3 .4 ; Cicero, verse cella, like those of Concordia and Vediovis on
Phil. 3.27), it is clear that there were similar arrange the Capitoline. It is shown as hexastyle with a pro
ments in Metelluss temple. O f the superstructure, naos three columns deep, approached by a stair of

75
 CASTRA
Figure 24
Tem ple o f C astor
and Pollux in
C ircus Flam inius,
Represen tation
on M arb le
eight steps, with what must be a pair of windows
flanking the pronaos. A round feature in front of the
temple is interpreted as its altar. Because the scale of
the plan, 1 :2 4 0 , is the same as that of the Marble
Plan and a curiously represented building behind the
temple on what appears to be the bank of the Tiber
agrees perfectly with a building shown on a fragment
of the Marble Plan preserving other features (FUR
pi. 5 6 .6 1 4 ; Rodriguez pi. 24), it becomes possible to
locate the temple very precisely just west of Via della
Cinque Scole, occupying most of the area of Piazza
delle Cinque Scole behind the southern end of Piazza
Cenci. Because an open area is shown in front of the
temple, we must presume that this is Circus Flami
nius, which means that Circus Flaminius was ex
tended beyond the line of the Petronia Amnis and
was at least 2 0 0 m long. From the near neighbor
hood of the temple come the two colossal marble
statues of the Dioscuri with their horses that adorn
the balustrade of Piazza del Campidoglio (Helbig4
2 .1 1 6 4 ), but they were evidently an addition of the
second century after Christ, presumably set up in
front of the temple, possibly flanking the stair of ap
proach.
The temple is dated by its order in the fasti after
the temples of Fortuna Equestris and Hercules a d
Portam Trigem inam of 173 B .C . and by its appear
ance in the Fasti Allifani and Fasti Amiternini before
46 B.C . A date close to 100 B .C ., when the transverse
cella plan was most popular, may be indicated, be
cause the plan shows that it was not dictated wholly
by the exigencies of the space available.
M . Conticello deSpagnolis, II T em pio d ei D ios
76
curi nel C irco Flam in io (Rome 1984); StRom 33
(1985): 2 0 5 -1 1 (F. Castagnoli); B u llC om 91.1
(1986): 9 1 -9 6 (M. Conticello deSpagnolis); JR A 1
(1988): 12031 (E. Rodriguez Almeida).
C astra: The earliest castra we hear of in Rome are
the Castra Praetoria, built by Tiberius some distance
beyond the Servian Walls but on high ground, com
manding the important approaches to the city from
the north, northeast, and east. These must have been
preceded, however, by the station es of the Cohortes
Vigilum, the seven barracks of the police and fire bri
gades created by Augustus in his reorganization of
the city into fourteen regiones beginning in 7 B.C.
Each cohort served two of the Augustan regiones,
and the statio was strategically located to cover the
territory best. There were also fourteen ex cu bitoria,
smaller stations, presumably one in each regio, but
the location of only one of these, in the Transtiberim,
is known, and it was not original, but installed about
the beginning of the third century after Christ in a
building already nearly a century old. The three sta
tiones that are known, those of cohorts II, IV, and V,
are known principally from finds of inscriptions, not
excavations, traces of the actual building being
known only for that of V on the Caelian, west of the
church of S. Stefano Rotondo, and these not suffi
cient for us to infer from them the buildings plan.
Because it is known, however, that in the early third
century the cohort had at one time 930 men and 113
officers, and a little later 1,013 men and 109 officers
(C IL 6 .1 0 5 7 , 1058 = IL S 21 5 7 ), we can calculate
that the cohorts at that time numbered about seven
thousand men, with an officer for every nine or ten
men, and were organized on military lines with pre
fects and centurions. It follows that from the begin
ning they would have been housed in barracks of
castrum plan and with the regular features of such.
Indeed the room in which the statue bases of CIL
6 .1 0 5 7 and 1058 were found was believed to be the
praetorium of the camp, and sockets in the mosaic
pavement were thought to be intended for standards
of military type.
The Castra Praetoria were built on the standard
plan of all Roman army camps, a rectangle some
what longer than wide with rounded corners, di
vided into four parts by streets, the cardo and decu-
manus, that ran their length and width and ran to
gates at their ends. These did not divide the camp
into exact quarters, the cardo being displaced to
ward the west. Camp headquarters was at their
crossing, where an open square was left in front ot
the praetorium. The camp was fortified from an
early period, probably from the beginning, but the
fortification was not a formidable one. Not much is
known about the arrangements in the interior, but

enough to see that it followed the usual pattern of
long, thin units of uniform cells set back-to-back
with passages between. We can presume that the
Castra Misenatium and Ravennatium for the detach
ments from the fleet kept in Rome to rig and manip
ulate the awnings that regularly protected the spec
tators in the theaters and amphitheater and
occasionally elsewhere were similar, but smaller, but
we have no information about these, except that the
former were near the Amphitheatrum Flavium (Col
osseum) and the latter in the Transtiberim. Probably
both detachments were used in the naumachiae, as
well as for the awnings, and it was prudent to keep
them distant from each other.
The Castra Equitum Singularium and Castra Pere
grina on the Caelian are the urban castra best known
to us, part of the former discovered in 1 9 3 4 -1 9 3 8
under the basilica of S. Giovanni in Laterano, part of
the latter in 1905 under the convent of the Little
Company of Mary nearby. The former was a very
extensive complex, in fact two castra, the Castra
Priora and the Castra Nova Severiana of the Equites,
the remains under the basilica belonging to the latter.
Only a small part of these could be excavated, but
soundings could be made at various points, and what
was excavated included a good part of the praeto-
rium with the Schola Collegii Equitum Singularium
with an altar made of a column drum topped with
an inverted Ionic capital carrying an interesting in
scription identifying the schola and proving that the
castra were built in a . d . 1 9 3 -1 9 7 . The whole com
plex was very large, extending under the Palazzo del
Laterano and cloisters of the basilica as far as the
Aurelian Walls. These Equites were an elite corps of
cavalry organized as a special bodyguard for the
princeps about the end of the first century after
Christ. Under Septimius Severus the Praetorian
Guard was disgraced and replaced by the Equites,
their number being doubled to enable them to per
form the service, hence the construction of the new
castra. The Castra Peregrina, headquarters of sol
diers who performed special services in Rome,
housed especially the Frumentarii, a detachment at
first responsible for the provisioning of the army, the
an n on a m ilitaris, who later became first couriers and
then, under Hadrian, a secret police. Their barracks,
of which only bits, not enough to permit reconstruc
tion of even a general outline, were found, seem to
have been built in the early second century, under
Trajan or Hadrian.
All these were professional army men, and we
should expect them to accord with the patterns of
the Roman army elsewhere, even when they were as
signed to duty in Rome itself. But many other
branches of the imperial household and bureaucracy
were also organized on the same lines and housed in
CASTRA M ISE N A TIU M
what were known as castra. Thus we hear of the
Castra Lecticariorum, Castra Silicariorum, Castra
Tabellariorum, and Castra Victimariorum. Only the
last is surprising; one would not have expected the
demands of the state religion to have been heavy
enough to call for military organization.
Castra Equitum Singularium (Fig. 16): the bar
racks of the Equites Singulares, an elite cavalry corps
that was a bodyguard for the princeps. Remains of
these were found in 1885 in Via Tasso north of the
Scala Santa, especially the wall of a large rectangular
court. This wall is broken by niches, and in front of
it were inscribed pedestals, dedications of veterans at
the completion of their service (B ullC om 13 [1885]:
1 3 7 -5 6 [R. Lanciani]). The earliest of these that is
dated is early Hadrianic, the latest mid-third century.
Sepulchral inscriptions of Equites Singulares men
tion Castra Priora (e.g., CIL 6 .3 1 8 3 , 3191 = IL S
2 2 0 5 , 3196) and Castra Nova (e.g., C IL 6.3198
= IL S 2 2 0 7 , 3 2 0 7 , 32 5 4 ), and a diploma speaks of
Castra Nova Severiana (C IL 16.144, dated a . d .
230). One manuscript of the N otitia, the Lauren-
tiana, also speaks of Castra Equitum Singularium II
(Jordan 2.5 7 3 ). There therefore must have been two
barracks, the second built by Septimius Severus.
That in Via Tasso would be the earlier. The other
was discovered in 1934, when it became possible to
lift the pavement of S. Giovanni in Laterano and ex
plore under it. There was found a complex of bar
rackslike rooms and also an apsidal room with an
altar in front of the apse carrying a long inscription
of two officials of the Equites Singulares, in honor of
Septimius Severus and Caracalla. This then was the
barracks built when Septimius Severus doubled the
number of the Equites Singulares following the abo
lition of the Praetorian guard. It was destroyed a cen
tury later when Constantine abolished the Equites
Singulares.
Lugli 1938, 5 1 8 - 2 2 ; Lugli 1970, 5 4 0 - 4 1 ; Nash
1 .2 1 4 -1 8 ; R. Krautheimer, S. Corbett, and A. K.
Frazer, C orpus B asilicaru m C hristianarum R o m a e 2,
fasc. 5 (Rome 1976), 2 5 -3 0 .
C astra Lecticariorum : listed by the regionary cat
alogues in Regio X IV and in the B reviarium . It must
have been the barracks of litter-bearers who were as
signed to the service of public officials. These must
have been organized along military lines, probably
around the time of Augustus, for they had not only
castra but also decu rion es lecticariorum .
Castra M isenatium: headquarters of the contin
gent of sailors from the base of the Tyrrhenian fleet
at Misenum kept in Rome to maneuver the awnings
of the amphitheaters and theaters. The castra are
CASTRA PEREG RIN A
listed in Regio III in the regionary catalogues and
presumably would be close to the Colosseum. In 313
a couple speaks of living in a castra para tas Titianas
(1G 14.956b. 15 = IG U R 24 6 ), and an inscription
found just south of the hemicycle of the Baths of Tra
jan speaks of an enlargement of the camp under the
Gordians (C IL 6 .1 0 9 1 ). A lost fragment of the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 10; Rodriguez pi. 4) showed
parts of buildings labeled ] l i c a l [ ] m e n t a r i a and
c a ] s t r a m i s e [ n a ] t i u m . Rodriguez (70 and fig. 19)
assigns this fragment to a place beyond the Ludus
Magnus with the inscription of the Castra Misena-
tium cut on the street running between the Ludus
Magnus and Ludus Dacicus, placing these on the
north side of the street just below the Baths of Tra
jan, a place already assigned the castra by Lanciani
(LFUR sheet 30), but he admits that it could be
moved along the street in either direction.
C astra Peregrina (Fig. 16): the camp on the Cae-
lian for soldiers detached from the provincial armies
for special service in Rome. The regular officers of
the camp were a princeps, a subprinceps, and prob
ably a single optio. The soldiers were especially the
frum entarii and specu latores, although occasionally
there seem to have been others. The frumentarii,
originally concerned with the commissariat and sup
ply service, were mounted and gradually came to be
used first as couriers and escorts for prisoners being
sent to Rome for trial, a little later (as early as the
time of Hadrian; cf. S.H.A. H adr. 11.4) as secret po
lice, a spy service, and executioners. The specula
tores were orderlies sent by various army commands
to the headquarters in Rome.
The camp was found in digging for the founda
tions of the convent and hospital of the Little Com
pany of Mary in 1 9 0 4 -1 9 0 9 and partially exca
vated. The remains consisted principally of five
parallel rows of cells fronting on continuous porti
coes with three alleys between and at least four apses
introduced seemingly at random, but where they
would not interfere with traffic, probably for the
cults of the camp. A great many inscriptions were
recovered, including dedications to the Genius Cas-
trorum and Iuppiter Redux (C IL 6.428 = IL S 2219).
The stone ships found here, one of which was the
original ornament of the fountain of Piazza della Na-
vicella, also attest to the travels of those quartered in
the castra. There is also mention of a bath (C IL
6.354 = IL S 2218).
From the masonry it appears that the camp was
founded by Augustus and almost completely rebuilt
in the second century. Mention in Ammianus Mar-
cellinus (16.12.66) shows that it was still in use in
the fourth century.
78
JR S 13 (1923): 1 5 2 -8 9 (J. B. Baillie Reynolds);
M em PontA cc 7 (1944): 2 4 0 - 4 5 (A. M . Colini).
Castra Praetoria (Castra Praetorium, C IL
15.7239b , c) (Fig. 7 2): the barracks of the Praeto
rian guard built by Tiberius in a . d . 2 1 -2 3 , when
these forces were given permanent quarters in the
city (Suetonius, Tib. 3 7 .1 ; Tacitus, Ann. 4 .2 ; Cass.
Dio 5 7 .1 9 .6 ). These were in the extreme northeast
corner of Rome beyond the inhabited areas, about
5 0 0 m east of the Agger (Pliny, H N 3 .6 7 ; Suetonius,
N ero 48.2) on a site that was one of the highest
points in Rome (5960 meters above sea level), with
a commanding view of the city and the roads of ap
proach from the north and northeast. The design
was that usual for camps, a broad rectangle with
rounded corners, 4 4 0 m long and 3 8 0 m wide. The
cross of main streets through the camp was regular
on the long axis, the via praetoria, with the porta
praetoria and porta decumana at its ends, but dis
placed to the northwest on the short axis by some 30
m, the via principalis, with the portae principalis
dextra and sinistra at its ends.
The camp walls of Tiberius are of brick-faced con
crete, 4.73 m high, where preserved, with battle
ments and towered gates (Tacitus, Hist. 3.84). On
the inside of the wall were lines of vaulted chambers
3 m high, the masonry faced with opus reticulatum
and veneered with stucco; these carried the wall
walk. As might be expected from its historical im
portance, the camp is repeatedly mentioned in the
events of the Roman empire and figures in many in
scriptions, especially of merchants who did business
there. A group of inscriptions of special interest are
those on lead pipes that supplied water to the camp
(C IL 1 5 .7 2 3 7 -4 4 ; IL S 8 6 9 7 -9 9 ) that show constant
attention to the provisioning of the barracks.
A series of coins of the early part of the reign of
Claudius shows the praetorian camp schematically
as a reverse type (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 Clau
dius, nos. 5, 2 0 , 2 1 , 2 3 - 2 5 , 37, 38). It appears as a
low curving fortification wall in which there are two
arched entrances crowned by five battlements, above
which appears a divinity enthroned (Jupiter?) with
an aquila to his right, under a pediment supported
by columns or pillars. A continuation of the front
wall is shown as passing behind this group.
Aurelian incorporated the Castra Praetoria in his
fortifications. These joined the castra at the north
west corner and near the middle of the south side.
The height of the wall was then raised by an addition
of 2 .5 0 - 3 m, while the foot was cut away for a depth
of about the same amount and refaced with brick.
The old battlements can be seen encased in the wall
at points, and new battlements were added along the

new wall top. At some time the gates to the exterior
were walled up. In 3 1 2 Constantine disbanded the
last vestige of the Praetorians and apparently dis
mantled their camp by destroying the west wall,
though part of this is reported to have been still
standing in the sixteenth century (Zosimus 2 .1 7 .2 ;
Aur. Viet., C aes. 4 0 .2 5 ; cf. LS 2.2 4 3 ).
The interior arrangements of the camp are very
poorly understood. There was a shrine of the stan
dards, as one would expect (Herodian 4 .4 .5 , 5 .8 .5 -
7), a shrine of Mars (C IL 6.2 2 5 6 = IL S 20 9 0 ), an al
tar of Fortuna Restitutrix (N Sc 1888, 391 [G. Gatti];
C IL 6.3 0 8 7 6 ), an armamentarium (Tacitus, Hist.
1.38, 80; C IL 6 .9 9 9 = IL S 3 3 3 , 2 7 2 5 = IL S 2034),
and a tribunal (Tacitus, Hist. 1.36).
Renaissance antiquarians speak of an Arcus Gor-
diani near the Porta Chiusa (cf. HJ 390n .45). No
very reliable account of this arch has come down to
us, and no remains that can be identified as belong
ing to it are known. While it seems very probable
that triumphal arches to emperors might have been
erected in conjunction with the Castra Praetoria,
none has been positively identified, and there is no
sign of rebuilding of any of the gates in monumental
form.
PBSR 10 (1927): 1 2 -2 2 (I. A. Richmond); Nash
1 .2 2 1 -2 4 ; CAR 3-D , 125 pp. 1 0 3 -5 .
Castra Ravennatium: mentioned in the addenda
to the regionary catalogues (Jordan 2.5 7 4 ) and in the
M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 7 ; V Z 3.2 6 ), where it is said
to be in Transtiberim tem plum R avennatium effun-
dens oleum , u bi est S. M aria. This must have been
the barracks for a detachment of the imperial fleet
based at Ravenna, detached for special duty in the
capital, probably especially in the naumachiae and
for the manipulation of awnings in the theaters and
amphitheaters that protected spectators from the sun
(cf. Castra Misenatium). The location of the Castra
Ravennatium in the Transtiberim would seem most
likely due to the presence of the Naumachia Augusti
(q.v.) there. It was opened in 2 B.C . This would also
put the camp closer to the theaters of Rome than the
Castra Misenatium. So it may be that this was the
contingent of the navy first assigned to urban duty.
Hiilsen (HCh 483) sees the name of the medieval
church of St. Stephanus Rapignani as allusive to the
name of the camp and so places it just west of the
church of S. Crisogono.
HJ 6 4 7 -4 8 .
Castra Silicariorum, C astra Tabellariorum,
Castra Victimariorum: listed only in the addenda
to the regionary catalogues (Jordan 2.5 7 4 ). Their lo
cation is unknown, but their names reveal their char
CATIALIS CO L LIS
acter as the seats of corps of public servants orga
nized along military lines (cf. Castra Lecticariorum).
Probably all date to a time in the late third century.
C astra (Urbana): a camp built by Aurelian in
C am p o A grippae, placed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio VII, Via Lata, and linked with Aurelians
Templum Solis (cf. also Chron. 148). A certain
amount of good evidence indicates that this was for
the Cohortes Urbanae, at first stationed in the Castra
Praetoria (q.v.), but later in their own camp (cf., e.g.,
Symmachus, Epist. 9 .5 7 [5 4 ]; Dig. 4 8 .5 .1 6 [1 5 ].3 ).
This must have housed all four urban cohorts (cf.
C IL 6 .1 1 5 6 = IL S 7 2 2 ; N Sc 1909, 4 3 0 -3 1 ) , as well
as their equipment and offices, so it must have been
a complex of some size, but nothing that caij be iden
tified as belonging to it has yet come to light. Because
troops bivouacked in the Porticus Vipsania (q.v.) as
early as a . d . 69 (Tacitus, Hist. 1.31; cf. 1.6), there
may have been advantages and conveniences there
that dictated the choice of the Campus Agrippae for
the new camp. Certainly there was unencumbered
space here and a good supply of water from the
Aqua Virgo and Aqua Marcia.
Catabulum: the headquarters of the Cursus Publi-
cus, the public post and transport, essentially a great
stables. From the life of Saint Marcellus (LPD 1.164;
V Z 2 .2 2 8 -2 9 ), we learn that Maxentius condemned
him to serve in these stables. Marcellus was rescued
by friends and then created a church in the house of
the matrona Lucina at her request, after which he
was arrested a second time by Maxentius, and his
church was profaned by use as a stall for animals
(catabulum publicum ), to which Marcellus was
obliged to minister until his death. The church of S.
M arcello, which is extremely old, may be confidently
identified as the site of his martyrdom, but what the
relation of Lucinas house to the original catabulum
may have been is doubtful. Still, it is tempting to lo
cate this headquarters on Via Lata at the head of Via
Flaminia. The name suggests that it may also have
served as a customs office.
H J 4 6 2 ; M onA nt 1 .4 6 9 -7 5 (R. Lanciani).
Cati Fons: a spring on the western slope of the
Quirinal, the source of the Petronia Amnis (q.v.),
named for the man on whose land it was found (Pau-
lus ex Fest. 39L ). It is beyond reasonable doubt that
this is the same as the Acqua di S. Felice, which rises
today in the courtyard of the Palazzo del Quirinale.
HJ 4 0 3 ; LA 2 4 (236).
Catialis Collis: known only from Placidus (CGL
[Goetz] 5 .1 5 .3 6 ; 5 .5 3 .5 ), where it is identified as the
CELLA CIVICIANA
location of a lacus. The explanation of the name is
corrupt, but it probably derived from an owners
name. It is apparently a name for the northwest lobe
or slope of the Quirinal. See Cati Fons.
Celia Civiciana: a warehouse in the Transtiberim
located on the river in Via del Porto di Ripagrande
opposite the Aventine, known from an inscription
(.B ullC om 62 [1934]: 177 [E. G atti]; A E 1937: 61).
Celia Groesiana: a warehouse of unknown loca
tion, known from a single inscription (C IL 6.706).
Celia Lucceiana: a warehouse known from an in
scription found in the neighborhood of the Theater
of Marcellus (AE 1971: 29). This is dated a . d . 161
162 (R endP ontA cc 43 [1 9 7 0 -7 1 ]: 1 1 0 -1 7 [S. Pan-
ciera]).
Celia Nigriana: a warehouse of some sort known
only from the inscription on a fragment of a marble
aedicula found in the garden of Palazzo Antonelli in
Via Tre Canelle on the west slope of the Quirinal
(C IL 6 .3 1 0 6 5 ). There seem to have been numerous
rather fine warehouses in this neighborhood, some of
which were buried in the substructures of the Ther
mae Constantinianae (q.v.).
H J 4 1 8 - 2 0 ; B u llC om 4 (1876): 1 0 2 -6 (V. Vespi-
gnani).
Celia Saeniana: a warehouse in the Transtiberim
known from an inscription found in the Lungotevere
Portuense opposite M onte Testaccio (AE 1971: 30).
Celia Vinaria M assae: a warehouse known only
from an inscription (CIL 6 .3 2 0 3 3 ), a bronze plate
found in Caeliolo.
Cellae Vinariae N ova et Arruntiana: warehouses
for wine on the right bank of the Tiber excavated
when the new Tiber embankment was created. It was
a vast complex and lay in the garden of Villa Farne-
sina, just north of the line of the Aurelian Walls.
What was found consisted of two parts. One was a
warehouse built on the plan of horrea with a lower
storey entirely of vaulted cellars and an upper storey
in which rooms of uniform size were arranged in
rows around colonnaded courts, the columns being
of travertine finished with stucco. The other was a
vast edifice on a different orientation closed on the
east (river) side by a long double colonnade with a
broad gutter along the west and a line of d o lia out
side the gutter, an arrangement strongly resembling
that of the fermentation yards of villae rusticae. E x
cavation, however, revealed traces of horreumlike
buildings further to the west on the same orientation,
80
so if wine was also manufactured here, it was only
on a limited scale. An inscription (C IL 6 .8 8 2 6 = ILS
7276) dated a . d . 102 was found in the first building,
and quantities of sherds of amphoras and dolia are
reported to have been encountered in the excavation.
The whole complex seems to have been destroyed at
the time of the construction of the Aurelian Walls
and was then built over with houses and gardens.
NSc 1880, 1 2 7 -2 8 , 1 4 0 -4 1 and pi. 4 (G. Fiorelli);
Nash 1 .2 2 5 -2 6 .
Centum Gradus (Fig. 19): a stair leading up to the
Area Capitolina (q.v.) near the Tarpeian Rock at the
southwest corner of the hill (Tacitus, Hist. 3.71). The
figure of one hundred may be only approximate. It
may well be shown on a fragment of the Marble Plan
(FUR pi. 29 fr. 31abc; Rodriguez pi. 2 3); if so, it
seems to have been in two flights, one turning back
on the other, with an arch midway along the upper
flight.
Ceres, Liber Liberaque, Aedes: a temple on the
lower slope of the Aventine near the northwest end
of the Circus Maximus, just above the carceres
(Dion. Hal. 6 .9 4 .3 ), vowed by the dictator A. Pos-
tumius Albus following a consultation of the Sibyl
line Books during a famine in 4 9 9 or 4 9 6 B .C . (Taci
tus, Ann. 2 .4 9 ; Dion. Hal. 6 .1 7 .2 4). It was
dedicated by the consul Sp. Cassius in 493 (Dion.
Hal. 6.9 4 .3 ). It was in the Italo-Tuscan fashion,
araeostyle, with a heavy roof and deep eaves, the
roof surmounted by statues of terracotta (Vitruvius
3 .3.5). It resembled the Capitoline temple at a
smaller scale and may have had three cellas for its
three divinities. The walls were decorated with paint
ings and reliefs by the Greek artists Gorgasus and
Damophilus, and there was an inscription in Greek
there stating that Gorgasus had done the left half,
Damophilus the right (Pliny, H N 35 .1 5 4 ). When the
temple was rebuilt, the decorations were cut from
the walls and encased in frames. It was a rich temple
(Cicero, Verr. 2 .4 .1 0 8 ) containing many works of
art, including golden pateras and statues paid for by
the fines levied by plebeian magistrates (Livy
1 0 .2 3 .1 3 , 2 7 .6 .1 9 , 3 3 .2 5 .3 , 36.9). It contained a
bronze statue of Ceres supposed to be the oldest
bronze statue made in Rome, paid for from the pro
ceeds from the sale of the confiscated property of Sp.
Cassius (Livy 2 .4 1 .1 0 ; Pliny, H N 34 .1 5 ), and also a
famous painting of Dionysus by Aristides, which
Mummius had brought from Corinth (Pliny, H N
3 5 .2 4 and 9 9 ; Strabo 8.6.23 [381]).
It was twice struck by lightning, in 2 0 6 and 84
B.C . (Livy 2 8 .1 1 .4 ; Appian, B ellC iv 1.78). In 182
B.C . a windstorm tore one of the doors from the
Temple of Luna and hurled it against the back wall

of the Temple of Ceres. In 31 B.C . it burned, together
with a great part of the circus (Cass. Dio 50 .1 0 .3 ),
but it was rebuilt by Augustus and dedicated in a . d .
17 by Tiberius (Tacitus, Ann. 2.4 9 ). It was still
standing in the fourth century and is listed by the
regionary catalogues in Regio X I. No remains of it
are known.
The temple was a plebeian stronghold and pos
sessed the right of asylum, as did the neighboring
Temple of Diana (Varro ap . N on. 63L). It was also a
center of distribution of food to the poor. The ple
beian aediles had their headquarters here and kept
their archives here. Here also was the treasury in
which were kept the proceeds of auctions of property
confiscated from those who assaulted the plebeian
magistrates (Dion. Hal. 6 .8 9 .3 , 1 0 .4 2 .4 ; Livy
3.55.7). After 449 B .C . copies of all senatus consulta
were delivered to the plebeian aediles and kept on
display here (Livy 3 .5 5 .1 3 ). Its close association with
the Statio Annonae (q.v.) must date from its very
conception; it was built above the warehouses in the
Forum Boarium where grain was unloaded and
stored. Its relation to the Circus Maximus seems to
have been entirely casual, although it is frequently
alluded to.
The temple is regularly called a ed es; Pliny (H N
35.24) once calls it a delubrum . Ordinarily its full
name was abbreviated to Aedes Cereris. The priest
esses of the temple were always brought from south
ern Italy, usually from Naples and Velia, and the
worship here was entirely Greek, and even the pray
ers were in Greek (Cicero, B alb. 55). But the Ceri-
alia, the festival of Ceres, which at first was votive
and held only on extraordinary occasions, became in
time annual, in the charge of the plebeian aediles, a
spring festival celebrated 1219 April with ludi cir-
censes. On the last day of the games foxes, to the
backs of which lighted torches had been tied, were
let loose in the circus, a very curious custom (Ovid,
Fast. 4 .6 7 9 -7 1 2 ).
Ceres M ater et Ops Augusta, A ra: an altar con
secrated on 10 August in a . d . 7 in Vico Iugario,
probably in consequence of a famine that year (Cass.
Dio 5 5 .3 1 .3 -4 ) , possibly with associated honor to
Livia (Degrassi 493).
Cermalus (Fig. 75): the slope of the western side of
the Palatine above the Velabrum and at least part of
the Circus Maximus, evidently not, as formerly
thought, the northwest lobe of the Palatine.
A rchC l 16 (1964): 1 7 3 -7 7 (F. Castagnoli); RivFil
105 (1977): 1 5 -1 9 (F. Castagnoli).
Ceroliensis (or Ceroniensis): an area listed in the
distribution of the shrines of the Argei (q.v.), includ
C ICO N IA E
ing a shrine near the Minervium, qu a in C aelium
m on tem itur (Varro, Ling. 5.4 7 ). The indications are
that it was near the base of one of the approaches to
the Caelian, but it is entirely uncertain which ap
proach (cf. Ovid, Fast. 3 .8 3 5 -3 8 ). Varro derives the
name from Carinae, to which he says the Ceroliensis
is joined. PA would therefore see it as the basin of
the Colosseum.
Eran os 85 (1987): 1 3 0 -3 3 (A Fridh).
Chalcidicum: a generic word, not properly a name,
for the porch or portico forming the approach to a
more important building but having its own pro
gram of decoration (hence, perhaps, the derivation
of the word). It is used by Augustus for the porch
preceding the Curia Iulia in the form in which he
rebuilt it (Augustus, R G 19; cf. Cass. Dio 51.22).
This porch is shown on coins as a high platform with
Ionic columns set far apart running across the front,
extending to either side, and probably continuing at
least partway down the sides of the building. The
approach must also have been arranged by ramps or
stairs along the sides (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 Au
gustus, nos. 63132 and pi. 1 5 .1 2 13).
R en dL in c, ser. 8.26 (1971): 23751 (F. Zevi);
R om M itt 85 (1978): 3 5 9 - 6 2 (L. Richardson).
Cicinenses: inhabitants of a district in Rome men
tioned only in a late inscription (C IL 6.9103
= 31 8 9 5 ), as were others equally mysterious and im
possible to identify. Attempts to connect this desig
nation with Sicininum (q.v.) seem mistaken; it would
be at least equally logical to try to connect it with the
Ciconiae (q.v.).
Ciconiae: listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio
IX and known from a late inscription (C IL 6.1785
= 31 9 3 1 ) to have been a point from which falan carii
transported casks of the vina fiscalia to a temple. The
temple in question must be Aurelians Temple of Sol,
because we know that the vina fiscalia were stored
there. The Ciconiae must therefore be presumed to
be a point on the Tiber where the wine was unloaded
from river boats. If Aurelians Temple of Sol is that
discovered at the end of the eighteenth century east
of Via del Corso just north of Via Condotti, as seems
likely, then a point just downstream from Ponte
Cavour in the area of Lungotevere Marzio would
offer the shortest route from the river to the tem
ple. The Ciconiae were probably a sculpture or
relief of no special importance, by which the
quay or square where the unloading took place
could be identified.
The juxtaposition of Ciconiae and Nixae in the re
gionary catalogues produced a hypothetical Ciconiae
Nixae that has long exercised topographers, but
CIM BRU M
from the inscriptions it is quite clear now that these
were separate places.
E. LaRocca, L a riva a m ezzaluna (Rome 1984),
6 0 - 6 5 ; C EFR 98 (1987): 1 9 1 -2 1 0 (J.-M . Flam-
bard); TAPS 80, fasc. 2, pt. 2 (1990): 5 2 -5 5 (R. E.
A. Palmer).
Cimbrum: see Nymphaeum Alexandri.
Cincia: a place designation, in earlier times called
Statuae Cinciae, because the tomb of that family was
located there, u bi ex epistylio defluit aqu a, the Arcus
Stillans (q.v.) of the Forum Boarium (Paulus ex Fest.
49L, Festus 318L ). The tomb must have been a very
ancient one, fourth or third century B .C ., if Festus is
right in his identification, and it must have lain out
side the line of the Servian Walls on the riverbank.
Circus, Trigarium, Stadium, Ludus: A circus was
a course for chariot racing carefully leveled and de
signed to give equal opportunity to all the teams
competing, and provided with seats for spectators.
The contestants raced around a long, narrow island
in the middle, the spina, which terminated at either
end in groups of three elongated tapering cones, the
m etae, often described as goal posts, but actually not
functioning as such. The spina was decorated with
various dedications and shrines and was considered
the best place from which to view the circus games,
although the presiding official and his company sat
in a box above the starting gates and in the Piazza
Armerina circus mosaic the rounded end, or sphen-
don e, is shown occupied by a richly dressed com
pany including women and children. The front rows
of the spectators seats were reserved for senators
and equites, as in the theater, a tradition supposedly
going back to the time of Tarquinius Priscus. But in
the circus, unlike the theater, men and women spec
tators freely mingled (Ovid, Ars A m. 1.13542). In
Rome there was only one circus, the Circus Maximus
between the Palatine and Aventine, down to the time
of Caligula, who built the Circus Gaii et Neronis,
which Nero finished. This was in the Transtiberim,
in the valley between the Vatican and Janiculan hills.
Although it was very splendid, this seems to have
been in use for only a short time, the area of the seat
ing being invaded by tombs already in the second
century. It may be that the collapse of the Pons Ne-
ronianus, which is undated but probably occurred
before the compilation of the regionary catalogues,
for they omit it, made it difficult to get large crowds
of people to this circus, and that was responsible for
its decline. Furthermore, in the early third century
Elagabalus (a . d . 2 1 8 -2 2 2 ) built a new circus, now
called the Circus Varianus, as part of the imperial
villa Ad Spem Veterem, near Porta Maggiore, access
82
to which would be easy from anywhere in Rome.
This circus was destroyed when Aurelian built his
fortifications of Rome later in the century; the wall
cuts across the circus about a quarter of its length
from the starting gates. So this circus was in use for
only half a century. It was in some sense replaced by
the circus of Maxentius (a . d . 3 0 6 -3 1 2 ), built as part
of his sumptuous villa on the Via Appia, but the dis
tance from the city made that, too, difficult of access.
Throughout history the Circus Maximus was always
uppermost among Roman circuses. The Circus Flam-
inius was, of course, not a circus at all, and no one
seems to have known how it got that name.
Although the Circus Maximus was designed only
for chariot racing, spectacles of every sort were of
fered there. L u d circenses might include different
sorts of races, gladiatorial combats, venationes, ath
letic events, and any sort of novelty the donors of
these games might invent. The circus was especially
the site of the Ludi Romani, 4 19 September, and
Ludi Plebei, 4 17 November, but new ludi were re
peatedly decreed and included in the calendar, such
as the Ludi Victoriae Sullanae, celebrating the vic
tory at the Colline Gate, 2 6 O ctober-1 November,
and the Ludi Victoriae Caesaris, also known as the
Ludi Veneris Genetricis, 2 0 - 3 0 July. Any dedication
of a building could call for several days of ludi cir
censes, and every triumph had to be celebrated. Con
sequently the Romans could and did spend much of
their time in the circus. It was also especially impor
tant for the ceremony of the triumph itself, as well as
the games that followed it. The route of the triumph
lay through the circus, and although the spoils seem
to have been regularly put on show in the Circus
Flaminius for some days before the triumph itself,
the Romans crowded the circus for the actual pa
rade, when the various fercu la representing the
towns and rivers that had figured in the campaign
appeared and the proper sequence unfolded in all its
splendor. The parade marched the length of the cir
cus and may even have circled the spina, for it could
then have wound back by the street outside the cir
cus at the foot of the Palatine. But the temples dedi
cated by victorious generals all seem to have found
their place on the Aventine above that side of the
circus, and the triumphal arch awarded to Titus and
Vespasian for the capture of Jerusalem seems to have
been inserted at the sphendone end of the axis of the
circus opposite the Porta Pompae.
A trigarium was a place for exercising horses by
racing them. We do not know how it got its name,
for the Romans regularly raced in teams of an even
number. We know nothing about the architectural
form of the trigarium in Rome, if it had one, and we
are unable to place it more precisely than somewhere
in the Campus Martius. We presume that like the

Ludus Magnus it would have offered spectators
some sort of accommodation, but on this point we
have no information.
A stadium was a place for athletic events, and be
cause foot races of various sorts figured large in
these, it took the general form of a circus but was
shorter and without a spina. Although some form of
stadium probably became a regular feature of the
great imperial baths after N eros combining of a
gymnasium with his baths, and one can see a sta
dium form at the back of the peribolus of the Baths
of Caracalla, the only fully developed stadium in
Rome was that of Domitian, which has become Pi
azza Navona. This was an exceptionally handsome
building faced with travertine and with a system of
exits and entrances patterned on that of the Colos
seum and capable of handling large numbers of spec
tators in minimum time. It was regarded as one of
the greatest buildings in Rome and excited the ad
miration of Constantius on his state visit to Rome in
the middle of the fourth century, 2 5 0 years after its
construction.
A ludus was a training school for gladiators of var
ious sorts, where they lived under strict discipline
and exercised, probably almost daily. There were pri
vate ludi from an early period, but those we know
most about are four public ones that Domitian built
in connection with the Amphitheatrum Flavium
(Colosseum) and close in its shadow. The Ludus
Magnus, next to the Colosseum and connected to it
by an underground tunnel, has come to light in ex
cavation and been carefully explored. Others, the
Ludi Dacicus, Gallicus, and Matutinus, are known
from literature and fragments of the Marble Plan
and were similar. The central feature was apparently
always an oval arena with a bank of seats for spec
tators around it, so the Romans could go and watch
their favorites train or decide where best to place
their bets. Around this was then a rectangular bank
of rooms in several storeys, the living quarters of the
gladiators and their trainers. There does not seem to
have been a bath suite included.
Circus Flaminius: a public square built by C. Flam-
inius as censor in 221 B .C . (Livy, E pit. 2 0 ; Paulus ex
Fest. 79L) in the Prata Flaminia (Livy 3.5 4 .1 5 ) in the
southern Campus Martius that gave its name to
the ninth regio of Rome in the regionary catalogues.
It is shown on a fragment of the Marble Plan, now
positively placed by a sure join, just south of the Por-
ticus Octaviae and Porticus Philippi, the square on
which these faced (C apitolium 3 5 .7 [I9 6 0 ]: 3 12 [G.
Gatti]). On the east it was bounded by the Theatrum
Marcelli, on the northeast by the porticoes just men
tioned, and on the northwest by the Temple of Her
cules Custos (see Hercules Custos, Aedes; cf. Ovid,
C IR C U S GAII ET N ER O N IS
Fast. 6 .2 0 5 -1 2 ). Another line of temples probably
filled or nearly filled the southwest side. One of
these, that of Castor and Pollux (see Castor et Pol
lux, Aedes), is now known from a fragment of a new
marble plan of the area. Evidently the course of the
Petronia Amnis (q.v.) crossed the circus, and this
must have been bridged at strategic points. It was
probably not culverted before the Cloaca was, which
seems to have been shortly before 179 B .C ., and may
have remained open in much of its course until the
time of Agrippas systematization of the water and
sewer systems of Rome beginning in 33 B.C . The
lower part of the culvert below Piazza M attei, which
is in large blocks of Gabine stone, appears to be
Agrippan work.
The square was unlike a proper circus in every
way, and the derivation of its designation as such
perplexed Varro (Ling. 5 .1 5 4 ). It had no banks of
seats for spectators, and the only games known to
have been held there were the seldom celebrated Ludi
Taurii, in which there were horse races around m etae
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 4 ). C on tion es (public assemblies)
were regularly held here (Cicero, Att. 1.14.1, Sest.
33, R ed. Sen. 13, 17; Livy 2 7 .2 1 .1 ; Plutarch, M arcel.
27 .3 ), and it was evidently regularly the site of a
market (Cicero, Att. 1 .1 4 .1 ; M artial 12.74.2). It was
the staging ground for triumphs, where the spoils
were displayed on the days preceding the actual cere
mony, and probably all great pompae passed
through the circus as part of their route (Livy
3 9 .5 .1 7 ; Val. M ax. 1 .7 .4 ; Plutarch, Lucul. 37.2).
Augustus delivered the lau d atio for Drusus here
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .1 0 .8 ), and in 2 B .C . water was brought
in and thirty-six crocodiles killed here as part of the
ceremony of dedication of the Forum Augustum
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .1 0 .8 ). It was chosen as the site for an
arch honoring Germanicus after his death (see Arcus
Germanici). So far as the evidence goes, the circus
had no architectural form. On the Marble Plan
(Rodriguez pi. 23) a single line bounds it on the
northeast, which might be marking off a street along
it or a margin raising this part a step above the sur
rounding area. At the east corner was an arch, pre
sumably triumphal, because the triumphal proces
sions regularly passed through the circus, and there
were probably others. But probably the central area
was left entirely unencumbered.
PBSR 42 (1974): 3 - 2 6 (T. P. Wiseman), 44
(1976): 4 4 - 4 7 (T. P. W iseman); Humphrey 5 4 0 - 4 5 ;
C EFR 98 (1987): 3 4 7 -7 2 (E. La Rocca).
Circus Gaii et Neronis (also called Circus
Vaticanus) (Fig. 2 5 ): a circus laid out by Caligula
but built largely by Nero on the right bank of the
Tiber in the valley between the Janiculan hill and the
Mons Vaticanus (Pliny, H N 1 6 .2 0 1 , 3 6 .7 4 ; Sueton
83
 CIRC U S HADRIANI
Figure 25
Circus G aii et N eron is,
Restored Sketch Plan
Superim posed on
Existin g Buildings
ius, C laud. 21.2). The axis lay east and west at a
slight angle to that of the basilica of S. Pietro, which
is built over the northern half of the circus. If the
Neronian curved wall reported by Gatti (FA 4
[1949]: 3771) under the Via del SantUffizio is a wall
of the carceres, as it is believed to be, then the circus
must have stretched the full length of the basilica and
the colonnades of Bernini. The only significant rem
nant of it was the obelisk that Caligula brought from
Heliopolis and erected on the spina. This stood in
place until 1586, when it was removed to its present
place in the middle of Piazza S. Pietro on orders of
Pope Sixtus V. The ancient footing in Piazza dei Pro-
tomartiri was excavated, examined, and measured in
1 9 5 7 -1 9 5 8 (R endP ontA cc 32 [1959]: 9 7 -1 2 1 [F.
Castagnoli]). The circus seems not to have been long
in use; the arena was invaded by tombs as early
as the second century, and in the time of Caracalla
the great mausoleum known from its later dedication
as the Rotonda di SantAndrea was constructed
there.
R endP ontA cc 45 (1 9 7 2 -7 3 ): 3 7 -7 2 (F. Magi);
Humphrey 5 4 5 -5 2 .
Circus H adriani: see N aum achia Traiani.
Circus M axim us: the oldest and largest of the the
aters for games in Rome, traditionally founded by
Romulus in the Vallis Murcia (the valley between the
Palatine and Aventine), with horse races on the Con-
sualia. The Consualia were in honor of Consus (see
Consus, Ara), regarded as the Roman equivalent of
84
Poseidon Hippios. This became the occasion of the
rape of the Sabines (Varro, Ling. 6 .2 0 ; Plutarch,
R om . 14). Down the middle of the valley, which is
unusually straight, ran a brook, which must have
been channeled and bridged from a very early date.
A number of temples and shrines (see, e.g., Sol et
Luna, Aedes; M ater Deum, Aedes; Iuventas, Aedes)
that came to have places within the limits of the cir
cus may originally have been victory monuments put
up by successful competitors. This was the theater
for all ludi circenses and especially the Ludi Romani
in September. Tarquinius Priscus (Livy 1 .3 5 .8 ; Dion.
Hal. 3.6 8 .1 ) is credited with granting the individual
senators and equites rights to build places on stepped
wooden platforms or stands (fori) from which to
view the games. Subsequently, more stands were
built under Tarquinius Superbus by forced labor
of the plebs (Livy 1 .5 6 .2 ; Dion. Hal. 4.4 4 .1 ). The
first starting gates (carceres) were erected in 329
B .C . (Livy 8 .2 0 .1 ); they must have been of wood, for
they were brightly painted (Ennius ap. Cic., Div.
1.108). The spina must originally have been simply the
channeled brook; the statues mounted on columns
of which we hear (Livy 40 .2 .2 ) and that of Pollen-
tia (Livy 39.7.8) must have stood along the margin
of this, where perhaps the Arch of Stertinius (see
Fornices Stertinii) also stood. Later the spina
took the form of a euripus bridged at points and
provided with islands on which a great variety of
pavilions and aediculae, as well as statuary, was
erected; it seems never to have been covered over com
pletely.

In 174 B .C . the censors Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A.
Postumius Albinus seem to have overhauled the
whole complex (Livy 4 1 .2 7 .6 ). They rebuilt the car-
ceres and set up the ova, sets of seven large wooden
eggs by movement of which the number of laps run
is believed to have been indicated to the spectators.
This arrangement became permanent (Varro, Rust.
1 .2 .11; Cassiodorus, Var. 3.51). In the games at the
dedication of Pompeys Temple of Venus Victrix in
55 B .C ., the elephants exhibited in a battle in the cir
cus broke down the iron railing intended to serve as
a protection for the spectators (Pliny, H N 8 .2 0 21),
and in 46 B.C . this was replaced by a second euripus
(Pliny, H N 8 .2 0 -2 1 ; Suetonius, lul. 39), which Nero
later removed. In 33 B.C . Agrippa added a set
of seven dolphins to match the ova (Cass. Dio 49.
43.2).
Pliny (HN 36.102) credits Caesar with enlarging -
the circus to the size we know, three and one-half
stades (621 m) long and four plethra (118 m) wide,
surrounding it, except at the starting end, with a eu
ripus 2 .9 7 m wide and 2 .9 7 m deep, and providing
it with seating for 15 0 ,0 0 0 spectators. After a fire in
31 B.C . (Cass. Dio 50 .1 0 .3 ) Augustus constructed the
Pulvinar ad Circum Maximum (Augustus, R G 19;
cf. Cassiodorus, Var. 3.51), a box on the Palatine
side, perhaps about halfway along the length, where
the regalia and exuviae (symbols) of the gods were
set on thrones during the games after having been
brought in procession (Festus 500L ). He also set up
on the spina, probably on the axis of the Temple of
Sol et Luna, the obelisk of Ramesses II brought from
Heliopolis (Pliny, H N 3 6 .7 1 ; Amm. M arc. 17.4.12)
now in Piazza del Popolo (see Obeliscus Augusti in
Circo M axim o).
Dionysius (3.68) describes the circus as it was in 7
B.C . The seats rose in three tiers, the lowest being of
stone, the others of wood. The twelve carceres were
vaulted and closed by barriers of double gates, which
could be opened simultaneously. Between each pair
stood a herm. Around the outside of the building
was a single-storeyed arcade containing shops with
living quarters above and passages through which
one reached the seats by corridors and stairs in a re
peating pattern similar to that of the Colosseum (see
Amphitheatrum Flavium), but less complicated, so
entrance and exit were made very easy. The shops
constituted a great bazaar; Tacitus (Ann. 15.38) says
it was the inflammable goods in these that particu
larly fed the fire of Nero at its beginning. We hear
especially of the unsavory characters it drew,
cookshop keepers (Cicero, M ilon. 65), astrologers
and fortunetellers (Cicero, Div. 1 .1 3 2 ; Juvenal
6 .5 8 8 ; Horace, Sat. 1 .6 .1 1 3 14), and prostitutes
CIRCU S M A XIM U S
(Juvenal 3 .6 5 ; P riapea 2 7 ; Anth. L at. 1 .1 9 0 ; S.H.A.
H eliog ab. 26, cf. 3 2 ; Cyprian, D e Spect. 5), but there
is also the tombstone of a fruit vendor (C IL
6 .9 8 2 2 = IL S 7496).
Augustus watched the games from the houses of
his friends and freedmen (on the surrounding hills?)
and occasionally from the Pulvinar (Suetonius, Aug.
45 .1 ), but the Pulvinar made those there unpleas
antly conspicuous (Suetonius, C laud. 4.3). He is said
to have assigned places to the senators and equites,
but evidently not in fixed order (Cass. Dio 5 5 .2 2 .4 );
Claudius assigned special seats to the senators
(Suetonius, Claud. 2 1 .3 ; Cass. Dio 6 0 .7 .3 4), Nero
to the equites, to obtain adequate space for which
he had to fill in the euripus on the margin (Pliny,
H N 8 .2 1 ; Suetonius, N ero 11.1; Tacitus, Ann.
15.32).
In November a . d . 36 the part of the circus toward
the Aventine burned (Tacitus, Ann. 6 .4 5 ; Cass. Dio
5 8 .2 6 .5 ; B u llC om 44 [1916]: 2 1 1 -1 2 [R. Panbeni])
but seems to have been repaired at once, for Caligula
gave ludi circenses notable for their innovations, en
hancing the sand with minium and green pigment
(Suetonius, Calig. 18.3) or with flecks of mica (Pliny,
H N 36 .1 6 2 ). Claudius built carceres of marble and
new metal that was gilded (Suetonius, C laud. 21.3).
At some time the dolphins of Agrippa were piped
and turned into a fountain playing into the euripus
(Tertullian, D e Spect. 8; cf. the Barcelona and Lyons
circus mosaics [Humphrey figs. 3 6 , 119]), at which
time they must no longer have served to keep a rec
ord of the laps. The great fire of Nero broke out in
the circus near the northeast end in the tabernae on
the Palatine side and swept up that side driven by the
wind (Tacitus, Ann. 15.38). Probably the circus was
nearly a total loss (see Arae Incendii Neronis), but it
was soon rebuilt, for Nero used it in 68 on his return
from Greece (Suetonius, N ero 2 5 .2 ; Cass. Dio, Epit.
62 [6 3 ].2 0 .4 , 21 .1 ). In the time of Domitian it burned
again and was repaired by Trajan, who used stone
from the naumachia of Domitian for the purpose
(Suetonius, D om . 5). At the same time Trajan added
two stadia to the length of the seating, probably on
the Palatine side, by roofing the street behind the cir
cus and carrying the tiers of seats up the slope of the
Palatine, where foundations suitable for these have
been found. Under Trajan the circus apparently
reached its greatest splendor.Under Antoninus Pius
there was a disastrous collapse of a part of the circus
with great loss of life (S.H.A. Ant. Pius 9; cf. Chron.
146) and another under Diocletian (Chron. 148).
Caracalla is recorded as having enlarged the ianuae
circi (Chron. 147), probably the central entrance in
the middle of the carceres, but possibly the whole of
85
CIRCUS M A XIM U S
this end. It was magnificently restored by Constan
tine (Aur. Viet., C aes. 4 0 .2 7 ), who proposed to bring
the great obelisk of Thutmose III from Heliopolis to
adorn the spina. This was actually accomplished by
Constantius in a . d . 3 5 7 (Amm. M arc. 1 7 .4 .1 2 -1 6 ;
see Obeliscus Constantii). There are frequent men
tions of the circus in the literature of the fourth and
fifth centuries, but nothing that adds substantially to
our knowledge. The last is the letter of Cassiodorus
already cited (Var. 3 .5 1 ), which explores the subject
fully and informs us that the spina carried reliefs
showing Roman generals in triumphal procession
marching over the bodies of the vanquished.
Aside from the information we glean from litera
ture, our knowledge of the circus depends on numer
ous representations of it in art, a group of fragments
of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 17; Rodriguez pis. 5,
14) and especially a number of mosaics, reliefs on
sarcophagi, and coins commemorating improve
ments and restorations. For a catalogue of these, cf.
EAA 2.64 7 55. Modern excavations, especially ex
plorations in 1936, have brought to light only a few
uninformative foundations of the seating around the
sphendone. These are in concrete, in part faced with
brick and in part unfaced (cf. Nash 1 .2 3 6 -4 0 ). Ex
cavation has also produced the line of the paved
street bounding the circus, enough to give its precise
position, orientation, and main dimensions in its fi
nal form. The circus was 600 m long, 150 m wide,
and with an arena 5 5 0 m long and 80 m wide. The
average depth of the cavea was 35 m, but it was
greatly increased by additions built over the streets
and up the slopes of the Palatine, where it has been
estimated that it reached a depth of 80 m.
The exterior rose in three storeys with arches and
an engaged order in the base storey, like the Colos
seum and Theater of Marcellus, and with similar ar
rangements of entrances and stairs. The cavea was
divided into three zones, probably corresponding to
the three storeys and separated by baltei. Only the
lowest zone was of stone. The Pulvinar was evidently
a handsome building on the Palatine side, but we
really know nothing about its architectural form (cf.
B u llC om 72 [1 9 4 6 4 8]: 2732 [P. Mingazzini]). It
must have been impressive to warrant special men
tion in the R es G esta e of Augustus. At the northwest
end the twelve carceres were disposed on a curve,
canted to give all contenders an equal distance to
cover from the starting gate to the linea a lb a marking
the beginning of the first lap (Cassiodorus, Var.
3.51.7). There were six carceres to either side of a
central monumental entrance from the Forum Boar-
ium. The gates themselves seem to have been of or
namental grillwork, and over them was the box
adorned with statues of athletes from which the pre
siding magistrate and his company watched the
86
games. At either end of the carceres was a tower
with battlements, and this end of the circus was given
the nickname o p p id u m (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 3 ; Festus
2 0 1L). The southwest side of the circus was slightly
irregular, a jog being introduced just before the linea
a lb a at the end of the spina to ensure fair starting
positions. This is a regular feature in circuses. Fur
ther along this side, near the beginning of the sphen
done, the cavea is interrupted by the Temple of Sol
et Luna (see Sol et Luna, Templum), which probably
did not project into the arena but was built with its
bottom step flush with the margin of the arena.
There may have been other shrines elsewhere in the
cavea, included in it as the circus and its seating were
enlarged in the course of time. The sphendone is
shown on the Piazza Armerina mosaic as a choice
position for spectators and filled with a richly
dressed company, including women and children. At
its center was an arched entrance, probably the pas
sage used by triumphal processions on their way to
the forum. This was rebuilt in a . d . 8 0 -8 1 by the sen
ate as a triumphal arch of three passages commemo
rating the conquest of Palestine by Vespasian and
Titus (G IL 6 .9 4 4 = /L5 264). It appears on the
Marble Plan, and remains of it were discovered in
1934 and 1982 (B u llC om 91 .2 [1986]: 5 4 4 [P. Cian-
cio Rossetto]; Q A rcbE tr\ 9 [1990]: 6 8 71 [P. Bran-
dizzi Virrucci]).
The spina down the middle of the arena was ap
parently not a euripus before the middle of the sec
ond century after Christ; eventually it was raised
above the level of the arena, its basin faced with
marble, and bridged at regular intervals. At the ends
of the bridges were sculptures of animals and ath
letes, and the Piazza Armerina mosaic shows a Vic
toria mounted on a column. In the euripus were is
lands that carried two-storeyed pavilions, the syzygia
on which the ova and dolphins were mounted at
either end, and toward the southeast end the obelisk
of Augustus, a statue of the Magna M ater mounted
on a rampant lion, a palm tree, which in the third
century grows to great size, and a mysterious cubical
building, like an altar with a door in one side, prob
ably the shrine of Murcia, because at this shrine a
space for a curule chair was granted the dictator M.
Valerius Maximus and his descendants in perpetuity,
from which to watch the games. At either end of the
spina, set off from it, was a high semicircular base
carrying the metae, groups of three elongated cones
tapering to a rounded end and decorated at intervals
with bands. The base of the metae at the carceres
end, at least, seems to have been covered with reliefs
at large scale.
The capacity of the circus is given variously in our
sources and probably varied through the period of
the empire almost as much as it did in that of the

republic. Dionysius (3.68) gives the capacity in 7 B.C .
as 1 5 0 ,0 0 0 ; Pliny (H N 36.102) gives the capacity as
2 5 0 ,0 0 0 ; and the N otitia gives the capacity in the
fourth century as 3 8 5 ,0 0 0 loca, probably the num
ber of running feet of seating, or places for about
2 5 0 ,0 0 0 spectators. These figures have all been ques-
tioned.The games presented in the circus were espe
cially chariot races of quadrigas, but other sorts of
races were also popular, and ludi circenses included
battles and hunts of several different sorts through
the republic. Later such shows were probably always
removed to the Amphitheater of Statilius Taurus and
the Colosseum, where spectacular effects and sur
prises could be introduced. The most important
games in the Circus Maximus were the Ludi Romani,
4 -1 9 September, and Ludi Plebei, 4 - 1 7 (Fast. Maff.)
or 1 2 -1 6 (Filocalus) November, but probably all the
great games had at least a day or two of ludi circen
ses, as did victory celebrations and games given for
the dedication of buildings.
Nash 1 .2 3 6 - 4 0 ; R om a, a rch eo lo g ia n el centro
(1985), 1.21323 (P. Ciancio Rossetto); J. H. Hum-
phrey, R om an C ircuses: A renas fo r C h ariot R acing
(London 1986), 5 6 -2 9 4 .
Circus Varianus (Figs. 16, 7 8 ): a circus in the im
perial enclave Ad Spem Veterem for which the only
literary testimony is in the life of Elagabalus (S.H.A.
H eliogab. 13.5, 14.5) but which has come to light in
excavations at various points, most recently in 1959,
when its western end (the starting end) was found
inside the Aurelian Walls, east of the Sessorium and
the church of S. Croce in Gerusalemme. The last
stretch of the bridge of the Acqua Felice is based on
the north wall of the circus, and its sphendone end
reached nearly to modern Via Alcamo. It was then
about 565 m long and 125 m wide, slightly smaller
than the Circus M aximus, but larger than the Circus
of Maxentius (about 5 2 0 m long and 92 m wide).
The name Varianus is modern, formed from the gen-
tilicial name of Elagabalus. See also Obeliscus Anti-
noi.
R om M itt 64 (1957): 2 5 0 - 5 4 (E. Nash); Nash
1.2414 2 ; Humphrey 5 5 2 57.
Circus Vaticanus: see Circus Gaii et Neronis.
Cispius M ons (Fig. 75): the northern lobe of the
Esquiline Hill, separated from the Oppius by the val
ley up which ran the Clivus Suburanus and from the
Viminal by the valley up which ran the Vicus Patri-
cius (Varro, Ling. 5.50). It figured in the Septimon-
tium (Festus 459L , 476L) and in the ceremonies of
the Argei (Varro, Ling. 5.50). It is supposed to have
got its name from Laevus Cispius of Anagnia, who
in the time of Tullus Hostilius encamped there with
C L A U D IU S, D IV U S, T EM P LU M
a military force and guarded the area (Festus 476L).
It is the name of a plebeian family. Its most conspic
uous monument seems to have been the Temple of
Mefitis (see Mefitis, Aedes, Lucus), although that of
Iuno Lucina (see Iuno Lucina, Aedes) was certainly
equally, if not more, important. Today its summit is
crowned by the church of S. M aria Maggiore.
Claudius, Divus, Templum (Figs. 3, 16): a temple
to the deified Claudius on the Caelian in Regio II,
which was begun by Agrippina, almost entirely de
stroyed by Nero after the fire of 64, and completed
by Vespasian (Suetonius, Vesp. 9; Aur. Viet., Caes.
9.7, Epit. 9.8). Its platform is identified by the fact
that Frontinus (A q . 2.76) tells us Nero extended the
arches of the Aqua Claudia as far as this temple, and
fragments of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 16; Rodri
guez pi. 2) identifiable as this platform carry the in
scription t e m ] p l v m d i [v i ] c l a [v d i . Martial (D e
S p ed . 2 .9 -1 0 ) tells us that Nero extended the Do-
mus Aurea: C lau dia diffusas u bi porticu s explicit
um bras; he may possibly be referring to the arcaded
and porticoed substructures. Part of these Nero con
verted to use as a series of fountains and nymphaea,
from which the water mantled the slope of the Cae
lian with cascades and supplied the stagnum in the
valley below; it was really only the temple itself that
Nero destroyed.
The temple faced the Palatine, and there was a
grandiose stair of approach on its main axis. It was
hexastyle with a pronaos three bays deep and a fron
tal stair. The cella was without interior columns.
Around the temple, covering most of its platform,
the Marble Plan shows narrow bands, those toward
the front of the platform symmetrical banks of seven
straight bands to either side, those toward the back
symmetrical banks of four, which turn at right
angles. The interpretation of these is difficult; they
seem neither substructures, as Jordan thought, nor
hedges (R om M itt 18 [1903]: 2 0 n .l [C. Hiilsen]). Be
cause we are told by Pliny (H N 14.11) that a single
vine stock covered all the walks in the open area of
the Porticus Liviae (q.v.), these might be wooden ar
bors of the sort familiar from Pompeian paintings of
gardens. This area in turn seems to have been sur
rounded by a colonnade on all sides, but through
negligence the cutter of this part of the Marble Plan
omitted to indicate the columns and cut only the
margin.
The terrace on which the temple stood measures
180 m deep and 2 0 0 m wide and stands to a height
of nearly 50 meters above sea level, one of the high
est positions in Rome. It is framed on all sides by
substructures. On the south these reach a height of
more than 15 m. The east (rear) front is well pre
served, ornamented with niches alternately semicir
87
C L E M E N T I A , ARA
cular and rectangular, symmetrically disposed to
either side of a larger central exedra. Between each
pair of these niches are three or four semicircular
niches at much smaller scale. Vaulted corridors and
well-like chambers appear behind this faade in a
complicated and irregular pattern, but they show no
sign of having been used as reservoirs or for aquatic
effects. In front of these niches ran a portico, either
arcuated or columnar, and in its vaulted roof appear
remains of a water channel. Apparently here water
fell behind an architectural faade in nymphaea
and was then channeled out through this to the
north.
The west front of the terrace was faced with ar
cades in two storeys built of massive blocks of trav
ertine, heavily rusticated. The lower storey carried
flat arches, and the upper carried rounded ones. Even
the frieze is rusticated, and the only finish is a Doric
pilaster capital between each pair of arches in the
upper storey and the architrave and cornice this car
ries. The vaulted substructures behind these arches
were completed as rooms in brick-faced concrete
masonry and probably used as shops. A street ran
along the base of this front. The stair of approach
was axial and evidently spanned this street on a
bridge.
The north front, where the fall of the hill was
greatest, was supported by a series of vaulted cham
bers making a plain face along this front. In a num
ber of these chambers the walls show incrustations
of lime, evidence that there were water pipes here,
and there are traces of building and terracing lower
on the slope. We must imagine that in the time of
Nero this whole slope was a garden enlivened with
architecture, stairs, and fountains. One fountain
piece, a ships prow decorated with sea monsters and
a boars head, survives, and others have been found
in the past (Flaminio Vacca, M em orie di varie anti-
cbit trovate in diversi lu og bi della citt di R om a, in
F. Nardini, R om a an tica [Rome 1704], 22). This gen
eral scheme, somewhat modified and with reduction
of the amount of water used, seems to have survived
under the Flavians.
The south front, where the temple terrace was
lifted only a little above the neighboring terrain,
shows vaulted chambers only at the extremities; the
rest was evidently supported only by retaining walls.
Off this front opened a number of subsidiary an
nexes of uncertain use. The most important of these
was a large rectangular room with an axial apse con
taining a statue base, flanked by a pair of smaller
rooms apparently designed to be symmetrical.
Despite its size and the importance of its position,
the temple is mentioned only rarely in literature.
It is mentioned in only a single inscription (C IL
6 .10251a = IL S 73 4 8 ), and there is no record at all
of its history.
Nash 1 .2 4 3 -4 8 .
Clementia, A ra: an altar decreed by the senate in
a .d. 2 8 , as was another of Amicitia, both to be em
bellished with statues of Tiberius and Sejanus (Taci
tus, Ann. 4.7 4 ). If these were ever built, they must
have been dismantled soon after the fall of Sejanus.
Clementia Caesaris, Aedes: a temple decreed by
the senate in 4 4 B .C ., in which the personifications of
Clementia and Caesar were portrayed clasping hands
(Cass. Dio 4 4 .6 .4 ; Appian, B ellC iv 2 .1 0 6 ; Plutarch,
Caes. 57 .3 ). Antony was appointed priest of the cult.
It is shown on a coin of Sepullius Macer as tetrastyle,
with closed doors and a globe in the tympanum (B .
M. C oins, R om . R ep. 1 p. 5 4 9 nos. 4 1 7 6 -7 7 ; Craw
ford 480/21). The site is entirely unknown.
Clitellae: Paulus ex Fest. (52L) tells us that there
was a place in Rome so called from its likeness to a
saddle (clitellae dicuntur locus R om a e p ro p ter simi-
litudinem) and that there were places on the Via
Flaminia so called from their ups and downs. There
is no point on the Via Flaminia nearer than the six
teenth milestone which could be described as a series
of ups and downs, and there are so many saddles in
the hilly parts of Rome that one wonders whether
Festus is not defining a common use of the word
rather than explaining a toponym.
C livus: see V ia , V icu s, C livus.
Clivus A rg entariu s (Fig. 19): the street connecting
the Forum Romanum and the Campus Martius at
the head of Via Lata (Via Flaminia). It began at the
Area Volcani (see Volcanal) and ran in front of the
Career over the northeast shoulder of the Capitoline.
Somewhere along it in this area stood the Porta Fon-
tinalis of the Servian Walls, and as it emerged in the
campus it ran west of the Sepulcrum Bibuli in the
pomerial reserve. The name is found only in medie
val documents (Jordan 2 .6 3 4 ; V Z 2 .3 2 6 , 3 .5 3 , 219,
2 2 0 , 4 .1 4 0 ), but it was probably in use in antiquity
and derived from the tabernae of the argentarii there
(cf. Basilica Argentaria [q.v.]). PA suggests that the
republican name was Lautumiae (q.v.), but that
seems unlikely.
Nash 1.249.
Clivus Bassilli: known only from C IL 6 .3 6 3 6 4
= IL S 8 2 1 8 , a road branching from the Via Tibur-
tina in the neighborhood of the Campo Verano cem
etery.

Clivus Capitolinus (Fig. 19): the principal ap
proach to the Capitoline Hill, the only road that
could be negotiated by vehicles from the forum side.
It began at the Area Volcani (see Volcanal), climbed
steeply to the southwest along the Temple of Saturn
(Servius a d Aen. 2 .1 1 6 , 8.319), and bent sharply
back at the corner of the Porticus Deorum Consen-
tium, part of the back wall of which serves as terrac
ing for the clivus. Its upper course is very uncertain
and was probably changed and extended by
branches several times. Originally this must have
been simply a path and led to the saddle, Inter Duos
Lucos, from which other paths led to the crests of
the hill. After the construction of the Capitoline
temple, it was made a processional way and suitable
for vehicles. It was paved by the censors of 174 B .C .,
Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinus (Livy
4 1 .2 7 .7 ). In 190 B .C . Scipio erected an elaborate arch
somewhere along it, adversus viam , but probably not
a gateway to the Area Capitolina, as otherwise this
would be specified (Livy 37 .3 .7 ). It may have been
considered part of the Sacra Via, but was no longer
so in Varros day (Varro, Ling. 5 4 7 ; Festus 372L ).
Because it commanded the Forum Romanum, it
was a convenient place for a show of strength (Livy
3.1 8.7, 19.7; Cicero, Att. 2.1 .7 ). Along some part of
it there were private houses (Cicero, M ilon. 64). And
about halfway up was the Porta Stercoraria (Festus
466L ), leading to an angiportus. Portions of the
pavement still exist in the lower reaches, but nothing
in the upper parts.
Nash 1 .2 5 0 -5 1 .
Clivus Capsarius: a street known from a fragment
of the Acta Fratrum Arvalium of a . d . 2 4 0 (NSc
1914, 4 6 6 , 473 [G. Mancini and O. Marucchi] = ILS
9 522): in C livo Capsar. in A ventino M aiore. C apsarii
seem to have been those who looked after the clothes
of people in the public baths (C1L 6 .9 2 3 2 = ILS
7 621), as well as those who made capsae, but a cli
vus is hardly likely to have taken its name from the
concentration there of dwellings of bath attendants.
We must incline to seeing this as the center of the
manufacture of capsae. Its location is quite uncer
tain, except as it was a clivus rather than a vicus.
Clivus Cosconius: a street known only from Varro
(Ling. 5 .1 5 8 ), who says that it was built by a viocu-
rus of the same name. Its location is quite unknown.
Clivus Delphini: a street listed by the regionary
catalogues in Regio X II after the Temple of the Bona
Dea Subsaxana. PA and Lugli and Gismondi take it
to be the street north of the Thermae Antoninianae
that connected the Via Nova (possibly extending be
CLIVU S O R B IU S
yond it to Porta Capena) with Via Laurentina/Ardea-
tina just outside Porta Naevia. This seems to have
been a natural track, and the identification is likely
enough, although there is no proof. Nor is there any
indication of why this street should have been
singled out for inclusion in the catalogues, a distinc
tion otherwise reserved for streets such as the Sacra
Via and Vicus Iugarius. Perhaps the dolphin was a
prominent landmark; it might have been a fountain
figure.
Clivus M am uri: a street mentioned in medieval
documents (cf. B u llC om 42 [1914]: 373 [M. Mar-
chetti]) that took its name from the Statua Mamuri
(q.v.) listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio VI.
This was presumably the statue of Mamurius Vetur-
ius, the legendary bronze smith who made the eleven
ancilia of the Salii in imitation of the one that had
fallen from heaven (Paulus ex Fest. 117L ; Ovid, Fast.
3 .3 7 9 -9 2 ; Plutarch, N um a 13.3) and was therefore
probably near the Curia Saliorum Collinorum (q.v.).
The humanist Pomponio Leto (VZ 4.429) says the
Vicus Mamuri and statue were at the church of S.
Susanna on the Quirinal, but the regionary cata
logues put it close to the Capitolium Vetus and
Temple of Quirinus. We seem to have a choice be
tween the street (vicus) leading southeast from Pi
azza S. Bernardo and the slope (clivus) leading down
from the crossing of Quattro Fontane to Vicus Lon-
gus in the valley between Quirinal and Viminal. The
latter seems slightly preferable.
Clivus M artis: the slope of the Via Appia leading
up to the Temple of Mars (see Mars, Aedes) between
the first and second milestones outside Porta Capena
(CJL 6 .1 0 2 3 4 = IL S 72 1 3 ). This was provided with
a walk paved with squared stone in 295 B.C . (Livy
10.23.12) and the road cobbled in 189 B .C . (Livy
38 .2 8 .3 ). At some unknown time before Ovid it be
came known as Via Tecta (Ovid, Fast. 6 .1 9 1 92);
this may have been in reference to the a m b u latio of
Crassipes mentioned by Cicero (QFr. 3.7 .1 ). At an
other time the road was graded, evidently considered
a m ajor public undertaking (C IL 6 .1 2 7 0 = ILS
5386). Cf. Degrassi 4 6 3 ; N Sc 1921, 97 (G. M an
cini).
Clivus Orbius (Urbius): a street leading from the
top of Vicus Cuprius (sumntus Vicus Cuprius) up to
the top of the Oppius. Because of the abominable
desecration of her fathers corpse by Tulla when her
carriage turned right into this street and she forced
the driver to drive over the body, at least a stretch of
this street became known as the Vicus (not Clivus)
Sceleratus. Livy (1 .4 8 .6 -7 ) gives a very detailed ac
89
C L I V U S P A L A T IN U S
count of this incident, from which it appears that the
Vicus Cuprius must be the street leading from the
north corner of the Basilica Constantini to Piazza di
S. Pietro in Vincoli following the line of Via di S.
Pietro in Vincoli (what is called Clivus Orbius on the
Lugli and Gismondi map), and the Clivus Orbius
must be a street crossing this, either that running
from the Subura to the Colosseum, the Vicus San-
daliarius of Lugli and Gismondi, or a street running
north west/southeast in the neighborhood of Piazza
S. Pietro in Vincoli. The former is clearly more likely,
because it mounts and descends fairly steep slopes.
The Vicus Sceleratus would have been the stretch
from the intersection with Vicus Cuprius across the
Oppius, a relatively level stretch, while the stretch
climbing the slope could still have been clled Clivus
Orbius.
Solinus 1.25; Dion. Hal. 4 .3 9 .3 ; Ovid, Fast.
6 .6 0 1 -1 0 .
Clivus Palatinus (Fig. 6 3): the modern name for
the paved roadway to the Palatine from the Summa
Sacra Via (see Sacra Via) at the Arcus Titi (q.v.). Its
ancient name is unknown. Considerable remains of
ancient pavement of various periods survive in the
vicinity. It was a broad processional way and ran in
a straight line, probably as far as the Domus Augus-
tiana, but all trace of it disappears at the top of the
slope.
Nash 1 .1 5 2 -5 3 .
Clivus Patrici: see Vicus Patricius.
Clivus Primoris: possibly a name by which the
stretch of the Sacra Via from the Fornix Fabianus to
Summa Sacra Via was commonly known (Varro,
Ling. 5.47).
Clivus Publicius (Fig. 14): the main approach to
the Aventine in antiquity, constructed by the ple
beian aediles, L. and M. Publicius Malleolus, in 2 4 1 -
238 B .C . (Broughton, M RR 1 .2 1 9 20). It began at
Porta Trigmina near the head of the Pons Sublicius
(Frontinus, A q. 1.5) and mounted the slope behind
the Circus Maximus, running northwest/southeast,
probably descending the opposite slope to join Vicus
Piscinae Publicae. It was always in heavy use, served
the great series of temples crowning the brow of the
Aventine above the Circus Maximus, and must have
been densely built up from an early period. Livy
(30.26.5) speaks of its having burned to the ground
in 203 B.C .
Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 8 ; Ovid, Fast. 5 .2 7 7 -9 4 ; Festus
276L ; Livy 2 6 .1 0 .6 , 2 7 .3 7 .1 5 , 3 0 .2 6 .5 .
90
Clivus Pullius: a street leading to the top of the Es-
quiline near the Fagutal (Solinus 1.26). It can with
confidence be put on the north side of the Esquiline
near the church of S. Pietro in Vincoli and must have
led up from the Subura (M aior). Lanciani shows
street pavement found in three places near here run
ning in the right direction. It might be any of these
but is not likely to be the continuation of the Clivus
Orbius of Lugli and Gismondi. Varro says it received
its name from its viocurus, or builder. The name per
sisted late, and the fourth-century edict of Tarracius
Bassus mentions Clivumpullenses (C/L 6 .31893c).
The medieval church of S. Ioannis in Clivo Plumbi
or in Carapullo, which existed on the slope north
of S. Pietro until the end of the sixteenth century,
shows a corrupted form of the name (HJ 2 5 7 ; HCh
271).
Clivus Rutarius: known from a single inscription
(C/L 6 .7 8 0 3 = IL S 78 9 9 ); it seems to have been a
branch from the Via Aurelia running south from
this, not far from the Porta Aurelia (Porta S. Pancra-
zio), but is otherwise unknown.
Clivus Sacer: see Sacra Via.
Clivus Salutis: a street mentioned only by Symma-
chus (E p ist. 5.5 4 [5 2 ].2 ) and the L ib er Pontificalis
(LPD 1.221, [Innocentius, 4 0 2 17]; VZ 2.235) but
probably that part of the Vicus Salutis (q.v.) that
climbed from the Campus Martius to Porta Salutaris
(roughly equivalent to the modern Via della Da-
taria). It took its name from the Collis Salutaris and,
ultimately, from the Temple of Salus (q.v.).
Clivus Scauri (Fig. 16): a street that ascended east
from the valley between Palatine and Caelian, run
ning through a natural cleft, to the top of the Caelian
and Porta Querquetulana (or Querquetularia), the
Arcus Dolabellae et Silani (q.v.), in general coincid
ing with modern Via di SS. Giovanni e Paolo. The
name is found only in postclassical documents (Jor
dan 2 .5 9 4 - 9 5 ; HCh 2 5 6 -5 7 ) , but it is almost cer
tainly ancient (cf. C/L 6 .9 9 4 0 = IL S 7 6 1 9 : Vicus
Scauri).
Nash 1 .2 5 4 -5 5 .
Clivus Suburanus: the continuation of the Argile-
tum where it ascended between the Cispian and Op
pius to Porta Esquilina (Arcus Gallieni [q.v.]). Re
mains of ancient paving show that it followed in
general the course of Vie S. Lucia in Selci, di S. M ar
tino, and di S. Vito. Cf. M artial 5 .2 2 .5 , 10.20[19].5.
Nash 1.256.

Clivus Triarius: a street known only from a single
inscription (C IL 15.7178 = IL S 8728) but probably
part of the Vicus Triari of the Capitoline Base (C/L
6 .975 = IL S 6073) listed in Regio X II. It might be the
unnamed continuation of the Clivus Publicius of
Lugli and Gismondi southeast of Vicus Piscinae Pub-
licae.
Clivus Victoriae (Fig. 63): the ascent to the Pala
tine along the northwest side of the hill beginning at
the Velabrum. It took its name from the Temple of
Victoria (see Victoria, Aedes). Its original start must
have been the Porta Romana of the Romulean pom-
erium (Festus 318L ). At present its course runs more
or less straight, rising steadily to the north corner of
the hill. Here it probably originally turned back on
itself and ran higher on the slope to the precinct of
the Magna M ater and Victoria at the west corner of
the hill. Now it turns abruptly east and follows a
somewhat irregular path through the substructures
of the Domus Tiberiana, ending at a clivus parallel
to the Clivus Palatinus and separated from that by a
line of tabernae fronting on a deep portico. Once it
probably ran to the Clivus Palatinus. Its line was
probably changed in the first century after Christ;
various distinguished men, including Cicero and Me-
tellus Celer, are known to have had houses there (see
Domus: M . Cicero, Caecilius Metellus Celer), but all
trace of these has disappeared in the reorganization
of the Palatine under Tiberius and Caligula. W hat
had once been an important thoroughfare had be
come little more than a service alley for the imperial
palace.
Nash 1.257.
C loaca M axim a: the stream that drains all the val
leys between the Quirinal and Esquiline hills, run
ning through the middle of the Forum Romanum on
a northeast/southwest course and emptying into the
Tiber a little below the east end of the island. It be
came one of the main drains of Rome, and Pliny (H N
3 6.105) says it gathered into its course seven tribu
taries. There is no reason to doubt this, and all may
have been more or less permanent waters. Livy
(1.38.6, 56.2) says the work of making the brook a
sewer was carried out under Tarquinius Priscus and
Tarquinius Superbus, the latter using forced labor of
the plebs, but he must mean the channeling of the
course, because in the time of Plautus (Cure. 476)
there was still an open channel in the middle of the
Forum Romanum.
It follows a very irregular course, reflecting the Ro
mans reluctance to interfere with a potentially hos
tile and dangerous power. Within the excavations in
CLOACA M A XIM A
the vicinity of the forum, it can be followed the
length of the Forum Nervae and clearly continued
beyond, culverted under the Argiletum (Fig. 39). At
the lower end of the Forum Nervae it divides; one
channel, the Braccio M orto, runs beneath the Basil
ica Paulli, the other, probably an artificial modifica
tion, runs around the end of the basilica to rejoin the
Braccio M orto at the little sacellum of Cloacina. On
the south side of the Forum Romanum, it runs under
the Basilica lulia parallel to the Vicus Tuscus, pre
sumably having run in an open channel earlier, and
zigzags through the Velabrum, running under the
Ianus Quadrifrons and between the round and rec
tangular temples (Vesta and Fortuna Virilis) of
the Forum Boarium. Its mouth on the Tiber, framed
in three concentric arches of Gabine stone, is a con
spicuous landmark kept visible in the modern Tiber
embankment.
Except for the Braccio M orto, the walls of part of
which are of cappellaccio, the lower course has walls
of squared blocks of Gabine stone, a floor of selce
paving, and a vaulted roof of concrete and brick
faced concrete. The Gabine stone walls must be due
to the general rehandling of the water and sewer sys
tems of Rome by Agrippa beginning in his aedileship
in 33 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 9 .4 3 ); Gabine stone was rela
tively expensive and used extensively only from the
time of Julius Caesar through that of Nero (Blake
1947, 3 8 -3 9 ), and Narducci describes the construc
tion as very similar to that of the lower course of the
Petronia Amnis (q.v.) from Piazza Mattei to the T i
ber (Narducci 3 6 - 3 7 , 4 0 - 4 2 ) . The rest of the course
is presumably of later date, reworked as new build
ing made demands for more capacious branch lines.
Ultimately, it received the wastes from the Thermae
Diocletianae.
The Cloaca M axim a was an object of great admi
ration to Pliny for its size, so great that men could
traverse it in boats, and so strong that the walls
could resist the most violent storms, and even floods
when the water backed up in its channel, and the
roofs stood up under the passage of great blocks of
stone in the streets overhead and the collapse of
burning buildings (Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 0 4 8). It contin
ues to function today, but connected with the main
sewer of Rome to prevent the backwash from flood
ing the Forum. Ficoroni (L e vestigia e rarita d i R om a
antica [Rome 1744], 1.74) reports that the lower
course was all cleared in 1742, the conduit being
found 10 m below the ground level and built of
blocks of travertine. Narducci (4) gives the dimen
sions at the Tiber mouth as 4 .5 0 m wide and 3 .3 0 m
high, while at the corner of Via di S. Teodoro and
Via dei Foraggi it is 2 .1 2 m wide and 2 .7 2 m high.
91
CLOACINA, SACRUM
PA gives the dimensions in the stretch from the
northwest corner of the Forum Augustum to Via
Alessandrina as 3 .2 0 m wide and 4 .2 0 m high. De
spite the variation, it was clearly capacious through
the area of the Subura (cf. Strabo 5.3.8 [235]).
Nash 1 .2 5 8 6 1 ; R om a sotterran ea, 1 7 0 72 (C.
Mocchegiani Carpano).
Cloacina, Sacrum (Fig. 3 9 ): a small sacellum to the
divinity of the brook running across the Forum Ro-
manum. It stood near the Tabernae Novae (Livy
3.4 8 .5 ), and Plautus (Cure. 471) places it between
the Comitium and an unnamed basilica. It is shown
on coins (B. M. C oins, R om . R ep. 1 .5 7 7 -7 8 nos.
4 2 4 2 -5 4 ) as a low circular platform crowned by an
open balustrade holding two draped statues, each
with the right hand lowered to a small support (thy-
miaterion?), one with the left hand raised and hold
ing an indistinct object usually identified as a flower.
Other additions to either side of the platform are
also unclear. These are presumably the signa Veneris
C loacin ae of Pliny (H N 15.119). It is identified be
yond question by a round marble base molding
found in 1 8 9 9 -1 9 0 1 in front of the Basilica Paulli
encroaching on the Sacra Via, where the Braccio
M orto of the Cloaca under the basilica joins the
main channel. It is 2 .4 0 m in diameter, with a rectan
gular projection to the northwest, presumably for a
small stair of approach. This molding rests on a base
of travertine blocks, below which are eight courses
of various sorts of stone, showing that the shrine was
very old and had to be raised as the ground level
around it rose. It is not known when or why Cloaca
was assimilated to Venus, or why there should have
been two statues in the sacellum.
Nash 1 .2 6 2 -6 3 .
Codeta (also evidently called Codeta M aior and
Campus Codetanus or Caudetanus): listed in the
regionary catalogues in Regio XIV, called ag er by
Paulus (Paulus ex Fest. 34L and 50L ), who adds that
a plant resembling horsetails grew there. This seems
to have been an equisetum, probably the common
arvense or maximum, known in Italy today as code
di cavallo and code equine, called horsetails and
scouring rushes in English. These are marsh plants,
and therefore we should look for a swamp or depres
sion in the Transtiberim. One was identified under
Via Morosini just west of the Viale di Trastevere in
1888 (LFUR sheet 33), and we can presume this ex
tended for some distance to the northeast. The land
is rising to the south and west. This is part of the
Nemus Caesarum and probably that part in which
Augustus constructed his naumachia. A bound
ary stone of the late republic found in the Tiber
92
near Ponte Principe Amedeo inscribed f i n e i s [ . . .
. ] (C IL 6 .3 0 4 2 2 .3 ) indicates a location
]a v d e t a [ . .
upstream of this point, but might equally well refer
to the Codeta Minor.
Codeta M inor: a swampy place in the Campus
Martius where Julius Caesar excavated his nauma
chia (Suetonius, Iul. 3 9 .4 ; Cass. Dio 4 3 .2 3 .4 ). From
the discovery of a boundary stone in the Tiber near
Ponte Principe Amedeo inscribed f i n e i s [ . . . ]
a v d e t a [ . . . ] (C IL 6 .3 0 4 2 2 .3 ), we can presume one
Codeta lay upstream of that point. A place in the
loop of the river somewhere across from the M au
soleum Hadriani seems indicated.
Cohortes Vigilum, Stationes: the seven barracks
of the seven cohorts of city watchmen established by
Augustus following his reorganization of the city
into fourteen regiones, each cohors being responsible
for two regiones and its statio located strategically to
control these. There were also fourteen smaller
posts, ex cu bitoria, which seem to have been the sta
tions from which closer watch was kept night and
day (see P. K. Baillie Reynolds, T h e Vigiles o f Im p e
rial R o m e [Oxford 1926], especially 4 3 63). The
following is known about the individual stationes:
I (Fig. 18): This was the barracks of the cohors
responsible for Regiones VII and IX . For a long time
it was believed that it was shown on a fragment of
the Marble Plan, placed just east of Via Lata. This
was shown conclusively by G. Gatti (B ullC om 62
[1934]: 1 2 3 -4 9 , especially 1 4 8 -4 9 ) to be part of the
Horrea Galbana and to belong near Monte Testac-
cio, in quite a different part of the city. We then have
no notion of the architectural form of this barracks
and no real indication of its precise location, though
its place, second in the list for Regio VII in the re
gionary catalogues, tends to indicate a location to
ward the southern end of Regio VII, where it would
be central to the densely built up and thickly inhab
ited portions of Regiones VII and IX , and this is con
firmed by the discovery of several inscriptions per
taining to the cohort in the vicinity of Piazza SS.
Apostoli, especially toward the northern end of the
piazza (cf. C IL 6 .2 3 3 , 1092, 1157, 1226). Remains
discovered in the area do not permit reconstruction
of even a tentative plan (cf. N Sc 1912, 3 3 7 -4 2 [G.
M ancini]).
II: in Regio V (N ot., Cur.), a barracks on the Es-
quiline for the cohors responsible for Regiones V and
III, at the south end of Piazza Vittorio Emanuele (cf.
C IL 6 .4 1 4 , 1059, 2 9 6 2 - 6 8 , 3 2 7 5 2 ; IL S 8382).
Ill: in Regio VI (N ot.), but the epigraphical evi
dence will not permit precise identification of the site
(cf. C IL 6 .2 9 6 9 -7 1 , 3761 = 3 1 3 2 0 , 3 2 7 5 3 -5 6 ; ILS

2 1 65, 21 6 7 ). It may have been just inside the Porta
Viminalis, near the east corner of the Thermae Dio-
cletianae, where Lugli and Gismondi put it. This co-
hors must have been responsible for Regiones IV and
VI of Augustan Rome.
IIII: listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio XII
and traditionally associated with the church of S.
Saba, under which have been found walls of concrete
faced with reticulate (NSc 1902, 2 7 0 73, 4 6 5 66
[M. E. Cannizzaro and L. C. Gavini], 3 5 7 [G. Gatti])
and near which was discovered a Mithraeum (NSc
1925, 3 8 2 - 8 7 [R. Paribeni]). Several inscriptions
have been found that help to confirm this identifica
tion (C IL 6 .2 1 9 , 2 2 0 , 643 , 1055, 2 9 7 2 -7 6 ; ILS
2 1 62, 2 1 6 3 ; A d i 1858, 2 8 5 -8 9 [G. B. De Rossi]).
No plan of any substantial part of the complex has
been recovered, and its location suggests that this co
hort was responsible for Regiones X II and X III, but
not, as has sometimes been suggested, X I, which
must have been under Cohors VII.
V (Fig. 16): in Regio II (N ot., Cur.), on the Caelian
southeast of S. M aria in Domnica and southwest of
S. Stefano Rotondo. Parts of this statio were found
in 1931 when the Via della Navicella was widened.
Earlier, in 1920, an inscribed base with a dedication
by the fifth cohort to Caracalla was discovered in
situ at the entrance to Villa Celimontana. Other in
scriptions belonging to it are C IL 6 .2 2 1 , 2 2 2 , 1057,
1058, 2 9 7 7 -8 3 ; IL S 2 1 5 7 , 2 1 6 0 , 2 1 6 1 , 2 1 7 3 . The
remains are of brick-faced concrete, but it is not pos
sible to reconstruct the plan more than hypotheti
cally. This cohort must have been responsible for Re
giones I and II.
Nash 1 .2 6 4 -6 5 .
VI: listed in Regio VIII by the N otitia. The inscrip
tions pertaining to it (C IL 6 .2 9 8 4 -9 2 , 32757) are
without topographical value. Logically this cohort
must have been responsible for Regiones VIII and X,
a section small in area but very important and
densely built up. To be central to its area, the statio
would have had to lie in the immediate vicinity of
the Forum Romanum.
VII: listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio
X IV and argued by Baillie Reynolds to have been re
sponsible for Regiones X IV and X I. No trace of the
statio has come to light, but remains of one of the
excubitoria were found in 1866 at Monte di Fiore,
east of the church of S. Crisogono. The building, of
which only a small part has been excavated, seems
originally to have been a private bath complex of the
second century (C IL 6 .5 7 9 = IL S 35 2 0 ), which was
then modified and possibly enlarged at the end of
that century. The excavated part consists of a large
hall or court with a black-and-white mosaic pave
ment of marine subjects and a hexagonal fountain of
C O L O SSU S SOLIS
brick covered with signinum toward the center, off
which open other rooms, including a large lararium
to the Genius Cohortis and a bath. There are numer
ous inscriptions and graffiti (C IL 6 .2 9 9 3 3091,
3 2 7 5 1 ; ILS 2 1 7 2 , 2 1 7 4 -7 7 ) dated a . d . 2 1 5 -2 4 5 .
M ost of these are associated with the lararium and
express thanks of some common soldier of the co
hors on completion of his month of sebaciaria, a ser
vice the nature of which is not precisely known, but
which seems to have been tedious and somewhat
dangerous, as a number of the inscriptions contain
the words om n ia tuta and/or salvis com m anipulis. It
may have been some sort of night watch; the first
element of seb aciaria seems to be the root of the
word for tallow. But it also seems to have been
done singly.
Nash 1 .2 6 6 -6 7 ; PBSR 5 4 (1986): 1 4 7 -6 9 (J. S.
Rainbird).
Collis H ortulorum : see Pincius M ons.
Colosseum: see Amphitheatrum Flavium.
Colossus: see Statua, Signum, Equus, Colossus.
Colossus Solis (Neronis): a bronze portrait statue
of Nero, nude, the work of Zenodorus, that origi
nally stood in the entrance court (vestibulum) of the
Domus Aurea on the Velia (Suetonius, N ero 31;
Pliny, H N 34 .4 5 ). Its height is given variously as
102Vi Roman feet (N ot., Cur.) to 120 Roman feet
(Suetonius, N ero 31). After N eros death it was mod
ified by Vespasian and became a statue of Sol with
the addition of a radiate crown, each of the seven
rays being 23 Vi Roman feet long (Suetonius, Vesp.
18; Pliny, H N 34 .4 5 ). It was moved by Hadrian,
probably in a . d . 128, to a position just northwest of
the Colosseum, where a square in the pavement of
the street still marks the place of the base (S.H.A.
H adr. 1 9 .1 2 -1 3 ) (Figs. 3, 16, 90). The base was 7 m
square, of brick-faced concrete, and originally ve
neered with marble. For the transference, which was
carried out to make place for Hadrians Temple of
Venus et Roma, Hadrian employed the services of
the architect Decrianus, who is said to have moved
the statue upright (suspensum ) and to have re
quired the use of twenty-four elephants. Later Com-
modus removed the head, substituting for it a por
trait of himself, and added the attributes of Hercules
(S.H.A. C o m m o d . 17.910; Cass. Dio 7 3 .2 2 .3 ; Her-
odian 1 .15.9), but these were removed after his
death and the statue restored as Sol. An annual fes
tival on 6 June in which the colossus was crowned
and covered with garlands persisted into Christian
times (Degrassi 46 6 ). It was still standing in the
93
CO L U M N A A N TO N IN I P II
fourth century and is listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio IV, but it is not mentioned in the Ein-
siedeln itinerary of the late eighth-early ninth cen
tury.
The adage quoted by Bede (O pera P araenetica 2,
E xcerption es Patrum, C ollectan ea 543B [Migne
94]), qu am diu sta bit colossu s, stabit et R om a;
qu an d o cadet, ca d et et R om a ; q u a n d o cad et R om a,
cad et et m undus, should refer not to the amphithea
ter but to the statue, as should early medieval men
tion of an insula, regio and rota colisei. The name
Colosseum seems not to have been applied to the
amphitheater until about a . d . 1000. Cf. Jordan
2 .1 1 9 ,3 1 9 ,5 1 0 .
Nash 1 .2 6 8 -6 9 .
Columna Antonini Pii: a column raised to the
memory of Faustina and Antoninus by his adoptive
sons and heirs, M . Aurelius and Lucius Verus. It
stood in the Campus Martius just west of Monteci-
torio, oriented with the nearby commemorative al
tars of the Antonines and the Column of Marcus Au
relius. The shaft was of red granite, unfluted, and
14.75 m high; after serious damage by fire in the
eighteenth century and the use of undamaged parts
to repair the obelisk in Piazza di Montecitorio, only
a slab of the foot of the column was preserved. This
gives the masons inscription with the date of
its quarrying, a . d . 106 (IG 14 .2 4 2 1.1 ). The column
is shown on coins surmounted by a Corinthian cap
ital and a statue, presumably of bronze, and set off
by an openwork balustrade, which the accounts of
the excavation of the base report to have been of
marble (cf., e.g., B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 4 .5 2 8 no.
893).
The unusually large base of white marble carried
a short dedicatory inscription on its principal (north
west) face (C IL 6 .1 0 0 4 = IL S 347) and had reliefs on
the other three. This was excavated in 1703, together
with the column, of which only 6 m projected above
ground at that time. The base was then removed to
Piazza di M ontecitorio, where it was restored. In
1789 it was moved to the Cortile (Giardino) della
Pigna in the Vatican, where it fared badly, exposed
to the weather. After a second restoration concluded
in 1846, it was installed in the large apse at the north
end of the garden (Helbig4 1.480); more recently, it
was moved to the Cortile delle Corazze in the Museo
del Vaticano.
The relief opposite the dedicatory inscription
shows the imperial couple borne aloft on the wings
of a genius figure, sometimes identified as Aion, and
flanked by eagles. At the lower corners are the god
dess Roma, who lifts her hand in salutation, and an
allegorical figure of the Campus Martius, a genius
reclining on the ground and holding an obelisk. The
94
reliefs on the sides, intended to be identical, show the
decu rsio equitum performed at the funeral before the
pyre was lit. Riders of several sorts, including sena
tors, move in a ring around a group of foot soldiers
representing the praetorian guard.
Helbig4 1.378 no. 4 8 0 ; CAR 2-G , 152 pp. 181
8 2 ; Nash 1 .2 7 0 -7 5 ; L. Vogel, T he C olum n o f A n
toninus Pius (Cambridge, Mass. 1973); Rend-
PontA cc 5 1 -5 2 (1 9 7 8 -8 0 ): 3 8 9 - 4 0 0 (D. E. E.
Kleiner and F. S. Kleiner); B u llC om 88 (198283):
7 3 -7 5 (B. Frischer); PBSR 5 7 (1989): 9 0 -1 0 5 (R.
Hannah).
Columna Antoniniana: see Columna M arci
Aurelii Antonini.
Columna Bellica: a diminutive column (colum ella)
that stood in a plot, probably marked off by cippi, in
front of (ante) the Temple of Bellona in the Campus
Martius. A soldier of Pyrrhus had been made to buy
this plot so that it might permanently represent for
eign territory. In declaring war, the fetial threw a
spear over the column into the enemy territory, a rite
that persisted as late as the time of Marcus Aurelius
(Cass. Dio 72 .3 3 .3 ).
Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 0 5 -9 ; Servius a d Aen. 9 .5 2 ; Festus
30L ; Lindsay, G loss. L at. 4.55 (pseudo-Placidus).
Columna Lactaria: a column in the Forum Holi-
torium mentioned by Paulus (Paulus ex Fest. 105L),
who says infants were taken there to be given milk.
Presumably he means the children of the poor, and
this was a charitable institution. It has been asso
ciated with the Temple of Pietas (see Pietas, Aedes),
one of the few buildings known to have been in the
Forum Holitorium, and also with the story of Cimon
and Pero (Caritas Romana), the latter without good
reason.
Columna M aenia: a column erected in 338 b . c . in
honor of C. Maenius, victor over the Latins in the
naval battle of Antium (Pliny, H N 34.20). It stood
west of the Curia Hostilia, because the accensus con-
sulum announced the final hour of the day when
from the Curia he saw the sun pass the Columna
Maenia moving toward the Career (Pliny, H N
7 .2 1 2 : a C olu m n a M aen ia a d C arcerem inclinato).
This indicates that the column was located near the
northeast end of the Arch of Septimius Severus. The
column was used in the time of Cicero for public
posting of the names of delinquent debtors by their
creditors (Cicero, Div. C aec. 5 0 , Sest. 18 and Schol.
B o b . a d loc. [Stangl 128]).
A second explanation of the column was that
when Cato was purchasing land for the Basilica Por-
cia (q.v.), Maenius, whose house Cato needed to

complete the parcel, stipulated that one column
should be salvaged from his house to provide a van
tage point from which he and his descendants could
watch the games given in the forum, and that on this
column he constructed a wooden platform. Such a
column would have had to be some distance from
the house in question in order to provide a good
spectators vantage point, and houses of such size as
would include a column suitable for supporting such
a platform would have been extremely rare at so
early a date. Other improbabilities involved are also
apparent. We can therefore reject this tradition as an
invention (cf. [Ascon.,] Div. C aec. 5 0 [Stangl 128];
Porphyrion a d Hor. Sat. 1.3.21). But it probably
means that there was no inscription on the column
and no statue crowning it from a relatively early
date. Because the column was still standing in the
fourth century (Symmachus, Epist. 5 .5 4 .3 ), the story
was probably made up after the destruction of the
Basilica Porcia and after its location was forgotten.
Coarelli 1985, 3 8 53.
Columna M arci Aurelii Antonini (Columna
Antoniniana) (Fig. 18): a large column, like that
of Trajan in his forum, raised by the senate and the
Roman people to Marcus Aurelius in honor of his
victories over the Marcomanni and Sarmadans in
a . d . 1 7 2 -1 7 5 (Aur. Viet., C aes. 16, Epit. 16). It stands
on the west side of Via Lata, aligned with it and iso
lated in a piazza, probably with a view to the con
struction of a temple to M . Aurelius similar to that
to Divus Traianus. An inscription dated a . d . 193
found nearby (C IL 6 .1 5 8 5 = IL S 5920) speaks of a
procurator of the column and a shelter for him. The
column is variously called Columna Divorum Marci
et Faustinae, Columna Divi M arci, Columna Cen-
tenaria, and Columna Centenaria Divi M arci. In the
regionary catalogues, listed in Regio IX , it is called
Columna Cochlis, probably in reference to the spiral
band of relief on the exterior rather than to the spiral
stair in the interior.
Through the ages it has received better care than
most monuments of antiquity. In the tenth century it
was given, together with the church of S. Andrea de
Columna, which stood on its north side, to the Ben
edictines of S. Silvestro in Capite (HCh 18283). At
an unknown date its upper half was displaced a little
by an earthquake; the displacement is most apparent
in the figure of Victoria inscribing a shield. In 1 5 8 9
1590, under Pope Sixtus V, extensive repairs were
carried out by Domenico Fontana. A statue of Saint
Paul was set atop the column, the ruined reliefs of
the base were chiseled away, and a new plain marble
casing was added. The height of the base was consid
erably reduced by raising the pavement, and the re
liefs of the shaft were restored. The dedicatory in
C O L U M N A M A R C I A U R E L II ANTONINI
scription, if any trace of it survived, must have gone
at this time; there is no record of it. But in recent
years the fumes of the heavy automotive traffic in the
vicinity have eroded many parts of the high relief be
yond recognition; it has in this respect suffered per
haps more than any other monument.
The column is in many ways a close copy of that
of Trajan. Shaft, torus base, and capital together
measure 100 Roman feet (2 9 .7 7 m). The base was
originally considerably higher than that of the Col
umn of Trajan, and the shaft tapers less, while the
relief is much deeper, with extensive undercutting.
The shaft is composed of twenty-six drums of Luna
marble with a spiral stair of 2 0 0 steps carved out of
the core. This is lit by fifty-six small rectangular win
dows. The specifications given in the regionary cata
logues are slightly inaccurate; there it is said to be
175 Vi Roman feet high, with a stair of 203 steps.
The torus at the base is carved with a wreath of oak
leaves; the capital is essentially Doric, with the
echinus carved with an egg molding. The shaft is
wound with a spiral band of relief of twenty-one
turns, on which are shown scenes from the two cam
paigns of Marcus, separated by a figure of Victoria
inscribing a shield. M ost scenes are designed in two
clearly distinct planes, one above the other, with
sometimes a third between. There is a strong feeling
of a drive forward to the composition, with occa
sional pauses to emphasize the introduction of the
princeps. Incidental elements of landscape and set
ting are reduced to a minimum and often schematic
or treated symbolically. Violence and pathos are
abundantly in evidence, and the drama of the war is
emphasized, as it is not on the Column of Trajan.
The base of the column is shown in numerous six
teenth-century drawings, which together probably
give us fairly accurate views of it from all sides. The
earliest of these is by Enea Vico, ca. 1540, and shows
the east face; others are by Francisco dHollanda,
Dosio, and Etienne Du Perac. By Vicos time the base
of the column had been buried up to the middle of
the third course of the great travertine blocks form
ing the core of the base, and the marble revetment
had been stripped away, except for the band of re
liefs facing the fourth course. These showed on the
principal face the ultimate submission of the barbar
ians to Marcus Aurelius, and on each of the other
three faces garlands swung in deep loops from the
shoulders of four draped Victorias, who hold up
wreaths of victory in their outstretched hands.
Above this band are three more courses of rough
travertine blocks and then a well-finished plinth
under the torus of the base of the column. It is easy
to imagine that the base of the column was sur
rounded by steps on all sides, leading on the east
front to the door of access, above which the dedica
95
CO LU M N A M IN UCIA
tory inscription would have filled the space between
the lintel and the zone of relief, but it is difficult to
imagine that the revetment was plain, except for the
inscription, as we must to explain why these slabs
would have been robbed out and the relief left. Per
haps the decoration was in such low relief as that of
the base of the Column of Trajan, and the plunderers
saw that it could easily be chiseled away. Enea Vicos
drawing shows, lying in the foreground, a slab of
frieze decorated with a garland of leaves wound with
ribbon and a block of deep cornice of which the most
conspicuous feature is a line of deep dentils. Coins of
Trajan (e.g., B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 3 pis. 38.3,
3 9.4 and 5, 4 0 .2 , 41.6) show a column with a base
in two storeys, the upper storey recessive above the
lower and surmounted by freestanding eagles at the
corners, which carry garlands swung between them
in their beaks. It seems highly likely that this was the
design of the base of the Column of Marcus, that
the cornice should be installed immediately above
the zone of reliefs and a recessive storey rise plain
above this to be crowned by freestanding eagles,
which might have been of either marble or bronze.
It is likely that the Temple of Divus Marcus (see
Marcus, Divus, Templum) stood west of the column
and that a square framing both was bordered with
colonnades, at least in part, but remains of all these
are entirely unknown.
C. Caprino, A. M. Colini, G. Gatti, M . Pallottino,
and P. Romanelli, L a co lon n a di M arco A urelio
(Rome 1955); G. Becatti, C olon n a di M arco A urelio
(Milan 1957); Nash 1 .2 7 6 -7 9 ; CAR 2-G , 219 p.
198.
Columna M inucia: a column erected in honor of
L. Minucius Augurinus, praefectus annonae in 439
B .C ., by decree of the people and paid for by popular
subscription (Pliny, H N 18.15, 34 .2 1 ). Pliny believed
it might be the first such honor awarded by the
people; it seems also to have been the first statue
raised on a lofty column in Rome. It stood just out
side the Porta Trigemina (cf. Porta Minucia), near
the Statio Annonae (q.v.), and is shown on denarii
of the late second century B .C . (B. M. Coins, R om .
Rep. 1.13536 nos. 9 5 2 -5 4 , 148 nos. 1 0 0 5 -6 ;
Crawford 242/1; 243/1). The interpretation of the
coins is difficult. The column is composed of drums
with convex exterior faces, possibly representing rus
tication. It stands on a rectangular plinth and has an
Aeolic capital from which dangle bells. The statue
atop it is shown as diminutive, togate, with a long
staff. At the base are two lions heads or forequart
ers, each surmounted by a large grain ear (?). The
column is flanked by two togate figures, the one on
the right an augur with a lituus, the other a praefec
96
tus annonae (?). Whether these are to be interpreted
as other statues is not clear, but the probability
seems strong.
The gilded bull reported by Livy (4.16.2) to have
been presented to Minucius extra Portam Trigemi-
nam probably results from confusion of the column
with a sacrificial bull also presented to Minucius (see
R. M . Oglivie, A C om m en tary on Livy, B o o k s I-V
[Oxford 1965], ad loc.). We know that a bronze bull
in the Forum Boarium (q.v.) marked the beginning
of the pomerium of Romulus (Tacitus, Ann. 12.24).
This was an Aeginetan bronze, spoils of the conquest
of Greece (Pliny, H N 34.10) and therefore not in
stalled before the second century B .C . It may be that
Livy was unaware of the discrepancy and that the
column and bronze bull stood close enough to each
other that they might be thought to belong together
(cf. Ovid, Fast. 6 .4 7 7 78), for it is most unlikely that
there were two statues of bulls here. This will also
give a better beginning for the pomerium.
Columna Phocae (Figs. 40 , 4 1 ): a column erected
in a . d . 608 by Smaragdus, exarch of Italy, to Phocas,
emperor of the East (C IL 6 .1 2 0 0 = IL S 837,
31259a). It stands in the Forum Romanum between
the Rostra and the Lacus Curtius, on a high plinth
atop a pyramid of steps faced with white marble.
The column itself is of white marble and fluted, with
an Attic base and Corinthian capital of good work
manship, clearly robbed from an early imperial mon
ument. The statue that crowned it was gilded. There
seems to be work of several periods here, Smaragdus
having made use of an old foundation and a still
older column. The steps of the pyramidal base on the
north and east sides were removed in 1903.
Nash 1 .2 8 0 -8 1 ; GV 1 7 4 -7 7 .
Columna R ostrata (M. Aemilii Paulli): a column
ornamented with the beaks of captured ships of war
erected on the Capitoline in honor of M. Aemilius
Paullus, cos. 255 B .C . It was completely destroyed by
lightning in 172 B .C . (Livy 4 2 .2 0 .1 ).
Columna R ostrata (Augusti): a column erected in
the Forum Romanum in 36 B .C . to celebrate the vic
tory of Octavian over Sextus Pompey (Appian,
B ellC iv 5.1 3 0 ). The column was decorated along the
shaft with beaks and anchors and surmounted by a
gilded statue of Octavian, supposedly wearing the
dress he wore when he returned to Rome. The col
umn is shown on coins issued between 35 and 28
B.C . (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1 Augustus nos. 6 3 3 -
36), where Octavians statue is nude, except for a
cloak floating behind it, and holds a long spear in
the right hand.

Columnae Rostratae Augusti et Agrippae: After
the conquest of Egypt, Augustus is said to have had
four columns cast from the bronze of the beaks of
captured warships, which were later removed by
Domitian to the Capitoline and to be seen there in
Serviuss day (Servius a d G eorg. 3.29). Evidently Ser-
vius did not know about the earlier single column
(see Columna Rostrata Augusti). Where the four col
umns were originally erected is unknown, but it
seems likely that it was in the precinct of Apollo Pal-
atinus, because the passage in Vergil where such col
umns are mentioned clearly takes that temple as its
model.
Columna R ostrata C. Duilii (1): a column erected
by C. Duilius in celebration of his naval victory over
the Carthaginians in 260 B .C ., which stood ante cir-
cum a parte ianuarum (Servius a d G eorg. 3.29). The
ianuae of the Circus Maximus are also mentioned in
Chron. 147, where they are said to have been en
larged by Caracalla. Probably the exterior of the car-
ceres with the axial ceremonial entrance is meant,
although only the latter ought properly to qualify as
a ianua.
Columna R ostrata C. Duilii (2): a second column
erected by Duilius on the Rostra to celebrate the
same victory as (1), later moved to the Forum Ro-
manum (Servius a d G eorg. 3 .2 9 ; Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 0 ;
Quintilian 1.7.12). The long archaic dedicatory in
scription seems to have been restored repeatedly, per
haps last under Claudius; part of it was discovered
in 1565 (C/L 6 .1 3 0 0 = 31591 =/LS 6 5 ; A. E. G or
don, Illustrated In trodu ction to L atin E pigraphy
[Berkeley 1983], 1 2 4 27 no. 48) and is preserved in
the Museo Nuovo Capitolino.
Nash 1.282.
Columna Traiani: see Forum Traiani.
Comitium: the earliest place of public assembly of
the Romans and throughout history the meeting
place of the Comitia Curiata, an inaugurated tem-
plum in front of the Curia Hostilia, between this and
the Forum Romanum. In shape it was a broad rec
tangle, slightly longer than wide, oriented to the car
dinal points of the compass. It was essentially open,
though awnings were sometimes employed to pro
tect those assembled there from the sun (Livy
2 7 .3 6 .8 ; Pliny, H N 19.23). Troops could march into
it (Livy 5 .5 5 .1 ), and prodigies, such as a rain of
blood, could be observed in it (Livy 3 4 .4 5 .6 ). It was
throughout republican history closely connected
with the Curia Hostilia, which stood on axis with it
at the middle of its north side. Livy calls it the vesti-
C O M IT IU M
bulum curiae (45.2 4 .1 2 ). A speakers platform in
front of the curia was the traditional location of the
tribunal of the praetor urbanus (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 5 ;
M acrobius, Sat. 3 .1 6 .1 5 ; cf. Livy 2 7 .5 0 .9 ), probably
at one extremity of the platform, while in time the
praetor in charge of the Quaestio de Repetundis
came to occupy the other. This platform was later
ornamented with the beaks of captured warships and
called Rostra (q.v.).
The center of the Comitium became in time, cer
tainly by the beginning of the third century B .C ., a
circular amphitheater of steps rising on all sides, on
which the citizens stood in their assemblies, while in
front of the curia these steps formed a stair of ap
proach to the speakers platform and senate house.
This cavea must have been interrupted by throats of
entry leading in from the Forum and the Clivus Ar-
gentarius, and perhaps from the Argiletum. For var
ious monuments set up in the Comitium in early
times, see Ficus Navia, Puteal in Comitio, Statua
Atti Navii, Statua Hermodori, and Statua Horatii
Coclitis.
Until the second century B .C ., the Comitium was
the place where the Romans regularly assembled by
tribes to pass laws. C. Licinius Crassus, as tribunus
plebis in 145 B .C ., was the first to lead the people
from the Comitium to the Forum for the hearing of
laws (Varro, Rust. 1 .2.9; Cicero, A m ic. 25 .9 6 ). Plu
tarch (C. G racch. 5) must be wrong in ascribing this
change to Gaius Gracchus.
Stratigraphic excavations in the Comitium by G.
Boni at the turn of the century revealed twenty-seven
strata in a depth of 3.5 m, some of the strata barely
1 cm thick. In the middle of the century E. Gjerstad
made a new stratigraphic exploration of the area and
discovered the same twenty-seven strata. The dating
and significance of these is much disputed, as is their
association with various scanty remains of construc
tion in the area of the Rostra Vetera southeast of
the Niger Lapis (q.v.). M ost of the reconstructions
suggested for the successive phases of the Rostra
Vetera are unacceptable as architecture; only the
last phase at 11.80 meters above sea level, a segment
of the stepped cavea of the Comitium, can be ac
cepted as a viable building. At various points in the
Comitium are twenty-one shallow pits lined with
tufa slabs set vertically and covered with stone
plates. M ost of these seem to have been deliberately
filled with debris toward the end of the republic, and
their abandonment is probably to be associated with
the rehandling of parts of the complex by Sulla,
Faustus Sulla, Julius Caesar, and Augustus in close
succession. Some of the pits were probably con
nected with the rigging of awnings, others with mon
uments set up here. The irregular shape of some of
97
C O M P ITU M
them is puzzling, but they are not likely to have had
a religious function.
By the time Julius Caesar paved this area, and per
haps from the time Faustus Sulla rebuilt the Curia
Hostilia (q.v.), the Comitium had lost most of its im
portance, and the cavea of steps was destroyed,
though it had been kept in repair and rebuilt when
necessary, at least in front of the Rostra, until some
time after August 5 9 B .C . (cf. Gradus Aurelii; Cicero,
Flacc. 66). Caesars (?) clearing of the area and pav
ing of it with flags of Luna marble at 13.50 meters
above sea level marks a new departure. Numerous
old monuments had been assembled under the Niger
Lapis (q.v.) and floored over with special stone. The
area was then fenced off to prevent the unwary from
walking over it. If the Comitium now had definition,
it was only by its marble pavement and perhaps a
light fence that could be run up, and it seems to have
been much reduced in size, because its public assem
blies had now almost entirely been moved to the
Saepta Iulia (q.v.). However, its existence continued
to be recognized, especially in the formal phrase in
curia in C om itio, at least until the time of Hadrian.
In the fourth century a new pavement of roughly
laid travertine flags was installed about 20 cm above
the marble pavement, the last repair of antiquity.
The Comitium was now in effect a small entrance
court in front of the curia. In this were erected a
number of monuments, notably a very large circular
fountain with an octagonal foot in front of the door
of the curia of Diocletian and a square monument on
a base faced with blocks of marble with a fence
around it that has been taken as for a bronze quad
riga, but is more likely for the Ianus Geminus (q.v.)
of the late imperial period.
NSc 1900, 2 9 5 3 4 0 (G. Boni); A rch aeolog y 10
(1957): 4 9 55 (L. Richardson); A ctaln stS u eciae 17,
pt. 3 (1960): 2 1 7 -5 9 (E. Gjerstad); Nash 1 :2 8 7 -8 9 ;
R om M itt 80 (1973): 2 1 9 -3 3 (L. Richardson), 85
(1978): 3 5 9 - 6 9 (L. Richardson), 83 (1976): 3 1 -6 9
(C. Krause); Coarelli 1983, 1 1 9 -6 0 ; Coarelli 1985,
11123, especially 1 1 -2 7 .
Compitum: see Forum , Area, Compitum.
Compitum Acili (Fig. 9 0 ): a street crossing with a
compital shrine on the northern spur of the Velia, the
juncture at an oblique angle of a street leading up
from the Vicus Cuprius and a street leading up to the
Carinae following the course of the modern Via della
Polveriera. It is mentioned as having the Tigillum So-
rorium (q.v.) in its near vicinity (Degrassi 515 [Oct.
1]) and as the site of a taberna purchased at public
expense in 2 2 9 B .C . for Archagathus, the first Greek
physician to establish himself in Rome (Pliny, H N
29.12). In the cutting of the Via dei Fori Imperiali in
98
1 932, the compital shrine with an inscribed archi
trave and a consular date of 5 B .C . came to light. This
consisted of a low platform approached by a flight
of four steps, together with fragments of unfluted
columns and a very richly carved entablature with a
modillion cornice. The decorative detail is finely
carved, and the lettering of the inscription is elegant.
The explanation of the name is elusive.
Nash 1 .2 9 0 -9 1 ; C EFR 98 (1987): 8 7 -1 0 9 (M.
Dondin-Payre).
Compitum Aliarium: a street crossing known
from four inscriptions (CJL 6 .4 4 7 6 , 9971, 3 3 1 5 7 ;
IL S 7 5 6 9 , 7 8 0 9 ; B u llC om 41 [1913]: 81 [G. Gam])
and presumably a point of some importance, but
otherwise unknown. The name seems to derive from
alium (garlic), and a place in the Subura in the vicin
ity of the Macellum (q.v.) may therefore be not un
likely. The inscriptions indicate that it was a center
for clothiers.
Compitum Fabricium: probably the intersection
of the Vicus Fabrici of Regio I (C/L 6.975 = ILS
6073) and another street where there was also a la-
cus. It was next to the Curiae Novae (Festus 180L),
therefore presumably on the Caelian. Lugli and Gis-
mondi suggests the vicus was the street along the
main front of the Temple of Divus Claudius, which
would allow identification of the compitum as the
important juncture of streets at the northwest corner
of the temple precinct (Figs. 3, 16), but the Curiae
Novae were probably not so far from the Curiae Ve-
teres. It is reported to have got its name from a house
given to a Fabricius o b captivos recu peratos d e hos-
tibus (C G L 4 .6 2 - 6 3 [Placidus]). This would pre
sumably have been C. Fabricius, the ambassador sent
to Pyrrhus in 278 B .C . (Cicero, Brut. 55).
Concordia, Aedes (1): a temple to Concordia
vowed by L. Manlius when praetor in Gaul in 218
B .C . (Livy 22 .3 3 .7 ) and begun in 2 1 7 by the duovirs
C. Pupius and K. Quinctius Flamininus. It was in
arce and dedicated the following year by the duovirs
M . and C. Atilius (Livy 2 3 .2 1 .7 ). The day of dedi
cation was 5 February (Degrassi 4 0 6 7). If our
sources are correct, this must have been somewhere
on the crest of the Capitoline Hill, presumably on the
northeastern height. It is located in arce in the Fasti
Praenestini and in C apit(olio) in the Fasti Antiates
Maiores.
C oncordia, Aedes (2) (also Templum) (Fig. 19):
the temple at the foot of the northeastern lobe of the
Capitoline Hill overlooking the Forum Romanum at
the end of the Sacra Via. It was traditionally vowed
by Camillus in 3 6 7 B .C . during the troubles con

nected with the passage of the Licinian laws (Plu
tarch, C am . 42.3). Camillus was released from his
vow on the following day when the people, having
obtained their goal, voted to build the temple for him
(Plutarch, C am . 4 2 .4 ; Ovid, Fast. 1 .6 4 1 -4 4 ). But
this temple seems never to have been built, though
Plutarch specifies that the place for it, where the
present temple stands, was designated. This was the
Area Concordiae (Livy 3 9 .5 6 .6 , 4 0 .1 9 .2 ; Obsequens
4), between the Volcanal and the base of the Capi-
toline, and beside the Gradus ad Monetam (Ovid,
Fast. 1.63738). The first monument here seems to
have been the Aedicula Concordiae (see Concordia,
Aedicula) of Cn. Flavius, built in 3 0 4 , which was re
placed by the temple of Opimius of 121.
In 121 B .C ., following the death of C. Gracchus,
the senate ordered the construction of this temple by
L. Opimius (Appian, B ellC iv 1 .3 .2 6 ; Plutarch, C.
G raccb. 17.6). The day of dedication was probably
22 July (Degrassi 486). Thereafter, the temple was
very frequently used for meetings of the senate, es
pecially when there was a question of civic discord
or disturbance to be discussed (cf., e.g., Cicero, Cat.
3 .2 1, Sest. 26, D om . 11, Phil. 2 .1 9 ; Cass. Dio
5 8 .1 1 .4 ). It was also used occasionally as a meeting
place by the Arval Brethren (Henzen, p. iv). See also
Basilica Opimia.
In 7 B .C ., as part of his triumph, Tiberius under
took to restore the temple, using the spoils of his
German campaigns for the purpose (Cass. Dio
55 .8.2). This rebuilding was carried out on a lavish
scale, and the finished temple was dedicated in the
names of Tiberius and his dead brother Drusus on
16 January (Ovid, Fast. 1 .6 3 7 -3 8 ; Degrassi 3 9 8
400) a . d . 10 (Cass. Dio 56.2 5 .1 ) or a . d . 12 (Sueton
ius, Tib. 20). The latter is more likely to be correct.
Tiberiuss temple was of unusual plan, thanks to
the restrictions imposed on it by the site. The cella
has a transverse axis, being 45 m wide and 24 m
deep, while the hexastyle pronaos is only 34 m wide
and 14 m deep. The back wall comes tight against
the base of the Tabularium. The approach was by a
wide stair running the full width of the pronaos. E x
ploration in the interior of the podium indicates that
Opimiuss temple was of similar size and propor
tions. In the cella a row of white marble columns
raised on a continuous plinth projecting from the
wall divided the walls into eleven bays, each contain
ing a niche. The axial niche on the northwest wall
must have been for the cult figure of Concordia,
shown as enthroned, carrying a patera and a cornu
copia. The Corinthian columns of the interior order
are of great elegance; pairs of leaping rams replace
the corner volutes. Pilasters of the same design re
sponded to them along the walls (E. von Mercklin,
A n tike F igu ralkapitelle [Berlin 1962], 2 0 1 - 4 no.
CO N C O RD IA , AEDES
49 4 ). The modillion cornice of the exterior, of which
a large fragment is preserved in the open gallery of
the Tabularium, is widely regarded as the finest ar
chitectural fragment surviving from the Augustan
period, a model of classical decorative motifs com
bined with harmony and restraint. Of the decoration
of the temple, only the threshold of the cella in two
blocks of Porta Santa marble and some bits of the
pavement survive on the site. The exterior of the
temple was covered entirely with marble, and it car
ried an extraordinarily elaborate program of statu
ary on the roof, though the pediment was evidently
left blank. This is shown on coins of Tiberius (B . M.
Coins, R om . E m p. 1.137, 139 nos. 116, 13234).
The statues on the roof are identified as the Capito-
line triad in the center, flanked by Ceres and Diana,
with Victorias at the corners of the pronaos and cella
roofs. The stair of approach is flanked by statues of
Hercules and Mercury.
Tiberius enriched his temple with works of art,
and it seems to have become a museum. He obtained
a statue of Vesta from Paros (Cass. Dio 5 5 .9 .6 ), and
Pliny mentions an Apollo and a Juno by Baton (HN
3 4 .7 3 ), a Latona with her twin children by Euphra-
nor (34.77), an Aesculapius and a Hygeia by Nicer-
atus (34.80), a M ars and a Mercury by Piston
(34.89), and a Ceres, a Jupiter, and a Minerva by
Sthennis (34.90). There were also paintings: a bound
Marsyas by Zeuxis (35.66), a Liber Pater by Nicias
(35.131), and a Cassandra by Theodorus (35.144).
There were also four elephants of obsidian, a gift of
Augustus (36.196), and a sardonyx that had be
longed to Polycrates of Samos and was a gift of Livia
(37.4). Dedicatory inscriptions were found in the
rums (C IL 6 .9 0 -9 4 , 3 0 8 5 6 -5 7 ; ITS 153, 3 7 8 2 -8 3 ),
and others mention an aedituus of the temple (C IL
6 .2 2 0 4 -5 , 8 7 0 3 ; IL S 49 9 8 ).
The temple is shown on coins of Orbiana, the wife
of Alexander Severus (B . M. Coins, R om . Em p.
6 .1 4 4 no. 30 7 ), and an inscription preserved only in
the Einsiedeln sylloge (C IL 6 .8 9 = IL S 3781) records
a restoration after it had become dilapidated. It was
still standing in the fourth century and was listed in
the regionary catalogues in Regio VIII, but seems to
have collapsed in the time of Pope Hadrian I (a . d .
7 7 2 -9 5 , LPD 1.512, 522).
M AAR 5 (1925): 5 3 - 7 7 (H. F. Rebert and H.
M arceau); C Q 3 6 (1942): 1 1 1 -2 0 (A. Momigliano);
R endP ontA cc 34 (196162): 9 3 -1 1 0 (M. Guar-
ducci); Nash 1 .2 9 2 -9 4 ; PP 33 (1978): 2 6 0 -7 2 (L.
Richardson).
C o n co rd ia , A edes (3): a temple built by Livia to
Concordia, according to Ovid (Fast. 6 .6 3 7 -3 8 ),
where a description of the Porticus Liviae (q.v.) im
mediately follows (6 3 9 -4 8 ). Evidently the porticus
99
C O N C O R D IA , AED ICU LA
and aedes were substantially identical. The Aedifi-
cium Eumachiae at Pompeii, dedicated to Concordia
Augusta and Pietas, seems to have been built in imi
tation of this.
PP 33 (1978): 2 6 0 72 (L. Richardson); H istoria
33 (1984): 3 0 9 - 3 0 (M. B. Flory).
Concordia, Aedicula: a bronze shrine of Concor
dia set up by the curule aedile Cn. Flavius in 3 0 4 B.C .
in G raecostasi (Pliny, H N 33.19) and in A rea Volcani
(Livy 9.4 6 .6 ), therefore approximately where the
later Temple of Concordia stood. If it was not incor
porated into the temple when it was built, it must
have been destroyed. Pliny tells us that Flavius
vowed the temple if he should reconcile the orders of
the people after he had alienated the nobility by pub
lishing the calendar of days for legal proceedings. Be
cause public money for a temple was not granted
him, he built the shrine from the fines of usurers, and
Cornelius (Scipio) Barbatus, pontifex maximus, was
then forced by agreement of the people to dictate the
proper formula of dedication, although he main
tained that only a consul or a general could dedicate
a temple.
Concordia Augusta, Ara: A travertine altar, re
stored as inscribed to Concordia Augusta and stand
ing in front of a travertine statue base, was discov
ered in Piazza Bocca della Verita at the juncture of
Via Teatro di M arcello at a depth of a little over 2 m
below present ground level and has been reset in
roughly the correct location across from the rectan
gular temple called Fortuna Virilis. This seems to be
remains of a compital sacellum.
RendP ontA cc 43 (1 9 7 0 -7 1 ): 5 5 -7 0 (A. M. Col-
ini).
Concordia N ova: a temple decreed by the senate
in 44 B .C . in honor of Julius Caesar on the eve of his
assassination (Cass. Dio 44 .4 .5 ). There is no evi
dence that this was ever even begun.
S. Weinstock, Divus Ju liu s (Oxford 1971), 2 6 0 -
66.
Consentes Dei (Porticus): see Porticus Deorum
Consentium.
Consus, A ra: an altar of a god, considered the
equivalent of Poseidon Hippios, of great antiquity in
Rome. It was in his honor that games including horse
and chariot races were first held in the Vallis Murcia,
where the Circus Maximus came to be. This became
the occasion of the rape of the Sabine women (Livy
1 .9 .6 -1 6 ; Plutarch, R om . 1 4 .2 -7 ). His altar stood at
the p rim a e m eta e of the circus, at the southeast
(sphendone) end of the spina, and was kept under
100
ground (Dion. Hal. 2 .3 1 .2 3 ; Tertullian, D e S p ed .
5.8). It was exposed on 7 July and 21 August (Ter
tullian, D e S p e d . 5 .8 ; Degrassi 4 8 1 , 4 9 9 -5 0 0 ), at
which times burnt sacrifice was offered on it, in July
by the sacerdotes publici and in August by the Fla-
men Quirinalis, attended by the Vestal Virgins. It
must also have been exposed for the Consualia on
15 December (Degrassi 53 8 ), but about the ceremo
nies in connection with this last festival we have no
information. It is unlikely to have been exposed on 1
January, as Mancini has proposed (Degrassi 388).
Dionysius (2.31.2) thought Consus the Roman
equivalent of Poseidon Seischthon, the earth-
shaker ; Servius (ad Aen. 8.636) thought him Nep-
tunus Equestris. There is now a widespread belief
that Consus was a primitive god of agriculture.
Whereas in antiquity it was common to connect his
name with consilium , in modern times it is fashion
able to connect it with con d ere and to associate him
with the harvest. And other divinities of agriculture
are known to have been worshiped in the Circus
Maximus (Sessia, Messia, Tutilina [see Tutilinae,
Ara, Columna]). But his festivals do not occur at, or
even near, dates of real significance in the harvests of
Italy and the agricultural year. W hat we know about
him suggests that he was originally, like Terminus, a
god of boundaries and associated with the under
world. His altar was at the primae metae of the cir
cus and was one of the turning points of the pomer-
ium of the city of Romulus (Tacitus, Ann. 12.24),
and the omphalos form of the metae, the ova of the
circus, and the interpretation of the omphalos at Del
phi as at once the tomb and the egg of the Pytho
in addition to the common use of that form for
boundary stones strengthen the case. Terminus had
to receive sacrifice under the open sky, and an open
ing had to be left in the roof of the Capitoline temple
on this account. Might it be that Consus was a sort
of antithesis of Terminus and, like the Mundus (see
Mundus [2]), had to be covered and concealed, ex
cept on special occasions, a guardian spirit of the
pomerium in the earth?
Coriaria Septimiana: listed in the regionary cata
logues in Regio XIV. Tanneries were regularly rele
gated to the outskirts of cities because of the stench
they produced, and they required water in plentiful
supply (cf. Juvenal 1 4 .2 0 0 -2 0 4 ). So one might ex
pect to find them both up and down river on the out
skirts of the Transtiberim. From the evidence of C IL
6.1 6 8 2 = IL S 1220, one may presume that Septimius
Severus and Caracalla undertook to build extensive
tanning works under official control and supervision,
and, from the name Septimianum given to the stretch
of the right bank of the Tiber from the Aurelian
Walls to Porta S. Spirito in the Middle Ages, one

might suggest that these were located somewhere
here. However, inscriptions (C IL 6 .1 1 1 7 -1 8 ) found
near the church of S. Crisogono that mention a c o r
pus coriarioru m m agnarioru m suggest that they
might have lain farther downstream, and in 1899
a small tannery was found in excavations under
the church of S. Cecilia in Trastevere (Nash 1.295
96).
C o rn e ta : The location given by Varro (Ling. 5.146)
for the Forum Cuppedinis is a d C orneta. Paulus
(Paulus ex Fest. 42L) has it that Forum Cuppedinis
was another name for the Macellum (q.v.), which
also seems to be the sense of Donatuss note on Ter
ence, Eun. 256, although it may be that the Forum
Cuppedinis was only part of the larger complex. A
gloss (Lindsay, G loss. L at. 4 .5 6 [pseudo-Placidus])
has been corrected to read: corn eta, locus qu em nunc
ex parte m agna Tem plum Pacts (cf. HJ In .2). The
remains of the Corneta is therefore probably to be
identified as the short street between the Basilica
Paulli and the Temple of Divus Antoninus et Faus
tina (Fig. 48).
Corniscae, Divae: a place, perhaps a grove, on the
right bank of the Tiber, consecrated to the crows be
lieved to be under the protection of Juno (Paulus
ex Fest. 56L). A travertine boundary cippus of the
republican period from the temenos (C IL 6.96
and 30691 =/LS 2 9 8 6 = IL L R P 6 9 ; cf. also C IL
6 .3 0 858 = /LS 2987) was found between the foot of
the Janiculum and the church of S. Francesco a Ripa.
Nothing more is known about this cult, and Paulus
speaks of it in the past tense.
C ry p ta Balbi (Fig. 80): mentioned only in the re-
gionary catalogues in Regio IX , but always pre
sumed to have been an adjunct of the Theatrum
Balbi (q.v.) and built at the same time. With the re
cent relocation of the theater in the area previously
thought to have been the Circus Flaminius, the
crypta are now thought to occupy the area east of
the theater. On the evidence of modern investiga
tions and some fragments of the Marble Plan (see
Rodriguez pi. 22), this is now believed to have been
a three-sided theater portico directly attached to the
theater, with windowed bays giving to an interior
garden or court and a semicircular exedral niche
opening on axis out of its east side. This niche had
an interior line of columns that was presumably a
small semicircular colonnade around a separate gar
den, but its purpose is not clear. The treatment of the
rectangular court is also obscure.
An important building long thought to be the
Crypta Balbi, known from several Renaissance
drawings and from the remains of one bay still sur
CURIA ACCULEIA
viving in Via S. Maria de'Calderari, is now nameless.
If Peruzzis plan of the whole edifice (Wurm 2: pi.
4 7 7 ; cf. Nash 1 .2 9 8 -9 9 ) is anywhere near correct,
this was a double arcade, five bays by thirteen,
around a core of baroque planning with semicircular
niches ending alternate bays and a series of five
round chambers down the middle. The storey above
this had blind arcades, double the number of those
in the lower storey, lit by square and rectangular
windows. There is no indication of what purpose the
building served. The architecture suggests a Severan
date or later (Nash 1 .2 9 7 -3 0 0 ).
D. Manacorda, A rch eolog ia u rban a a R om a: II
p rog etto della C rypta B a lb i (Florence 1982); R om a,
a rch eo log ia n el cen tra (1985), 2 .5 4 6 53 (D. M ana
corda), 5 5 4 - 5 6 (S. Tortorella), 5 5 7 -6 4 (A. Ga-
bucci); C EFR 98 (1987): 5 9 7 -6 1 0 (D. Manacorda).
Curia: see Aedes, Aedicula, etc.
Curia Acculeia: mentioned only by Varro (Ling.
6.23) as the place where on the Angeronalia a sacri
fice to Angerona was offered. Macrobius (Sat.
1.10.7) says that on the feast of Angerona, 21 De
cember, the pontifices performed a rite in the sacel-
lum of Volupia, because an image of Angerona with
her mouth bound and sealed stood on the altar of
Volupia. In the fasti (Praen., Maff.) this day is la
beled Divalia (Degrassi 5 4 1 42). Pliny (H N 3.65)
explains the bound mouth as exemplifying the si
lence to be maintained with respect to the sacred
name of Rome, and that may also be the intention of
Verrius Flaccus in a much-mutilated note in the Fasti
Praenestini (Degrassi 139). Because 21 December is
the winter solstice, one would expect the celebra
tions on that day to focus on the new year.
Macrobius (Sat. 1.10.7) says Verrius Flaccus de
rived the name of Angerona from her dispelling an-
g ores a c sollicitu din es an im oru m . He adds that Ma-
surius explains her presence on the altar of Volupia:
q u o d qu i su os d o lo res an x ietatesqu e dissim ulant per-
veniant patien tiae b en eficio a d m ax im am volupta-
tem. Such explanations can be dismissed as fanciful,
as can another from angina (Paulus ex Fest. 16L).
The Curia Acculeia was probably simply an un
roofed enclosure, like the Curia Calabra, possibly an
augural station for observation of celestial signs at
tendant on the solstice.
Varro suggests a connection between the Curia
Acculeia and Acca Larentia, whose feast came on 23
December, two days after the Divalia, and whose
tomb was in the Velabrum near the Porta Romana
(Varro, Ling. 6.24). If the Sacellum Volupiae and the
Curia Acculeia were not identical, the three places
must have been contiguous, or nearly so, clustered
together at the foot of the Palatine, a bit to the east
101
CU RIA A TH LETA RU M
of S. Giorgio in Velabro. None needs to have been
very large.
It appears that Divalia and Curia Acculeia were
names devised to conceal the name of Angerona, if
indeed that was her true name. If her bound mouth
had to do with the secret name of Rome and the lo
cation of her shrine just outside the Porta Romana is
significant, we may see her as a protectress of the
gate.
(For a very different view that would put the Curia
Acculeia in the vicinity of the Lacus Iuturnae, see
Coarelli 1983, 2 2 7 -8 2 .)
Curia Athletarum: collegial headquarters of the
organized athletes of Rome who styled themselves
Herculanei, at a place granted them by Antoninus
Pius in a . d . 143 (IG 1 4.1055). Numerous dedicatory
inscriptions in Greek (IG 1 4 .1 0 5 4 -5 5 , 1 1 0 2 -1 0
= IG U R 2 3 5 - 4 5 , 251) found between S. Pietro in
Vincoli and S. M artino ai M onti attest to its presence
somewhere here in close proximity to the Thermae
Traiani and its continued existence until the fourth
century. In the one Latin inscription mentioning it
(C IL 6 .1 0 1 5 4 = IL S 51 6 4 ), it is called Acletarum
Curia; the inscription has numerous other touches
that show it is the work of someone whose Latin was
very imperfect. The curia cannot be identified with
any existing remains. Because the inscriptions men
tion such sports as boxing and the pancratium, these
athletes must have been those who performed in the
public games, especially in the amphitheater and cir
cus. Their entitlement to a curia raises imponderable
questions; one might have expected rather an atrium
or a basilica.
C u ria C a la b ra : Servius (ad Aen. 8.654) equates
this with the Casa Romuli in Capitolio (q.v.). Ma-
crobius (Sat. 1.15.10) says it was next to the Casa
Romuli. Because Macrobius says that on the Kalends
the pontifex minor performed a res divina to Juno in
the Curia Calabra (Sat. 1.15.19) and that the people
attending were summoned only iuxta C uriam Cala-
bram (Sat. 1.1 5 .1 0 ), we should think of it probably
as an enclosure or precinct in front of an augural hut
in A rea C apitolin a, like that of the Auguraculum
(which Vitruvius [2.1.5] says was similar), that was
then given the name Casa Romuli because of its sim
ilarity to the Casa Romuli on the Palatine and be
cause Romulus was believed to have built it. Festus
(18082L) supports the idea that its use was purely
religious, so an elaborate structure would have been
superfluous.
It seems to have been originally a station, or tem-
plum, occupied by the pontifex minor for observa
tion of the new moon. On the Kalends of the month,
after a sacrifice by the Rex Sacrificulus and the pon
102
tifex minor, the people were summoned in com itia
calata and announcement was made of when the
Nones and Ides of the month would fall and of the
holidays and celebrations proper to that month.
Varro (Ling. 6.27) and Macrobius (Sat. 1 .1 5 .1 0 19)
believed that the name Calabra was derived from ca-
lare, to summon. The etymology is probably cor
rect, but the sense of the word is rather proclaim
than call together. Jordan (1.497) thought the
curia should be on the east side of the Area Capito
lina, but the new moon is first observed in the west
as it sets, and the view of it would have to be un
impeded. A place beside the southwest flank of the
Capitoline temple might best suit the requirements.
Curia H ostilia: the original senate house of Rome
standing on the north side of the Comitium on axis
with it, so the steps of the Comitium formed a stair
of access to the curia and the Comitium was a fore
court, or vestibulum, to it (Livy 4 5 .2 4 .1 2 ). The con
struction was assigned to Tullus Hostilius (Varro,
Ling. 5 .1 5 5 ), and it was regarded as very venerable,
though it must have been rebuilt after the fire of the
Gauls, if not more frequently. Throughout history it
was, like the Comitium, an inaugurated templum
(Varro ap. A. G ellium 14.7.7).
On the exterior of its west wall was displayed the
Tabula Valeria (q.v.), a painting showing the victory
of M . Valerius Messalla over Hiero and the Cartha
ginians in 263 B .C . (Pliny, H N 3 5 .2 2 ); according to
Pliny this was the first such picture in Rome. This
was later incorporated in the Basilica Porcia, in
which the builders either used this wall as a party
wall in its construction or transferred the picture
from its original location, where the new building
would have hidden it, to a new parallel wall. The
latter is more likely right (cf. Basilica Porcia), but cf.
Asconius in M ilon. 29 (Stangl 32): P orcia B asilica
q u a e erat ei (sc. curiae) iuncta am bu sta est.
Sulla restored and enlarged the curia in 80 B .C ., at
which time the statues of Pythagoras and Alcibiades
that had stood at the corners (cornua) of the Comi
tium were removed (Pliny, H N 34.26). In 52 B .C . the
mob of his henchmen and supporters built Clodiuss
pyre of the furniture of the curia, and in the confla
gration it and the Basilica Porcia burned (Cicero,
M ilon. 9 0 ; Asconius in M ilon. 29 [Stangl 3 2]; Cass.
Dio 4 0 .4 9 .2 3). It was then rebuilt by Sullas son
Faustus and again enlarged (Cicero, Fin. 5.2). For
reasons that are not entirely clear, the new curia met
with little favor, and in 4 4 B .C . it was decided to re
build it (Cass. Dio 4 4 .5 .2 ). D ios explanation that
the senate wished to erase the name of Sulla from the
curia seems improbable. The other explanation put
forward, that a temple of Felicitas (see Felicitas [2])
was to be built on the site of the old curia, which

Lepidus eventually built, is almost equally perplex
ing, all trace of any such temple having completely
disappeared, as well as all notice apart from D ios
casual remark. The rebuilding of the curia was even
tually carried out by Augustus, the Curia Iulia.
The indications are that the Comitium was ori
ented to the cardinal points of the compass; the line
of the faade of the Career seems to confirm this.
Until the First Punic War, at midday the accensus
consults, standing in the curia, looked south between
a rostra and a graecostasis and announced noon
when he saw the sun there (Pliny, H N 7.212). What
the landmarks were and where they lay are matters
of some dispute; at so early a period they might have
been quite different from their later equivalents.
C u ria Iu lia : the curia begun by Julius Caesar in 44
B .C . to replace the Curia Hostilia as rebuilt by Faus
tus Sulla (Cass. Dio 4 4 .5 .2 , 4 5 .1 7 .8 ) and completed
by Augustus in 29 (R G 19; Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 2 .1 ). As
completed, it was preceded by a Chalcidicum; this is
shown on coins (B . M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2 .1 6 nos.
4 3 5 8 -5 9 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1.103 nos. 631
32) as a porch with wide-spaced Ionic columns
raised on a high podium. It extends beyond the fa
ade of the curia to either side, and, because there is
no stair in front, it must be presumed that stairs or
ramps led up to it from behind. A very light archi
trave joins the columns, and if there was a roof, it
does not appear. On the coins the gable of the roof
of the curia is shown surmounted by large acroteria;
a Victoria is mounted on a globe at the peak, and
warrior figures are at the corners. In the pediment is
a single figure of uncertain character. In the interior
of the curia Augustus put a statue of Victoria from
Tarentum (Cass. Dio 51.2 2 .1 ) and two paintings, an
encaustic Nemea by Nicias and a double portrait by
Philocares (Pliny, H N 3 5 .2 7 -2 8 ).
This curia was in C om itio (Pliny, H N 35.27) and
probably had the same orientation as the curia of
Diocletian, aligned with the tabernae of the Forum
Iulium, but it may have stood somewhat to the
northwest of Diocletians to allow a place for the
Chalcidicums lateral colonnade and the Ianus Gem-
inus (but see Morselli and Tortorici, 2 2 27). Domi-
tian rebuilt the curia, evidently in connection with
his work on the Forum Transitorium (Hieron. a. Abr.
2106). Because at that time he built a new Ianus
Quadrifrons (see Ianus Quadrifrons [2]), it is prob
able that he destroyed the Ianus Geminus and relo
cated the curia in its present position. At the same
time he must have eliminated or redesigned the Chal
cidicum. The curia burned down in the fire of Cari-
nus of a . d . 283, and Diocletian restored it (Chron.
148). It is Diocletians building that we see today
(Fig. 39).
C U R IA IULIA
It is a large plain hall of brick-faced concrete, a
broad rectangle 2 5 .2 0 m deep and 17.61 m wide
with a very lofty roof, which necessitated the addi
tion of a great rectangular buttress at each corner. It
was approached by a stair that ran across most of
the faade, returning to the faade at the ends. The
lower part of the faade was veneered with plates of
marble, and the parts above were finished with
stucco. There is a single axial door, above which are
three large rectangular windows with slightly bowed
lintels. The low pediment is framed by travertine
consoles supporting a brick cornice. There is a single
window high in each side wall of the building and
another in back, where there are also doors to either
side leading to the main hall, the precise function of
which is unknown.
The interior has been restored according to the
evidence found in the dismantling of the church of S.
Adriano, into which it had been converted. To either
side are three broad low steps to accommodate the
curule chairs of the more important senators, the top
one broader than the others for those who stood. At
the far end, between the doors mentioned above, is a
low dais of two steps for the presiding magistrate.
The central floor is paved with panels of opus sectile,
in which porphyry and serpentine figure large. Along
each side wall is a marble wainscoting finished with
a molding, above which are three widely spaced
niches, the center one with an arched head, the oth
ers flat-headed. These seem to have had rich architec
tural frames. Nothing remains of the decoration of
the upper walls.
The curia was converted to use as the church of S.
Adriano under Pope Honorius I ( a . d . 625638). The
bronze doors were removed in the seventeenth cen
tury by Borromini, restored and relocated to serve
the baptistery of S. Giovanni in Laterano. At that
time several coins were found between the plates, in
cluding one of Domitian. In 1 9 3 5 -1 9 3 8 the church
was deconsecrated, and the curia was restored to its
ancient form. It is now used for the mounting of ar
chaeological exhibitions of a temporary nature.
To the northwest of the curia other buildings were
added between the time of Augustus and the rebuild
ing of Diocletian. The plan of these is shown in a
drawing by Antonio da Sangallo il Giovane (Lugli
1946, 133 fig. 27). These buildings seem not to have
been in close sequence with the curia, but aligned
with it. They are commonly identified as the Secre-
tarium Senatus and Atrium Minervae and ascribed
to Domitian. Nash proved this identification mis
taken. That to the northwest, of which remains were
built into the northeast and southeast walls of the
church of SS. Luca e M artina, is in all probability the
Athenaeum of Hadrian (Aur. Viet., Caes. 14.3),
known also as the Atrium Minervae, an auditorium
103
C URIAE NOVAE
for rhetorical and poetical performances. Sangallos
drawing shows that next to it was a long narrow hall
with a row of pillars down the middle, the walls bro
ken into a series of rectangular bays, which might
well have held cupboards in which to keep books.
This then would be the library known to have been
attached to the Athenaeum (Sid. Apoll., Epist.
2.9.4). The area between this and the curia was
probably an open court.
A. Bartoli, C uria senatus (Rome 1963); Nash
1 .3 0 1 -3 ; R om M itt 85 (1978): 3 5 9 - 6 9 (L. Richard
son); C. Morselli and E. Tortorici, Curia, Forum lul-
ium, Foru m Transitorium (Rome 1989), especially
1 -2 6 3 .
Curiae N ovae: built at an uncertain date to replace
the Curiae Veteres of Romulus, which had become
too small to accommodate the population of a curia
at the ceremonies performed there. The Curiae N o
vae were next to the Compitum Fabricium (Festus
18082L), which was very probably adjacent to the
Vicus Fabrici listed last for the vici in Regio I (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073). There is no adequate reason for
believing this was the street in the valley dividing the
Palatine from the Caelian (the modern Via di S. Gre
gorio), as that would involve giving Regio I a
strangely gerrymandered shape. More likely it was
one of the streets in the neighborhood of S. Gregorio
Magno, perhaps one of the Septem Viae (q.v.) run
ning into the square southeast of the Circus M axi
mus. The curiae were probably only a precinct, per
haps with an enclosing wall, but, because this had to
be fairly large, we should probably look for it away
from, rather than toward, the heart of the city. Here
twenty-six of the thirty curiae met for religious ob
servances.
Curia O ctaviae: mentioned only by Pliny (H N
36.28) in connection with a statue of Cupid holding
a thunderbolt, the authorship of which was assigned
to both Scopas and Praxiteles, while the model was
agreed to have been Alcibiades. Whether Octavia
would have wished to add a curia to the other build
ings in her Porticus (q.v.) is doubtful, because the
Temple of Bellona was nearby, and the lack of any
mention of a senate meeting here adds to the mys
tery. Moreover, the portico is well represented on the
Marble Plan, and there does not seem much free
space available for the insertion of a curia. The sen
ate might better have met in one of the temples here.
It has therefore been suggested that the curia was
identical with the sc b o la or, better, sc b o la e that ap
pear behind the temples on the plan and are men
tioned by Pliny (H N 3 5 .1 1 4 , 36.22) as the location
of a famous Cupid by Praxiteles, as well as other
works of art. However, scholae do not seem suitable
104
places for meetings, except of a small informal sort.
In these circumstances it seems best to reserve judg
ment; the curia may, of course, have been for some
special purpose; it does not have to have been for
meetings of the senate.
Curia in Palatio: mentioned only once by Tacitus
(Ann. 2.3 7 .3 ) for the year a . d . 16. The word curia is
almost certainly used casually, and the Bibliotheca
Apollinis Palatini (q.v.) meant. The senate met here
frequently during the old age of Augustus, and the
mention of a portrait of the orator Hortensius inter
oratores seems to clinch the matter (cf. Suetonius,
Aug. 29.3).
Curia Pompeii: a meeting place for the senate, an
annex of the Porticus Pompeii (q.v.), where Julius
Caesar was assassinated (Cicero, Div. 2 .2 3 ; Plu
tarch, C aes. 6 6 .1 -2 , Brut. 1 4 .1 -2 ). Augustus later
removed the statue of Pompey that stood in the
curia, and the curia was walled up (Suetonius, Iul.
88, Aug. 3 1 .5 ); later it was converted into a latrine
(Cass. Dio 4 7 .1 9 .1 ). It seems likely that the enor
mous base of blocks of tufa on a platform of con
crete behind Temple B in the Area Sacra di Largo
Argentina (q.v.) is part of the fill that destroyed the
curia and the latrine south of this the one meant by
Dio.
G. Marchetti Longhi, L area sacra d el L a rg o Ar
gentina (Rome 1960), 7 6 - 7 8 ; Nash 1.148.
Curia Pompiliana: a meeting place of the senate
mentioned only in two passages in the Historia Au
gusta (S.H.A. Aurel. 4 1 .3 , Tacit. 3.2). It is generally
presumed to be an alternate name for the Curia Iulia
invented to suggest the return of an era of peace and
innocence, but there is no confirmation of this expla
nation (cf. Amm. M arc. 14.6.6). The Curia Iulia is
regularly called simply Curia in our sources, or even
Senatus (cf., e.g., the regionary catalogues), although
Aulus Gellius 1 4 .7 .7 may be taken to indicate that
even after Domitians rebuilding it still formally car
ried the name Iulia.
Curia Saliorum Collinorum: a sacrarium (cf. Val.
M ax. 1.8.11) on the Quirinal where the Salii Collini
kept their sacred implements (Dion. Hal. 2.70 .
These were a priesthood of twelve young men
founded by Tullus Hostilius on the pattern of the
Salii Palatini; they danced in military regalia (palu-
dati) and carried, or were accompanied by, ancilia
(bronze shields), one of which was supposed to have
descended from heaven in the time of Numa. Their
dancing began 1 M arch and continued through the
month at different places. Because the Salii were
closely connected with the worship of Mars, one

might expect their sacrarium to have been in the pre
cinct of Quirinus, but by tradition they antedated
that precinct and most other things on the hill.
Curia Saliorum Palatinorum: a sacrarium (Val.
M ax. 1.8.11) on the Palatine in which was kept the
lituus of Romulus (Cicero, Div. 1 .3 0 ; Val. M ax.
1 .8 .1 1; Plutarch, C am . 32), presumably together
with other sacred implements and the archives of the
priesthood. However, the ancilia, their special attri
bute, the bronze shields made on the pattern of one
that was supposed to have descended from heaven,
were kept in the Regia. The Palatine curia was prob
ably a very small building, but an independent one.
Curia Tifata: see Tifata Curia.
Curiae Veteres: Varro [Ling. 5.1 5 5 ) says that cur
iae were of two sorts, one being a place such as the
Curiae Veteres, where priests attended to matters of
religion, the other a place where the senate attended
to human affairs. Festus (18082L) adds the inter
esting information that Romulus created the Curiae
Veteres and divided the people and religious observ
ances (sacra) into thirty parts. Subsequently, the Cur
iae Veteres became too small, and the Curiae Novae
were built, but a ceremony of evocation, or exaugur-
ation, was required for each curia before moving to
the new place, and the observances of four curiae
could not be disturbed, there being religious ob
stacles. So the four, the Foriensis, Rapta, Veliensis,
and Velitia, continued to perform their rites in the
Curiae Veteres. Furthermore, the Curiae Veteres
were one of the points by which the line of the pom-
erium of the Romulean city was defined (Tacitus,
Ann. 12.24), between the Ara Consi at the southeast
end of the spina of the Circus Maximus and the Sa-
cellum Larum, so it must have been in the neighbor
hood of the M eta Sudans toward the Palatine, for the
points Tacitus lists are all turning points and inside
the pomerium.
It is striking that a belt of very ancient altars,
buildings, and places of religious importance sur
rounded the foot of the Palatine within the pomer
ium. Comparatively few of these were temples; only
that of Vesta springs to mind, and it was clearly of
very special character because it had to shelter the
sacred fire. More were simply places the spring of
Juturna, the tomb of Acca Larentia, the Lupercal
of high veneration but no architectural embellish
ment until a comparatively late period, if then. They
seem by and large to go back to a time when the
Romans did not have images of their gods and wor
shiped in the open air, in sacred groves, at springs,
and on heights and mountaintops. If the Curiae Ve
teres were indeed Romulean, they ought to have been
CURIAE VETERE S
an enclosure, a templum rather than a building, and
that is what Varro suggests. It was especially for the
priests, but they performed on behalf of the people,
curia by curia, and, if in time it became too small,
the members of each curia must have attended.
Each curia had two priests, a curio and a flamen,
elected for life by the membership and chosen for
their suitability for the office. A priest could not be
physically deformed or maimed, or of insufficient
means. Fiis wife had to perform whatever rites there
were from which men were excluded, or for which
women were required. And both were to be assisted
by their children. If they were childless, they were to
have chosen the most beautiful boy and girl of the
curia to be their attendants. To each curia were as
signed gods and genii to worship, and most of the
worship was very simple, offerings of barley cakes,
spelt, first fruits, and the like. And for each curia a
banqueting hall was built where all the members
feasted in common on their holidays (Dion. Hal.
2 .2 1 .2 -2 3 .6 ).
These banqueting halls cannot be the Curiae Ve
teres. A complex of thirty banqueting halls is un
thinkable. It is also impossible that the great gods of
Rome were assigned to the curiae, for these had their
own flamens and were worshiped by the Roman
people as a whole. The gods of the curiae must have
been minor divinities, perhaps gods whose province
had been largely forgotten, but whose names were
remembered. But all of these were important to the
well-being of Rome.
The curiae were, at least originally, geographical,
as some of their names show: Foriensis, Veliensis, T i
fata. Some of them, like the tribes* carry old family
names and must refer to areas in which these families
dominated: Titia, Faucia. Possibly these were, or
seemed, a distinct majority, and hence the explana
tion of the derivation of their names from those of
the Sabine women carried off in the rape (Livy
1.1 3 .6 ; Plutarch, R om . 14.6). The proposition that
each of the three original tribes of Rome was divided
into ten curiae seems logical but cannot be proved. If
the tribes, as their names Ramnes, Tities, Lu-
ceres suggest, represented the ethnic divisions of
the city after union with the Sabines, one might look
for a Latin quarter in the area of the Palatine/Velia/
Oppius, a Sabine quarter on the Quirinal and Vi-
minal, and an Etruscan quarter in the area of the
Caelian and Subura M inor (the basin of the Colos
seum), the localities traditionally associated with
these peoples. In that case it looks as though a bal
ance among these peoples was being deliberately
maintained.
The tradition seems to be that the banqueting halls
that fostered brotherhood among the members of the
individual curiae were scattered about the city, each
105
CYBELE, THOLUS
at the center of, or in an important position in, its
district. But to emphasize the unity of the city on
important holidays of the curiae they gathered at a
common templum to perform certain rites and then
returned to their own banqueting halls for the holi
day feast that followed. The most important of these
festivals was the Fornacalia in February, feria e con-
ceptivae, a movable feast, the last day of which was
the Quirinalia (17 February). In the course of the
Fornacalia occurred the Lupercalia (15 February)
and probably the Parentalia (beginning 13 Febru
ary). Apparently just before the beginning of the For
nacalia the priests of the curiae assembled under the
guidance of the curio maximus and determined the
order in which the curiae would perform their rites,
except for the last day, reserved for those who
missed, or who did not know, their proper curia, the
feriae stu ltom m . Probably the order was determined
by lot and changed every year, with resulting confu
sion (Ovid, Fast. 2 .5 2 7 -3 2 ). But the point of the se
quence seems to be that a m ajor part of the rite had
to take place in the Curiae Veteres (and later Novae),
and the members of the curia, as well as the priests,
were expected to attend.
The Fornacalia seems to have been a double cele
bration, private and public. Privately sacrifices were
made a d fo rn a cem , at the bakery one frequented
(Paulus ex Fest. 82L). These were made farris tor-
rendi gratia (Paulus ex Fest. 82L ; cf. also Pliny, H N
18.8); that is, to ensure proper preparation of the
grain for consumption and sacrifice for the year to
come. Pliny adds that the Fornacalia was also a fes
tival dedicated to the boundary stones (terminis
agrorum ), so it seems likely that part of the ceremony
consisted in beating the bounds of both private prop
erty and the curiae. With the waning of winter and
the beginning of work in the fields, a check on the
boundary stones is a logical ritual. In the public part
of the festival there may have been a beating of the
bounds of the Curiae Veteres, because no one sug
gests that there was an oven there. Otherwise we
may imagine a sacrifice in a templum shared by all
Romans to the gods of each curia individually.
The other great holiday of the curiae was the For-
dicidia on 15 April, a very primitive ritual in which
a pregnant cow was sacrificed on the Capitoline and
one for each of the thirty curiae of the city. These
106
were sacrificed to Tellus. The attendants of the Virgo
Vestalis M axim a then tore the fetus from the womb
of the mother, and this was burned and the ashes
kept by the Vestal Virgins for use as a suffim en on
the Parilia a few days later (cf. Ovid, Fast. 4 .6 3 3 -
40). Because Ovid is specific in saying that one was
sacrificed on the Capitoline but then reverts to the
singular: pars cadit arce Iovis. ter denas curia vac-
cas / accipit, et largo sparsa cruore madet . . . he
must mean that the thirty of the curiae were all sac
rificed in the Curiae Veteres and Curiae Novae.
These then would have good reason to be awash
with blood, but this would simplify the task of the
ministri of the Vestalis M axim a and the transporta
tion of the ashes to the Temple of Vesta, where they
were kept. The carcasses of the sacrificial victims
were presumably subsequently taken to the banquet
ing halls of the individual curiae for roasting and eat
ing. Because the Parilia, as the birthday of Rome,
was a festival ascribed to Romulus (Plutarch, R om .
12) and connected with the Fordicidia, we must
ask whether it also, as an urban and public ritual,
was not celebrated in the Curiae Veteres. Propertius
(4 .4 .7 3 78) suggests by pag an a . . . fercu la that the
holiday feast was held at various centers throughout
the city. But Ovid seems clear {Fast. 4 .7 2 1 34) that
the ceremony of lustration took place early in the
morning with materials fetched from the Temple of
Vesta and was very solemn, the drunken leaping over
bonfires characteristic of the day being a repetition
in parody of the lustration ritual late in the after
noon. It seems likely that the morning lustration
ceremony originally took place in the Curiae Veteres.
and this also might explain the difficulties the re
stricted size gave rise to. Because the institution of
both the Fordicidia (Ovid, Fast. 4 .6 4 1 -7 2 ) and the
Fornacalia (Pliny, H N 18.8) is explicitly ascribed to
Numa, while among those festivals said to have been
established by Romulus (Plutarch, R om . 2 1 : the Par
ilia, M atronalia, Carmentalia, and Lupercalia) only
the Parilia seems appropriate to the Curiae Veteres.
the case for locating it there is somewhat stronger.
R en dL in c, ser. 8.34 (1979): 3 4 5 - 4 7 (F. Castag-
noli).
C y b ele, T h o lu s : see M agna Mater.
Dea C arna, Sacrum: a shrine on the Caelian dedi
cated on the Kalends of June (Degrassi 464) by M.
Iunius Brutus in fulfillment of a vow following the
expulsion of the Tarquins (Macrobius, Sat. 1.12.31
33). This divinity presided over the human vital or
gans and received sacrifice of bean porridge and ba
con fat. Tertullian (A d N at. 2.9.7) says that the altars
of imported (adventiciorum ) divinities were erected
a d fanum C arnae, whereas those of native (publico-
rum) ones were set up on the Palatine, and that this
could be seen in his day. Carna must have been a very
ancient divinity, but seems unknown outside Rome.
Her shrine was probably no more than an enclosure.
Dea N enia, Sacellum: a shrine outside the Porta
Viminalis, mentioned by Festus (1 5 6 -5 7 L ), of the
goddess of lamentations sung at funerals (Augustine,
D e civ. D. 6.9). The area is almost entirely devoid of
ancient monuments, and the shrine is otherwise un
known.
Dea R om a: see R om a, Dea.
Dea Satriana, Lucus: known only from an inscrip
tion known in the sixteenth century and now lost
(C IL 6 .1 1 4 = 306 95 = IL S 3989 ), supposed to have
been found near S. Pietro. The divinity is presumed
to be a family goddess of the Gens Satria, but noth
ing further is known about her.
CAR 1-H, 87 p. 90.
Dea Suria, Templum: known only by conjecture,
as a correction of tem plum Iasurae, an entry in
Chron. 147 for the reign of Alexander Severus
(H erm es [1872], 3 1 4 - 2 2 [H. Jordan]). The goddess
in question would be Atargatis, the counterpart of
Hadad (Iuppiter Heliopolitanus), together with
whom she seems regularly to have been worshiped in
Rome. See Lucus Furrinae and Iuppiter Heliopoli
tanus. For the most part the worship of the Syrian
gods seems to have been centered outside the city,
especially along Via Portuensis.
PAPS 125.5 (1981): 3 7 2 -8 1 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Dea Viriplaca, Sacellum: a shrine on the Palatine
to which, according to Valerius Maximus (2.1.6),
husbands and wives who quarreled were accustomed
to resort and, having pled their cases in turn, to re
turn home in harmony. Although Valerius Maximus
uses the present tense for the shrine, he uses the im
perfect for the custom and lists it among the instituta
antiqua. The identity of the goddess is perhaps delib
erately mysterious.
Decem Tabernae: listed in the regionary catalogues
in Regio VI after the Cohors III Vigilum (Cur.) and
the Castra Praetoria (N ot.) and before the Gallinae
Albae (q.v.) in both, therefore presumed to be to
ward the western end of the Viminal or in the valley
between the Viminal and the Quirinal. It is supposed
to have been mentioned in an inscription known at
the end of the fifteenth century but now lost (Jordan
2 .1 2 1 -2 2 ). It is quite uncertain whether it was a
street or a building complex.
Decenniae: a name appearing in medieval docu
ments for the valley of the Aqua Marrana southwest
of the Lateran, just outside the Aurelian Walls east
of the Porta Metrovia. The inhabitants of the area
are called Decennenses in the decree of Tarracius
Bassus of ca. a . d . 37 0 (C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 = ILS 6072). Cf.
Jordan 2 .3 1 8 ; H J 2 2 0 . It has been conjectured that
the ancient form of the name was Decennium, but
for this there is no evidence, the origin of the name
being quite unknown.
Dei Consentes: see Porticus Deorum
Consentium.
DELUBRUM
Delubrum: see Aedes, Aedicula, etc.
Diaetae M am m aeae: apartments created in the
Palatine palace by Alexander Severus, named in
honor of his mother, Iulia Mammaea, but popularly
known as a d M am m am (S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 26.9). It
is uncertain where they were, but they should be con
spicuous rooms enjoying a view, perhaps in a tower
or towers overlooking the Circus Maximus.
Diana (1): a temple on the Vicus Patricius, the only
temple of Diana in Rome from which men were ex
cluded (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 3). Nothing else is
known about it.
Diana (2): a tetrastyle temple shown on a coin of
Augustus of 2 9 2 7 B.c. (B. M. Coins, R om . E m p. 1
Augustus no. 643 pi. 15.14). In the center stands a
trophy on a prow, while aplustra are used as acro-
teria. In the pediment is a triskelion. Whether this
was actually a temple of Diana, despite a bust of her
on the obverse, and whether, if so, it was in Rome, is
doubtful.
Diana, Aedes (1) (Fig. 14): usually called Diana
Aventina (Propertius 4 .8 .2 9 ; Martial 6.64.13) or Av-
entinensis (Festus 164L ; Val. M ax. 7 .3.1), the oldest
temple on the Aventine and the earliest temple to this
goddess in Rome. Martial (7 .7 3 .1 ; 12.18.3) called
the hill Collis Dianae. The temple was traditionally
founded by Servius Tullius and paid for by a league
of Latin towns to be a Latin equivalent of the temple
of Diana of the Ephesians, at which it was believed
all the Ionian cities worshiped individually and col
lectively (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 3 ; Livy 1 .4 5 .2 -6 ; Dion.
Hal. 4 .2 6 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 7.9). It was near
the Baths of Sura (Martial 6.6 4 .1 3 ) and was rebuilt
in the time of Augustus by L. Cornificius (Suetonius,
Aug. 29 .5 ), after which it was also known as Diana
Cornificiana (C IL 6 .4 3 0 5 = IL S 1732). It is almost
certainly represented on a fragment of the Marble
Plan (FUR pi. 2 3 ; Rodriguez pi. 15), although of the
name only c o r n i f i c i a [ survives. It is shown as oc-
tastyle, peripteral (possibly sine postico), with a
pronaos five bays deep and an extra file of columns
added on the line of each lateral cella wall. There is
a broad stair of approach across the whole temple
front and an ample precinct with a double colonnade
or lines of small trees along at least one side and
probably both, and perhaps a single line, wider
spaced, close to the precinct wall at the faade end.
The fragment can be placed with great precision,
thanks to a finished edge, and we see that the temple
must have stood on the plateau of the Aventine,
away from the brow, and faced east.
It was called by a variety of names, besides aedes
108
(templum, fanum, etc.), and the whole complex
seems to have been commonly known as the Dian-
ium (Orosius 5 .1 2 .6 ; C IL 6 .3 3 9 2 2 = IL S 7570). The
day of dedication was 13 August, the Ides of August,
shared with a number of other celebrations (Degrassi
4 9 4 96). The holiday was especially celebrated by
slaves throughout Italy (Festus 460L).
The similarities and differences between this Diana
and the Diana Nemorensis of Aricia on the Lago di
Nemi are striking. Diana Nemorensis was worshiped
in the depths of a crater on a shelf of land beside a
lake, in contrast to Iuppiter Latiaris, worshiped in
the grove crowning the Alban M ount, the highest
point in the Alban Hills. Both groves were the cult
centers of leagues of Latin towns, but while the fes
tival of the Alban M ount seems to have been broadly
inclusive (Dionysius, 4 .4 9 .2 , says that in the time of
Tarquinius Superbus there were forty-seven member
peoples, whereas Pliny, H N 3 .6 9 -7 1 , implies that
there were even more), the league of Diana Nemo
rensis was small and exclusive. Cato (a p . Priscian.
4 .2 1 ; Keil, G ram m . L at. 2 .1 2 9 ), apparently quoting
from the dedication formula, lists only eight mem
bers, and neither Rome nor Alba Longa is among
them. It looks as though, after Rome had taken over
control of the Feriae Latinae, a small group of the
stronger Latin towns had banded together to form a
new league that Rome could not control or be a
member of. If Servius Tulliuss sanctuary on the Av
entine was founded in response to this and welcomed
all the towns of the Latins, it can be seen as a shrewd
political move with interesting religious implica
tions.
At the annual festival on the Ides of August, the
representatives of the member towns met there and
settled any dispute between towns that might have
arisen in the course of the year by arbitration of the
other members (Dion. Hal. 4 .2 6 .3 -5 ). If the sanctu
ary was as old as tradition has it, it was probably
originally a grove on the highest part of the Aventine.
A substantial temple would not have been built be
fore the construction of the Temple of Iuppiter Cap-
itolinus. The rules governing the precinct and its rites
were especially elaborate and inscribed in full detai!
in the archaic Greek alphabet on a bronze stele se:
up in the precinct; Dionysius (4.26) examined this.
It was known as the Lex Arae Dianae (further ev:-
dence that there was originally no temple building
and served as a model for similar constitutions (CIL
3 .1 9 3 3 = IL S 4 9 0 7 ; C IL 11.361, 1 2.4333 = ILS
112). On this law, see R. E. A. Palmer, R om an Rel:-
g ion an d the R om an E m pire: Five Essays (Philadel
phia 1974), 5 7 -7 8 .
The worship of Diana at Nemi must have been
very old and, though it was immensely popular, hac
a dark and bloody side, as well as many rituals

whose explanation was neither easy nor obvious.
The worship of Diana on the Aventine was worked
out in great detail and inscribed on bronze; it seems
to have been untainted by violence or mystery. In
stead, it emphasized community, asylum, and arbi
tration, the brotherhood of the Latins. The Romans
claimed to have modeled it on a pan-Ionian temple
of Ephesus and also claimed that the cult statue
traced its descent from a xoanon in the Ephesian
temple by way of Massilia (Strabo 4 .1 .4 - 5 [179
80]). The Massiliote model is evidently shown on
coins of L. Hostilius Saserna (Crawford 448/3, pi.
53), an archaic figure with heavy hair falling on the
shoulders and a spiked crown, armed with a spear
with a curiously beaded shaft, and accompanied by
a diminutive stag. This is not at all the Diana of the
Ephesians, nor yet the triple Diana of Aricia. It has
the frontality of the archaic, and the drapery cover
ing the legs is done in archaic fashion, with a strong
center fold falling straight between the legs and
looped folds falling away from this around the legs
to either side, but the trailing sleeves hanging from
the elbows look archaistic, as does the crown. If Sas-
ernas die cutters were following the cult statue in
Massilia, it may have been a replacement made com
paratively late. If they were working from the Diana
of the Aventine, as one would think natural and
probable, they may have made incorrect sketches in
accordance with their notions of archaic drapery, for
Strabo seems explicit in his account of this statue, as
though he had examined its history closely.
The connection with Ephesus was, then, a fancied
one in constitution, rather than cult, and in the
Ephesian temples right of asylum (Strabo 14.1.23
[641]), which was famous. The Massiliote statue
may have been an afterthought. The Hekate of Me-
nestratos from Ephesus, a marble statue of great bril
liance, was set behind the temple proper (Pliny, H N
36.32).
Besides the stele of bronze on which was engraved
the agreement of Rome and the Latin cities, probably
the same as that known as the Lex Arae Dianae,
there was another with the Lex Icilia de Aventino
Publicando of 456 B .C . (Dion. Hal. 10.32) and prob
ably a good many ancient documents of the same
sort. Censorinus (D. N. 23.6) says one of the oldest
sundials in Rome was here. There were also the
horns of a cow of enormous size, to which a curious
legend was attached (Livy 1 .4 5 .4 5 ; Val. M ax.
7 .3 .1 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 7). The temple was
still standing in the fourth century and is listed in the
regionary catalogues, but no trace of it has been
found in modern times.
The origins of this cult were the subject of an ex
tended debate between A. Alfoldi and A. Momigli-
ano. The positions of these two great scholars are
D IR IBIT O R IU M
perhaps best set forth in A. Alfoldi, Early R o m e an d
the L atins (Ann Arbor, Mich. 1965), 8 5 -1 0 0 , and
R en dL in c, ser. 8 .1 7 (1962): 3 8 7 -9 6 (A. Momigli-
ano).
R om a, a rch eo lo g ia n el cen tro (1985), 2 .4 4 2 -5 1
(A. Cassatella and L. Vendittelli); REA 89 (1987):
4 7 -6 1 (M. Gras); CEFR 98 (1987): 7 1 3 - 4 5 (L.
Quilici).
Diana, Aedes (2): a temple vowed by M. Aemilius
Lepidus in 187 B .C . (Livy 39 .2 .8 ) and dedicated in
179 (Livy 4 0 .5 2 .1 ) in C irco Flam inio, 23 December
(Degrassi 5 4 4 - 4 5 ) . It is linked with the Temple of
Iuno Regina in Circo Flaminio, also built by Lepidus
and dedicated on the same day, though with slightly
different games for the dedication of each, Diana re
ceiving only two days of ludi scaen ici to Ju nos three.
The location of the temple is a puzzle; it might have
stood opposite the Temple of Juno on the opposite
side of the circus. It does not figure in history later.
For a possible reconstruction of this temple by Oc-
tavian to celebrate his naval victory at Naulochus,
see D ialA rch 2 (1968): 1 9 1 -2 0 9 (F. Coarelli).
Diana, Sacellum: a shrine on the Caeliolus de
scribed by Cicero (Har. R esp. 32) as m axim u m et
sanctissim um , removed by L. Calpurnius Piso not
long before 58 B .C . Cicero says many people living
in the vicinity were accustomed to perform sacrificia
gentilicia there, which suggests that it was not a ma
jor monument, possibly even a compital shrine. A
more precise location for it is impossible.
Diana Planciana, Aedes: a temple known from in
scriptions and discovery of material, notably part of
a statue, in 1932 under the cellars of the Angelicum
at the corner of the Salita del Grillo and Via Panis-
perna, therefore on Vicus Longus. It was probably
built by Cn. Plancius, curule aedile in 55 or 54 B .C .,
who put Diana and her attributes on his coins.
R endP ontA cc 43 (1 9 7 0 71): 12534 (S. Pan-
ciera); CEFR 98 (1987): 8 0 - 8 4 (S. Panciera).
Dianium: a shrine at the juncture of the Vicus Cu-
prius and Clivus Orbius (or Urbius) on the Oppius
(Livy 1.48.6). By Livys day it had disappeared, but
only recently; he cites it as still a landmark. Dianium
seems also to have been used as a common designa
tion for the Temple of Diana on the Aventine (see
Diana, Aedes [1]).
Diribitorium (Fig. 2 6 ): an elongated rectangular
building at the south end of the Saepta Iulia (q.v.),
coterminal with the Saepta on the west and extend
ing a little beyond it on the east, where the votes cast
in the Saepta were counted by the election officials
109
D IS PATER, AEDES
(diribitores). It is shown on fragments of the Marble
Plan (FUR pi. 3 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 26). Cozza calcu
lates the short side to have been about 43 m wide.
The south wall seems to have been discovered in
1884 under the line of the Corso Vittorio Emanuele
(B u llC om 21 [1893]: 190 [G. B. De Rossi and G.
Gatti]; N Sc 1884, 1 0 3 - 4 [G. Fiorelli]), and the
north wall was under the church of the Stimmate.
From the Marble Plan it appears that the principal
entrance was from the west, where large doors
opened between broad piers into a lobby with cor
responding doors opposite. An aisle marked off on
the north side seems to have run the length of the
building, but the architecture and purpose of this is
not clear. A deep space is reserved at the east end of
the building, in front of which are shown at least a
few niches or small chambers, with others projecting
inward from the side aisle, and both sets have col
umns in front of them. The purpose and extent of
these features are uncertain.
The Diribitorium was begun by Agrippa in con
nection with the Saepta, but finished by Augustus
and opened in 7 B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 5 .8 .3 ). It was the
largest building under a single roof in Rome until
D ios time, its roof carried on beams of larch. One
that was not used was 100 feet long and 1.5 feet
thick, kept in the Saepta as a curiosity (Cass. Dio
5 5 .8 .4 ; Pliny, H N 1 6 .2 0 1 , 3 6 .1 0 2 ). Caligula had the
110
Diribitorium furnished with tiers of benches and
used it instead of a theater when the sun was espe
cially hot. During the fire that destroyed the Aemi-
liana, Claudius made it his headquarters for direct
ing fire-fighting operations through two nights
(Suetonius, C laud. 18.1).
It burned in the great fire of Titus, a . d . 80, and
thereafter remained unroofed, because it was impos
sible to find beams to replace those that had been lost
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .8 .4 ; 6 6 .2 4 .2 ). W hat changes this may
have entailed in the architecture of the building is not
clear, nor how it was then used. It is not listed in the
regionary catalogues.
Dis Pater, Aedes: a temple in Regio X I listed in the
N otitia (not the Curiosum ) after the Temple of Mer
cury and before that of Ceres. It has therefore been
supposed that the Temple of Summanus (see Sum-
manus, Aedes) is meant, because the name of Sum
manus was explained as deriving from Summus
Manium, and he was equated with Dis Pater in the
third and fourth centuries (Martianus Capella 2.161:
Roscher 4 .1 6 0 1 [R. Peter]).
Dis Pater et Proserpina, Ara: an altar inscribed to
Dis and Proserpina kept underground at a depth or
20 feet, supposed to have been miraculously discov
ered by the servants of the Sabine Valesius digging to

lay foundations following instructions given in
dreams of Valesiuss children (Val. M ax. 2 .4 .5 ; Fes-
tus 440L , 479L ). This was at a place called Tarentum
(q.v.) or Terentum, in ex trem o M artio cam p o, along
the Tiber. On this altar sacrifices were offered in the
Ludi Saeculares (Livy, E pit. 4 9 ; Censorinus, N. D.
17.89; Phlegon, Peri M acrob . 5 .4 [FG rH 2.2 p.
1189]; Zosimus 2.4). The discovery of fragments of
inscriptions with records of the Ludi Saeculares cel
ebrated under Augustus in 17 B .C . near the head of
Ponte Vittorio Emanuele gives the approximate lo
cation of the Tarentum (C IL 6 .3 2 3 2 3 = 1LS 5 0 5 0 ; cf.
Nash 1 .5 8 -5 9 ). F. Coarelli (QITA 5 [1968]: 3 3 -3 7 )
has shown that coins of Domitian showing the
sacrifices of the Ludi Saeculares of a . d . 88 show
the altar as round. His further attempt to iden
tify the buildings in the background as twin tem
ples of Dis and Proserpina has been refuted by S.
Quilici Gigli (A n alR om , suppl. 10 [1983]: 4 7 -
57). It seems possible that what is represented is a
scaen ae frons.
Dius Fidius: see Semo Sancus.
Divorum, Aedes: see Augustus, Divus,
Sacrarium.
Divorum, Templum (Figs. 18, 2 6 ): a large com
plex in the Campus Martius east of the Saepta Iulia
and west of the great porticus along Via Lata (Porti-
cus Minucia Frumentaria?). It is shown on the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 26). It was
built by Domitian after the fire of Titus, evidently to
honor his deified father and brother, and consisted
of a long rectangle framed by colonnades entered at
the north through an elaborate triple arch, just inside
which a pair of small temples faced each other. These
are shown as tetrastyle prostyle. Two other buildings
of megaron plan flank the arch, but it is not clear
what purpose these served. The open area is shown
covered by regularly spaced dots, probably repre
senting files of large trees, and on axis near the south
end is a square structure with steps at the front and
back and columns at the corners, probably an altar.
There seems to have been an axial entrance at the
south end with a columnar porch in front of it, but
the architecture of this is difficult to read, and one
cannot see where it led. This building seems to have
replaced the Villa Publica (q.v.), and the altar is
therefore probably the altar of Mars (see M ars, Ara).
This complex is commonly called simply Divorum
until late, although the earliest mentions of it, in the
Fasti Ostienses for the time of Hadrian (Degrassi,
In scription es Italiae 13 .1 .2 0 3 , 233) and C IL
10234 = IL S 7213 of a . d . 153, call it Templum Di
vorum. The common modern designation Porticus
D O M U S . INSULA. A T R IU M , H O R T I, VILLA
Divorum seems to have no justification.
L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds., In M em o-
riam O tto J. B ren del (Mainz 1976), 1 5 9 -6 3 (L.
Richardson, jr, The Villa Publica and the Divo
rum ).
Doliola: a place alongside the Cloaca M axim a in
the Forum Boarium where it was not permitted to
spit. There were believed to be earthenware storage
jars, dolia, buried underground here, about which
there were several traditions: that they contained
bones of the dead (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 7 ), that they
contained sacred objects that had belonged to Numa
Pompilius (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 7 ), and that during the
invasion of the Senonian Gauls the Vestal Virgins
had deposited there ritual objects that they were un
able to carry with them in their flight (Livy 5 .4 0 .8 ;
Paulus ex Fest. 60L). Livys account puts the place
on the road from the Temple of Vesta to the Pons
Sublicius, and he adds that it was a sacellum next to
the house of the Flamen Quirinalis, so already in ex
istence and consecrated at that time. The area must
have been marked off, but is not said to have been a
locus saeptus, like the Niger Lapis in the Comitium.
It is sometimes confused with the Busta Gallica (q.v.)
in the Forum Boarium, but without reason. The Do
liola should be fairly near the Temple of Vesta, but
outside the pomerium, if it was believed to be an an
cient graveyard. The suggestion is that the Vestal Vir
gins were going along the Vicus Tuscus when they
found their burdens too heavy to carry and then took
advantage of the nearest sacred ground.
Dolochenum: see Iuppiter Dolichenus.
Domus, Insula, Atrium, H orti, Villa: A dom u s
was a private house not more than two storeys high
and usually for the most part one. It might be broken
into a number of individual units, but these intercon
nected. Along the front there were shops, if the street
was a busy one; these might be run by freedmen of
the family or let out. In the republican period the
principal unit was probably always an atrium com
plex, a ring of rooms around a central lobby, lit by a
central opening in the roof. At the far end were a
tablinum, or reception room, flanked by a pair of
dining rooms, one for winter and one for summer
use. The rooms along the front and sides were much
smaller, principally bedrooms and storerooms. To
this after the middle of the second century B.C . might
be added one or more peristyles, colonnaded plea
sure gardens with rooms opening off the colonnades,
especially dining rooms and rooms for special pur
poses. Here there might also be a dining pavilion ar
ranged in a second storey and a small bath suite. A
service quarter accessible by a corridor might con
111
DOMUS
tain kitchen, latrine, storage spaces, and work
spaces, but effort was made to separate these from
the rest of the house. If a hospitium was included, it
consisted of a small atrium complex and might have
a small peristyle as well. Large houses might have
more than one hospitium. A domus might occupy
the whole of a city block, but usually occupied only
a fraction of one.
An insula might be a single apartment for a family
unit, or a building of multiple such apartments in
many storeys. The single apartment usually consisted
of a large central lobby, the m edianum , flanked by
one large reception room and one smaller one, the
exedras, and with a few small windowless rooms
opening behind the medianum. The plan could be
varied, but once established had to be repeated on
every floor. The ground floor in the center of the city
was usually given over to shops and workshops
around a central courtyard that was paved and
might contain a fountain. The dwellings were in the
storeys above. Cooking was done on balconies, and
a common latrine on the ground floor led off the
stairwell. An insula might occupy the whole of a city
block but usually occupied only a fraction of one.
Under the empire this was the commonest form of
habitation for those of the middle range, the domus
being reserved for the very rich, while the laboring
class lived in their workshops and no consideration
was taken of the slaves.
An atrium, as a building, was for the classical pe
riod always an atrium complex, as described above,
but sometimes the name was a survival from an ear
lier period and the building had with time acquired
an entirely different form. This would have been the
case with the Atrium Libertatis, which began as the
office of the censors and seems to have wound up as
the hemicycles at either end of the Basilica Ulpia. The
Atrium Vestae that we know shows no sign of an
atrium plan in any of its phases. Thus by the late
republic atrium as a term seems to have become used
for any large hall or complex, essentially indepen
dent of other buildings, devoted to public or semi
public use.
H orti is a term used for a house of villa form
within, or in the immediate neighborhood of the city.
The first horti in Rome are said to be those created
by Lucullus on the Pincian, which became known as
the Collis Hortulorum. Within a few years thereafter
we find Cicero speaking of horti in the Transtiberim
and on the way to Ostia and gather that they ringed
the city. The Horti Maecenatis on the Esquiline were
famous, and the Horti Sallustiani regarded as one of
the showplaces of Rome. Julius Caesar gave his horti
in the Transtiberim to the Roman people to be a pub
112
lic park, and Agrippa did the same with his in the
Campus Martius. It is impossible to say how far out
from Rome the belt of horti extended; probably it
was not more than two or three kilometers. One
hears little about the houses included in horti, al
though the surviving pavilion in the Horti Sallustiani
shows that they could be magnificent. Emphasis was
put rather on the fountains and fishponds, the plan
tations of trees, and the development of terraces.
Buildings were not clustered together, but scattered
through the landscape to provide great variety of ex
perience and vista. One gathers that both the Domus
Transitoria and Domus Aurea were essentially horti
in character but were not so called only because of
the tradition of calling imperial houses in Rome do
mus.
A villa, on the other hand, in the time of the em
pire had to be a certain distance from the urban cen
ter, clearly a country place. Down to the time of Au
gustus villas seem always to have kept the character
of working farms, although the houses might be ex
travagant in size and appointments. This is shown in
the opening of the third book of Varros D e R e Rus-
tica. The Romans prided themselves on their abilities
as farmers and spent lavishly of both money and ef
fort to make their villas productive and showplaces.
Beginning with Augustus one begins to find the villa
that served only for pleasure, especially in the seaside
villas perched on rocky promontories and island re
treats. In the vicinity of Rome villas probably once
began immediately beyond the pomerium, and ex
amples surviving from the earlier period were scat
tered among the horti throughout antiquity. The
Villa Coponiana mentioned by Cicero (Att. 1 2 .3 1 .2
seems to have been one of these. The Villa Publica of
Rome, built in 435 B .C ., was so designated in all se
riousness. But the fact that while mentions of horti
are extremely common, mentions of villas near
Rome are extremely rare is testimony to the revolu
tion that took place in such residences immediately
following Luculluss lead, and the speed with which
it operated.
Domus (identified by the owner with the name in
the nominative, when no commoner name is
available).
M . Acilius Glabrio Faustus: see Domus
Palmata.
Aebutii: At least two houses of this family on the
Aventine are known from Livys account of the scan
dal of the Bacchanalia in 186 B .C . In one Publius Ae-
butius, son of an eques Romanus, lived with his

mother, Duronia, and his stepfather, T. Sempronius
Rutilus (Livy 3 9 .9 .2 and 6; 3 9 .1 2 .1 ). In the other
lived an elderly aunt (Livy 3 9 .1 1 .2 -3 ).
Aelia Athenais: on the Esquiline inside the Porta
Esquilina (Arcus Gallieni) and to the south of it,
known only from a lead pipe of the third century
found in Via del Statuto running to Piazza Vittorio
Emanuele at its west corner (C IL 15.7377).
Aelii: a house just off the Forum Romanum along
the Sacra Via on land later occupied by the Mariana
Monumenta; i.e., the Temple of Honos et Virtus and
adjacencies (Val. M ax. 4.4.8). Valerius Maximus ex
presses surprise that so small a house (dom uncula)
could have accommodated sixteen Aelii at once. Plu
tarch (A em il. Paul. 5.4) says one of these was Q. Ae-
lius Tubero, son-in-law of L. Aemilius Paullus, which
would give a date ca. 175 B.C .
Aelius M axim us Augustorum Libertus: a house
somewhere near the Thermae Antoninianae, the lo
cation given by an inscription on a lead pipe (C IL
15.7374).
T. Aelius Naevius Antonius Severus (P IR 1 N 5):
a house on the Quirinal at the corner of Via Nazion-
ale and Via M ilano. The owner was a man of con
sular rank in the time of Decius (?).
C IL 6.1 3 3 2 = 3 1 6 3 2 , 1469 = 3 1 6 6 3 , 1470, 9 1 4 7 ;
IG 14.1071.
P. Aelius Romulus Augg. lib.: see Domus Q.
Blaesius Iustus.
Aemilia Paulina Asiatica {PIR1 A 4 2 4 ): a house
on the Quirinal found in 1887 in Via Milano during
the construction of Via Nazionale. It was oriented to
the Vicus Longus but considerably to the northwest
of it (R om M itt 4 [1889]: 276 [C. Hiilsen]).
M . Aemilius Aemilianus: a house within the
bounds of the Thermae Diocletianae off Via X X Set-
tembre, known from inscribed lead pipes, one piece
found in the Campo Verano, another in work for the
Ministero delle Finanze (C IL 1 5 .7378 = IL S 528).
The inscriptions carried the name of the maker of the
pipe, M arcia Caenis, as well as that of the house
owner. The owner is not likely to have been the Ae
milianus who became emperor in a . d . 253 (cf. P IR 2
A 330).
L. Aemilius Iuncus: on the Esquiline, known from
a lead pipe (C IL 15.7379). He may be the suffect
D O M U S : ANICII
consul of a . d . 127 (PIR 1 A 35 5 ), to whom the Figu-
linae Iuncianae are believed to have belonged (C IL
15 .2 5 7 of a . d . 123). Cf. also IG 3 .6 2 2 and 5.485.
M . Agrippa: see Domus, M . Antonius.
Albinovanus Pedo: see Domus, C. Plinius
Secundus.
Alfenius Ceionius Iulianus Kamenius (PLR E
1.1 7 7 ): on the Quirinal southeast of Palazzo Barbe-
rini, where its ruins were discovered (C IL 6.1675
= 3 1 9 0 2 , 3 1 9 4 0 ). Kamenius, a man of senatorial
rank, was accused in a . d . 368 of dabbling in poison
to further the success of the charioteer Auchenius,
but acquitted (Amm. M arc. 2 8 .1 .2 7 ). Presumably his
grandfather was the praefectus urbi in 333 (M GH,
C bron. Min. 1.68), and his brother, Tarracius Bassus,
also accused in the Auchenius affair, became praefec
tus urbi (Amm. M arc. 28 .1 .2 7 ).
Amethystus Drusi Caesaris: below the Pincian,
known only from the inscription on a lead pipe (C IL
15.7383).
Ampelius: on the slope of the Collis Salutaris, be
longing to P. Ampelius of Antioch, praefectus urbi in
a . d . 3 7 1 -3 7 2 (P L R E 1 .5 6 ; Symmachus, Epist.
5 .5 4[52].2). It is more likely to have been on the
southeast side of the hill, where there were numerous
houses, than on the northwest one.
Ancus M arcius: in su m m a Sacra Via, where the
Temple of the Lares (see Lares, Aedes) later stood
(Solinus 1.23). Varro (ap. N on. 852L) puts it in Pal-
atio a d p o rta m M ugionis secundum viam , that is,
presumably, inside the gate to the northwest of the
road leading to it, or roughly opposite the Temple of
Iuppiter Stator (see Iuppiter Stator, Aedes [1]).
Anicii (1): see Domus, Gregorius Magnus.
Anicii (2): believed to have stood in Via delle Bot-
teghe Oscure, where an inscription was found re
cording the restoration of some public building by
Anicius Acilius Glabrio Faustus (P LR E 2 .4 5 2 -5 4 ),
praefectus urbi between 421 and 423 in the time of
Honorius and Theodosius (C IL 6 .1 6 7 6 ; H J 549).
The location of the church of S. Lucia dei Ginnasi,
which seems to be the same as Sanctae Luciae in Xe-
nodochio Aniciorum (HCh 30 0, 306), would put
this in the area of the Porticus Minucia Vetus (q.v.),
which was still identifiable at the time the regionary
113
 D O M U S : AN NI AN A
catalogues were compiled but may have been in
vaded by building shortly thereafter.
Anniana: see Domus, M ilo Papianus, T.
Annius.
A. Annius Plocamus (PIR 2 A 6 7 6 ): on the upper
Quirinal northeast of the east corner of the Thermae
Diocletianae, known from an inscription on a lead
pipe (C IL 15.7391) said to have been found at the
corner of Via Volturno and Via Goito (a mistake for
Via Gaeta?). This may be the man who contracted
for the revenues from the Red Sea under Claudius
(Pliny, H N 6 .8 4 ; Solinus 53.8).
Annius Verus: on the Caelian near the Lateran, the
family house in which Marcus Aurelius was brought
up (S.H.A. M. Aurel. A ntonin. 1.18). M . Annius
Verus (PIR2 A 695), his grandfather, was consul
three times, first under Domitian, then in a . d . 121
and 126, and praefectus urbi. His father died while
praetor. The H istoria Augusta makes it clear that
there were actually two properties, a horti in which
Marcus was born and a paternal domus adjacent to
the Lateran. The horti belonged properly to his
mother, Domitia Lucilla (see Horti Domitiae Calvil-
lae). The Lugli and Gismondi location of the Domus
L. Veri near the northwest corner of the Praedia La-
teranorum and the Horti Domitiae Lucillae adjacent
to this to the west is arbitrary; the horti may have
been anywhere on the Caelian.
R endP ontA cc 41 (1 9 6 8 -6 9 ): 1 6 7 -8 9 (V. Santa
M aria Scrinari); M EFRA 100 (1988): 8 9 1 -9 1 5 (P.
Liverani).
Antonia Caenis (PIR 2 A 88 8 ): known from lead
pipes found in the area of Villa Patrizi on the south
side of Via Nomentana in the area of the present
Ministero dei Trasporti. This was the freedwoman of
Antonia, the mother of Claudius and the concubine
of Vespasian. In this location it might more properly
be called horti than domus. It must have become im
perial property after her death, for a Balineum Cae-
nidianum (q.v.) that was part of it became a public
institution.
R endP ontA cc 5 0 (1 9 7 7 -7 8 ): 14552 (R. Friggeri).
M . A n ton iu s (cos. 4 4 , 34 B .C .): on the Palatine,
presumably inherited. This was subsequently given
to Agrippa and Messalla jointly (Cass. Dio 53 .2 7 .5 ).
Because both were very rich men, this division of a
house is difficult to understand and may imply that
the house was a very large one composed of more
than one building unit. Because Antony himself had
taken possession of the Domus Rostrata of Pompey
(see Domus, Cn. Pompeius Magnus [1]) on the Ca-
114
rinae in preference to his Palatine house, it may have
been old-fashioned and inconvenient. It burned
down in 25 B .C . during the joint ownership. See also
Domus, Caesetius Rufus.
L. Appuleius Saturninus: destroyed and left a va
cant plot following the assassination of Saturninus
on the grounds that he was seditious. He was tribu-
nus plebis in 103 and 100 B .C . and was stoned to
death in the Curia Hostilia, 10 December 100 B.C .
The location of the house is unknown but was pre
sumably in a conspicuous place (Val. M ax. 6.3.1c).
C. Aquillius Gallus: on the Viminal, generally con
sidered the most beautiful house of the mid-first cen
tury B .C . in Rome, outshining even the house of Ca-
tulus on the Palatine (Pliny, H N 17.2). The owner
was an eques Romanus and a celebrated jurist; he
was praetor in 66 B .C ., together with Cicero.
Arippi et Ulpii Vibii: a house discovered in 1930
in laying foundations for the Collegium Russicum on
Via Napoleone III, southeast of the Basilica Iunii
Bassi (q.v.). The names of the owners are known
from an inscription in a mosaic pavement of geomet
ric pattern in a small apsidal room of the third or
fourth century built into another complex with walls
faced with reticulate judged Augustan in date. An
adjacent room had remains of a black and white fig-
ural mosaic of Bacchic subject, interesting for the
representation of Bacchus discovering Ariadne in
this sort of mosaic. The plan of the house cannot be
made out, and the owners are otherwise unknown.
Nash 1 .3 0 7 -8 .
L. Arruntius Stella (PIR 2 A 11 5 0 ): in the prim a
Subura, the house of the suffect consul of a . d . 101
or 102 (M artial 1 2 .2 [3 ].9 12), described as alta
atria. Presumably the west end of the Subura close to
the imperial fora is meant.
L. Asinius Rufus: on the Aventine (?), known from
an inscription on a lead pipe (C IL 15.7396), perhaps
the intimate and admired friend of Pliny (Epist.
4 .1 5 .1 2) and Tacitus (PIR 2 A 1248).
Aufidia Cornelia Valentilla (PIR2 A 13 9 6 ): south
of Porta Maggiore, a house or urban villa of the sec
ond half of the second century (NSc 1887, 70, 108
[G. Fiorelli]; 1888, 225 [G. Gatti]; B u llC om 15
[1887]: 100 [G. Gatti]; 53 [1925]: 2 7 6 -7 8 [E.
Gatti]; C IL 1 5 .7 5 5 , 7398).
Augustiana (C IL 6 .8 6 4 0 , 8 6 4 7 -4 9 ; 1 5 .1 8 6 0 ; ILS
1630, 1775), also called Domus Augustana (C IL
6 .2 2 7 1 , 8 6 5 1 ; 1 5 .7 2 4 6 ; IL S 4 2 7 0 , 8694) (Figs. 27.
 D O M U S AUGUSTIANA

28, 63.6 and 7): The names d o m u s f l a v i a and

d o m u s s e v e r i a n a are modern names for parts of

the whole complex assigned to different periods. The

whole is also called d o m u s p a l a t i n a and p a l a t i u m .
Parts of the imperial compound on the Palatine that
were apparently always distinguished from the
Domus Augustiana are the Domus Tiberiana,
Domus Germanici, Domus Transitoria, and Domus
Aurea.
The imperial palace we see today is almost entirely
the work of Domitian and his architect Rabirius. Al
though modifications and masonry of other periods
can be distinguished, these are work of repair and
redecoration rather than remodeling and rebuilding.
The only significant additions of a later period seem
to be those of Septimius Severus (see no. 4 below).
Domitians palace, work on which may possibly
have begun under Vespasian, but more likely at
the beginning of Domitians own reign (cf. C IL
6 .31496a), entailed enormous works of terracing to
create a platform of sufficient size for the deploying
of the main state apartments, and the whole was
only completed about a . d . 92 (Martial 7.56). M ar Figure 2 7
tial (8.36) describes it as a work outdoing the pyra D om us Augustiana,
mids and towering into heaven. For buildings found Upper Level, Plan

buried in the terracing for the foundations, see Casa

dei Grifi, Aula Isiaca, and Domus Transitoria.
The main floor is composed of four principal
blocks. (1) That to the northwest includes the main
reception rooms and was preceded by a colonnade
on the north and at least part of the west front. The
north front commanded an open space, probably the
Area Palatina (q.v.), and here the line of the colon
nade is broken by projecting platforms that probably
served as balconies for public appearances. Later the
west colonnade was reinforced by spur walls running
back from the columns to the wall behind, and un
derground chambers were constructed against the fa
ade. Immediately behind this colonnade are three
important halls, that to the northwest basilical in ar
chitectural form, with lateral Corinthian colonnades
leading to a large semicircular apse set off by a
marble balustrade. The vaulted (?) roofing evidently
overtaxed the supporting walls, and massive piers
had to be added in the forward corners, and the apse
had to be thickened to carry it. In the center was the
largest and grandest hall, the so-called Aula Regia,
nearly square, the walls broken into shallow niches
Figure 2 8
separated by fluted columns of pavonazzetto. The D om us Augustiana,
niches contained colossal statues of divinities in Low er Level, Plan
greenish Egyptian basonite (grovacca), two of which,
a Bacchus and a Hercules, are now in Parma. The
third room, the so-called Lararium, is smallest, a rec apartments. Here there was a stair leading up to
tangle with a broad entrance, three rectangular rooms and probably balconies in an upper storey.
niches in each side wall, and a plain rear wall with a Behind this bank of rooms was a peristyle with col
small door at either end leading back to more private umns of Porta Santa containing at its center an oc

115
D O M U S AUGU STIANA
tagonal maze around a central pool. The whole may
have been a very elaborate fountain. To the west of
this peristyle is a series of small rooms of highly ba
roque plan, symmetrically arranged to either side of
a central axis, the purpose of which is unclear, while
to the east is a block of rectangular rooms through
which one passed to a second peristyle. At the south
west end of the first block was the great banquet hall,
balancing the Aula Regia, a broad rectangle with
a shallow axial apse and five windows in each side
wall, through which one glimpsed an elaborate foun
tain of oval plan framed on three sides by colon
nades. The conception of these fountains may owe
something to the M eta Sudans (q.v.). The pavement
of the banquet hall was in opus sectile; this was
raised on suspensurae, so the hall could be heated.
This must be the banquet hall celebrated by Martial
(8.39) and Statius (Silv. 4.2), the Cenatio Iovis.
(2) The block immediately to the southeast of this
is arranged around two adjacent and conjoined per
istyles. The outer one of these to the northeast was
probably a ceremonial entrance court, very large and
broad, preceded by a semicircular projection, a ves
tibule of unusual plan or an imperial box. The open
area appears to have been divided into three strips of
approximately equal width to make a promenade
leading back from this vestibule to another peristyle
beyond. This second peristyle is nearly square and
has in its center a large shallow pool, the walls scal
loped into niches, the forward corners rounded.
Slightly off the axis of this pool is an island joined to
the northeast side by a bridge of seven arches, which
holds the remains of a small temple, tetrastyle pro
style with a nearly square cella. This last is a very
late addition, assigned to the time of Maxentius. The
rooms northwest of this peristyle have already been
mentioned in connection with the first block. Those
to the southeast are again symmetrical, the central
one an interesting colonnaded square with rounded
apses opening beyond to either side and a view com
manding the hippodrome garden to the southeast.
The main residential rooms are the complex to the
southwest of this peristyle and the rooms in a lower
storey below this. In the upper storey strict symmetry
is observed, and we must posit the existence of light
wells. Large rooms are regularly provided with
niches, rounded or rectangular, which suggest the
display of statuary; columns are conspicuously ab
sent; and only a few rooms seem designed to accom
modate more than a small company. Rooms do not
develop in enfilades or sequences, frequent short cor
ridors providing most connections and important
rooms tending to turn their backs to one another
rather than connect.
On the lower level, some 1 1 m below the upper
and connected with it by a long straight stair in the
116
northeast corner, so the two storeys functioned in
dependently of each other, the rooms are grouped
around a square court. This was colonnaded or ar
caded on all sides, and the open area was taken up
by a large shallow pool in which four peltate islands
made bases for statuary and potted greenery. On the
northeast side a central exedra of square plan is
flanked by large octagonal rooms, all having their
walls carved into deep niches of various shapes.
These rooms were probably all vaulted with sec
tional vaults following the lines of the architecture,
although there is some doubt about the roofing of
the central exedra. A bank of small rooms behind
these is of uncertain purpose. On the northwest side
of the peristyle is a suite of eight closely intercon
nected rooms of rectilinear plan, again in symmetry,
which may have been the private imperial suite. They
were provided with light and air by the introduction
of light wells enclosing large nymphaea of baroque
form to either side. On the southeast side of the court
opposite this suite the evidence is confused, but
clearly the plan here was different, and rooms of
elaborately curved form appeared. A stair on this
side led directly to the hippodrome garden.
On the southwest side of the sunken court, the pal
ace fronted on the Circus Maximus, and this front
was treated as a continuous gentle curve, with focus
on a monumental axial entrance from the palace. All
along this front was a colonnade, and behind the ax
ial door was a large plain room. But whether the
princeps made his entrance for the circus games
through this is not clear. Because this front of the
palace faces southwest, it would have made a good
promenade on winter afternoons and may have been
especially designed for that, because ancient Romans
were fond of promenading. Behind the walk to either
side open a few small rooms fitted into the roughly
triangular spaces between the curve of the walk and
the straight lines of the rest of the palace. The block
of rooms behind the walk has almost entirely disap
peared, but part of it on the upper level is known
from its appearance on a lost, but copied, fragment
of the Marble Plan {FUR pis. 3 and 2 2 ; Rodriguez
pi. 14). It seems to have been very bold in concept,
with a pair of elongated wings or, perhaps better,
pavilions of curious form radiating from a semicir
cular light well framed by a colonnade. The purpose
of these rooms is mysterious, but it appears that the
design was repeated in the wing opposite.
(3) The third block of the palace is a sunken gar
den in the form of a hippodrome, 160 m long by 50
m wide. This has a gently curved southwest end,
straight sides, and a straight northeast end, where a
series of rooms gives the effect of starting gates. The
other sides are arcaded with an engaged Tuscan or
der faced with Porta Santa applied to the piers.

Above the arcades ran a colonnade of composite or
der. At either end of the garden area is a semicircular
pool, and across it just northeast of the imperial ex-
edra ran a colonnaded walk of late date. Also of late
date is an oval enclosure that fills much of the open
area toward the southwest end, for which various
explanations, but none entirely satisfactory, have
been advanced. At the middle of the southeast side
rises a vast semicircular exedra. On the ground floor
this was divided into three parallel vaulted cham
bers, which supported an upper storey in which a
series of niches, alternately curved and rectangular,
was framed by a Corinthian colonnade and the
whole covered by a half-dome. This is commonly
called the imperial box (podium , pulvinar), and it is
presumed that the imperial party assembled here to
watch spectacles given in the arena below. It is per
haps more likely that it served simply as a garden
pavilion. Behind it runs a curved corridor with a cof
fered ceiling apparently supported on a similar cor
ridor below. Suites of rooms extend the hippodrome
block at either end. Those at the curved end are not
of great interest, a double bank except for a single
large central room. Those at the northeast end are
much more extensive and seem to have centered
around a nymphaeum of semicircular plan with a
long throat leading out of it on axis, something like
the Serapaeum of Villa Adriana but much more
modest in scale. How this was integrated with the
hippodrome, if in fact it was, is not clear. But all this
part appears to be Domitianic, as is also the aque
duct bridge that brought the Aqua Claudia across
the valley between the Caelian and the Palatine on
two or three storeys of arches and supplied the pal
ace abundantly with water.
(4) Septimius Severus added a wing to the Domus
Augustiana extending from the hippodrome south
east to the Septizodium (q.v.). In part this seems to
have been a rebuilding based on constructions of
Domitian, but in effect it amounted to a whole new
complex, almost a new palace. Above the Via dei
Cerchi along the Circus Maximus, it was carried on
lofty substructures of brick-faced concrete, two sto
reys of arcades with a grid of piers at regular inter
vals. Although denuded and stark, these are one of
the most impressive sights of the Palatine today. The
apartments they carried must have been pleasantly
secluded and have commanded dramatic views, and
here we can put the Diaetae Mammaeae (q.v.). Pre
sumably this part of the palace extended down to the
Via dei Cerchi, but most of it would have been built
in levels that stepped back along the slope, and the
plan of the superstructure is entirely lost. The most
spectacular remains are those south of the pulvinar
of the hippodrome, which are not Severan but M ax-
entian and belong to a large bath complex with
D O M U S: AUGUSTUS
rooms exploiting use of apses and windows. Because
these require sunlight and are carefully oriented to
the southwest, the superstructures of the palace
southwest of them should not be so high as to darken
them. However, the report that Septimius Severus
wished to make the principal approach to the palace
one from the Via Appia and that he was followed in
this by Alexander Severus is probably to be taken
seriously, and the Severan additions to the Domus
Augustiana must have been appropriately splendid
(S.H.A. Sept. Sev. 2 4 .4 -5 ).
While the large platform of S. Sebastiano and S.
Bonaventura is to be excluded from the Domus Au
gustiana, because it is now known to belong to a
temple, a structure halfway down the slope of the
Palatine below the northwest end of the lower storey
probably belongs to it. This is a row of parallel
rooms with a central semicircular exedra, in front of
which is a row of columns. Numerous inscriptions
scratched on the walls suggest that it was the head
quarters of the keepers of imperial vestments. Other
inscriptions suggest it was called the Paedagogium,
and that name has now become attached to it. A fa
mous graffito caricaturing the crucifixion (Lugli
1946, 522 fig. 165) comes from it.
The whole complex has been repeatedly ransacked
for treasure, intensively from the late eighteenth cen
tury, and quantities of material of every sort have
gone to enrich buildings and collections. It is no
longer possible to identify any substantial part of
these, and even study of the remains of the hippo
drome and Severan additions is still woefully inade
quate.
Lugli 1946, 4 8 6 -5 2 3 ; A n alR om , suppl. 2 (1962)
(H. Finsen); MacDonald 1.4774; Nash 1 .3 16-38;
A n alR om , suppl. 5 (1969) (H. Finsen); N Sc 1971,
3 0 0 -3 1 8 (G. Carettoni); A rcbC l 24 (1972): 96-1 0 4
(G. Carettoni); R om M iti 83 (1976): 4 0 3 -2 4 (J. J.
Herrmann); R ivista d i A rch eolog ia 3 (1979): 1 0 6 -
16 (L. Ungero); R om a, a rch eo lo g ia nel centro
(1985), 1 .176-78 (L. D Elia and S. Le Pera Bura-
nelli); B u llC om 91.2 (1986): 4 8 1 -9 8 , 5 2 6 -3 4 , 5 4 0 -
42 (M. G. Borghi et al.).
Augustus (1) a d C ap ita B u b u la : see Domus, C.
Octavius.
Augustus (2) iuxta R om an u m foru m supra scalas
anu larias: see Domus, C. Licinius Calvus.
Augustus (3) (Figs. 29, 63.3): the house of Augus
tus on the Palatine, which earlier belonged to the or
ator Hortensius (q.v.), an unpretentious house in
which the porticoes had columns of peperino and the
reception rooms were without marble revetment or
fine pavements (Suetonius, Aug. 72.1). It was adja
117
 D O M U S : AUGUSTUS
Figure 29
D om us A ugusti,
Plan, as Know n
cent to the Temple of Apollo Palatinus (Suetonius,
Aug. 29 .3 ), and the house of Q. Lutatius Catulus
was annexed and incorporated in it (Suetonius,
G ram m . 17).
The Temple of Apollo was built on part of the
house plot struck by lightning and announced by the
haruspices to be demanded for sacred use, and, in
consequence of this, the people voted that a new
house for Augustus should be erected at public ex
pense (Cass. Dio 4 9 .1 5 .5 ). On 13 January 2 7 B . C . the
senate voted that an oak crown should be mounted
over the door and a laurel tree planted to either side
(Augustus, R G 3 4 .2 ; Cass. Dio 5 3 .1 6 .4 ). Somewhere
in the house was a tower room that served as a pri
vate study that Augustus called his Syracuse and
tecbn yp bion (Suetonius, Aug. 72.2). It also con
tained an aedicula and an altar of Vesta (see Vesta,
Ara).
The house burned, perhaps in a . d . 3, but was then
rebuilt (Suetonius, Aug. 5 7 .2 ; Cass. Dio 5 5 .1 2 .4 5)
and, according to Dio, at that time made state prop
erty. Suetonius speaks of it in the past tense, so it
may be presumed that it was destroyed in the fire of
Nero.
It has recently been identified as a house northwest
of the Temple of Apollo, between this and the Scalae
Caci. This was a fine house with rooms in at least
two storeys stepping down the slope of the Cerma-
lus. The rooms are decorated with fine painting in
the late Second Pompeian Style, and while the loss of
large parts along the southwest front and rebuilding
over much of the area have made many points ob
118
scure and the reading of the whole difficult, it is clear
that this was an elegant but not sumptuous house of
its time. The rooms are relatively small, but not
cramped. The house seems not to have had an atrium
and combines elements of a peristyle complex with
others of a portico villa plan.
The principal rooms are arranged on a large per
istyle with peperino pillars, while others lie in a sec
ond bank behind them on at least the northeast and
northwest sides. The lighting and functioning of
these parts are obscure. Along the northeast side of
the peristyle the rooms form an elaborate symmetry
of seven members behind a row of shallow ante
chambers. Those at either end are identified as li
braries, because of the presence of a series of three
large rectangular niches in each side wall; the room
in the center is called the tablinum because of its
size (10.50 m x 6 .7 0 m). A podium (0.80 m high and
1.20 m wide) runs around three sides of the room; it
and the floor were paved with opus sectile. All these
rooms seem to have been very fine and intended as
reception rooms. The rooms on the southeast side of
the peristyle include an oecus with four columns
raised on plinths, which supported an arched ceiling
dropped over the back part of the room, where din
ing couches must have been arranged. This commu
nicates with a small ladies dining room beside it,
decorated similarly but not en suite. In a room just
southwest of this pair, the back wall has been broken
out, and a ramp has been constructed that leads to
the platform in front of the Temple of Apollo. This
intimate connection of house and temple strengthens
the case for identification of the temple.
Carettoni believes that the house was abandoned
after the death of Augustus and that at sometime
during the first century modifications were under
taken with a view to creating a new monumental en
trance for the temple. This was never completed, per
haps interrupted by the fire of Nero in a . d . 64.
Thereafter, Domitian filled in the whole lower Au
gustan part and raised the level to that of the temple
terrace, thus preserving much of the decoration of
the house. The decorations are of excellent Second
Style, which include small pinakes with genre scenes
and large panel paintings, both landscape and nar
rative with figures, though the subjects of the narra
tive panels cannot be identified. They seem to repre
sent a stage nearly contemporary with the
decorations of the Casa di Livia, possibly slightly
older. The one early Third Style room must have
been painted a decade or so later.
NSc 1967, 2 8 7 -3 1 9 (G. Carettoni); R om M itt 8~
(1980): 1 3 1 -3 6 (G. Carettoni); R om M itt 90 (1983):
3 7 3 - 4 1 9 (G. Carettoni); G. Carettoni, D as H aus des
Augustus a u f den Palatin (Mainz 1983); CEFR 98
(1987): 3 9 3 - 4 1 3 (T. P. Wiseman).

A urea (Figs. 30, 31, 6 2 ): the great imperial resi
dence built by Nero to replace the Domus Transito
ria that burned in the fire of a . d . 64. The architects
and engineers were Severus and Celer, famous for
their ability to conquer natural obstacles. It is calcu
lated that its grounds covered the whole of the Pala
tine, Velia, and Oppius, extending on the Esquiline
as far as the Horti Maecenatis (see Horti Maecena-
tiani), which was an annex not incorporated into the
Domus. The end of the Caelian with the substruc
tures of the Templum Divi Claudii was included, and
the basin framed by the Oppius, Caelian, and Pala
tine, where the Colosseum now stands. The main ap
proach, from the direction of the Forum Romanum,
began at, or just beyond, the Atrium Vestae.
The Domus Aurea was especially notable for its
landscaping. Fields and vineyards, meadows and
woods were populated with every sort of animal,
wild and domesticated (Tacitus, Ann. 15.42.1). The
centerpiece was an ornamental water, where the Col
osseum now stands, like a sea surrounded by build
ings in the appearance of cities (Suetonius, N ero
31.1). This was fed by cascades down the slope of
the Caelian, one front of the terracing for the Tem
plum Divi Claudii being converted into a vast nym-
phaeum supplied by the Neronian branch of the
Aqua Claudia.
The main approach was dominated by a colossal
statue of the princeps, over a hundred Roman feet
high (see Colossus Solis [Neronis]), that stood in an
entrance court (vestibulum ) so spacious that its triple
porticoes measured a mile long (Suetonius, N ero
D O M U S AUREA
31.1). The colossus crowned the Velia, but Hadrian Figure 3 0
moved it to a position beside the Amphitheatrum D om us A urea, Low er
Storey o f Rem ains
Flavium to make way for his Templum Veneris et
on the Oppius,
Romae. Van Deman and Clay have reconstructed the R estored Plan
portico as arcaded and extending from the Regia
along a straightened Sacra Via to the line of the Cli-
vus Palatinus, along which it branched at right
angles to its original direction and ran to the Nova
Via and up the Palatine to the Area Palatina (?). Be
hind the arcades along the street were large buildings
composed of forests of piers, like hypostyle halls,
which could be subdivided and used for many differ
ent purposes. The court of honor around the colos
sus would have begun at the Clivus Palatinus and run
east from this. This reconstruction has been ques
tioned and in some areas rests on very slight evi
dence, but seems right in its general concept and use
of space. If the Domus Aurea did not come down so
close to the Forum Romanum, the placing of the co
lossus and sweep of approach must be essentially
correct.
The treatment of the Palatine and the Domus Ti-
beriana in the Domus Aurea are enigmas. Although
they were included in the compound, they seem not
to have been important elements and seem likely to
have been relegated to the status of offices and guest
houses. But large concrete foundations, including
one on a curve, under the triclinium of the Domus
Augustiana, which cut through remains of the Do
mus Transitoria, must belong to it.
The main residence was on the Oppius, a park in
which pavilions and pleasances were scattered, many
119
 D O M U S AUREA
Figure 31
D om us A u rea, Upper
Storey o f R em ains on
the Oppius over the
O ctago n C om plex
(1cm = 5.5 5 m )
independent of one another. A block incorporated
and buried in the substructures of the Thermae
Traiani has been known since the fifteenth century
and has been much studied and discussed, but it is
now clear that this was not the principal wing of the
palace, as had sometimes been thought, but essen
tially a work of terracing along the brow of the hill
on which to set more important constructions above.
It is built over the remains of a large complex of hor-
rea and incorporates several parts of these in its fab
ric. These are in brick-faced concrete with travertine
blocks at points of stress and extensive use of flat
arches. They must date from almost immediately be
fore the fire of 64. The Neronian structure originally
consisted of at least three main blocks separated by
two deep trapezoidal courts. One hundred and fifty
rooms are known at least in some part. The western
block was arranged between a colonnaded faade
and a rectangular interior peristyle with rooms in a
double bank along the south and a single bank along
the west. Along the north there is simply a crypto-
porticus. In the southern bank the rooms are planned
in a symmetry and interconnected very freely. Al
though once handsomely finished, they are not ar
chitecturally impressive. At the east side of the inte
rior peristyle opens a magnificent nymphaeum, a
large square vestibule with a line of four columns in
front and four in back giving to a smaller fountain
room embellished with rustication and mosaic.
Around the western trapezoidal court the large ax
ial hall, the Sala della Volta Dorata, preserves ruins
of a superb decoration, but the other rooms are un
120
remarkable, although the painted decorations in
some of them clearly anticipate the Fourth Pompeian
Style and are executed with admirable fluency and
assurance.
In the central block, the axial room is octagonal in
plan, surrounded by radiating rooms of different
shapes, which all give to it and take their focus from
it. It is roofed with a dome of concrete with a very
large oculus, perhaps the earliest true dome known,
although the dome of the Tempio di Mercurio at
Baiae and one in the Domus Transitoria may have
preceded it. Over the slope of the dome, light pours
through large transom- windows into the rooms
around it. The room on axis to the north was a nym
phaeum, a cascade fed by an aqueduct brought in
just under the roof. How the suite may have been
used is not entirely clear, but there is a strong sug
gestion that it was for summer dining. Because it is
now known that additional apartments to the south
have been lost, it is not possible to reconstruct the
whole effect accurately.
The eastern trapezoidal court seems to have had
essentially the same design, even to the rooms
around it, as the western one, and it is to be pre
sumed that the eastern block beyond this mirrored
the western block with its peristyle, but at the edge
of the Thermae Traiani the evidence gives out and
certainty is impossible. However, there is ample
space available for the development of an eastern
wing symmetrical with the western one.
Recent exploration of the roofs over the area of
the octagon room and its adjacencies has revealed

remains of an upper storey surprisingly freely
planned in relation to the lower one. Here two sym
metrical peristyles, each of four columns on a side,
were surrounded by small elegant rooms of loggia
like architecture. Behind them is a long colonnade
along a splendid euripus, with walls scalloped into
niches (A n alR om , supp. 10 [1983]: 1 6 9 -8 5 [L. Fab-
brini]). A long rectangular room with an apse at
either end incorporated into the northeast wing of
the peribolus of the Thermae Traiani has the same
orientation and may once have belonged to the Do-
mus.
Suetonius singles out for comment dining pavil
ions with coffering of movable ivory panels so ar
ranged that flowers and perfumes could be showered
on the guests, a rotunda that revolved continuously
day and night, and baths supplied with both sea and
sulfur water (Suetonius, N ero 31.2). O f all these,
nothing seems to remain today.
At the time of N eros death the Domus Aurea was
still incomplete, and Otho is known to have assigned
a vast sum for its completion (Suetonius, O th o 7.1).
But it seems to have continued in use as an imperial
residence until the fire of Trajan in 104. After Do-
mitian created his own palace in the Domus Augus-
tiana, it must have been relegated to an inferior role,
but earlier it had probably been the main residence
of Vespasian and Titus.
The destruction of the Domus Aurea began with
Vespasian, who drained the stagnum of Nero and on
its site built the Amphitheatrum Flavium (Martial,
D e Spect. 2 .5 -6 ) . He also destroyed the nymphaeum
Nero had created out of the platform of the Tem-
plum Divi Claudii and completed the temple Agrip
pina had begun (Suetonius, Vesp. 9.1). Under Titus
an area west of the Oppius complex was used for the
Thermae Titi (q.v.), and a monumental approach to
these led down to the square surrounding the Am
phitheatrum Flavium. After a fire in a . d . 104 (Hi-
eron. a. Abr. 2 1 2 0 ; Orosius 7 .1 2 .4 ), Trajan used
much of what was left of the Oppius complex in the
creation of a platform on which to build his Thermae
and by so doing preserved extensive remains of the
lower storey, because to build his platform he ran a
series of heavy parallel walls through the western
peristyle and out in front of the faade and filled the
interior with earth. Finally in about 121 Hadrian, to
make space for his Templum Veneris et Romae (see
Venus et Roma, Templum), moved the Colossus Ne-
ronis to a place beside the Amphitheatrum Flavium
and destroyed the entrance court of the Domus.
Large parts of the approaches seem already to have
given way to the Horrea Piperataria (q.v.); perhaps
they were sacrificed a little at a time to more impor
tant public needs.
D O M U S : AVIANUS V IN D IC IA N U S
The Domus Aurea was noted for decorations by
the painter Famulus (or Amulius or Fabullus), who
painted only a few hours a day and while wearing
his toga, even when mounted on scaffolding (Pliny,
H N 3 5 .1 2 0 ). It is presumed he was responsible for
the creation of the Fourth Pompeian Style of deco
ration, of which the existing wall paintings are an
early example. However, the quality of what survives
leaves much to be desired, because it is hastily exe
cuted and decoration in a manner and scale ill-suited
to the vast and lofty apartments of the palace. One
room, the Sala della Volta Dorata, is vastly superior
to the rest, but here, too, little attention is paid to the
scale of the whole. These paintings were discovered
in the early Renaissance, and many of the rooms
were explored and examined by the foremost artists
of the time. They provided much of the basis for the
development of the grotesque style of the early
sixteenth century. The collection of art with which
Nero filled the palace was early dispersed, much
going to adorn Vespasians Templum Pacis (Pliny,
H N 34.84). Later Trajans workmen stripped the
rooms to be buried in the platform of his Thermae
of their revetments and pavements of colored marble
before filling them it. It is impossible today to iden
tify any of these with certainty.
In the Renaissance the remains were known as the
Palazzo di Tito, thanks to the misidentification of the
Thermae Traiani as the Thermae Titi.
A. Boethius, T h e G old en H o u se o f N ero (Ann Ar
bor, Mich. 1960), 9 4 - 1 2 8 ; MacDonald 1 .2 0 -4 6 ;
Nash 1 .3 3 9 -4 8 ; M EFRA 82 (1970): 6 7 3 -7 2 2 (H.
Lavagne); PP 26 (1971): 1 5 3 -6 6 (G. Maddoli);
R om M itt 81 (1974): 3 2 3 - 4 3 (H. Priickner and S.
Storz); M EFRA 88 (1976): 7 1 9 -5 7 (D. Bizzari Vi-
varelli); JS A H 4 0 (1981): 2 7 1 -7 8 (P. G. Warden);
M EFRA 94 (1982): 8 4 3 -9 1 (G. Perrin); M em -
PontA cc 14 (1982): 5 - 2 4 (L. Fabbrini); A nalR om ,
supp. 10 (1983): 1 6 9 -8 5 (L. Fabbrini), with bibli
ography; R endP ontA cc 58 (198586): 1 2 9 79 (L.
Fabbrini); C EFR 98 (1987): 5 0 9 -4 1 (J.-L. Volsin);
P alladio, n.s. 1 (1988): 1213 4 (G. Rocco); A the
naeum 78 (1990): 1 8 6 -9 1 (D. Campanile).
A u relia Severa (P IR Z A 1 6 6 7 ?): on the site of the
Thermae Diocletianae, or to the east of this, known
from a lead pipe (G IL 15.7415).
M . A urelius S o la n u s: on the Esquiline east of the
Horti Maecenatis, and probably west of Via Meru-
lana, known from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7409).
A vianus V in d ician u s (P L R E 1.9 6 8 ): on the Quir-
inal (?) (C IL 6 .3 1 0 0 5 ); he also had property along
the Tiber, perhaps southwest of the Mausoleum Au-
121
D O M U S : T . A V ID IU S Q U IE T U S
gusti, known from inscriptions on a lead pipe (C IL
15.7399). He was Consularis Campaniae and Vicar-
ius Urbis Romae in a . d . 378.
T. Avidius Quietus (1): on the Esquiline just out
side the Porta Esquilina (B u llC om 5 [1877]: 6 6 -7 5
[C. L. Visconti]).
T. Avidius Quietus (2) {PIR1 A 1410): on the Quir-
inal, where a nymphaeum with pipes bearing his
name was found (C IL 15.7400). This man was gov
ernor of Thrace in a . d . 82, and two other pipes bear
ing his name are recorded, but without clear prov
enience.
Balbinus: on the Carinae (S.H.A. B albinus 16.1),
said to be large and impressive.
Baronia Iusta: on the Esquiline, known from a lead
pipe (C IL 15.7416).
L. Bellienus: a house that was burned in the funeral
of Julius Caesar (Cicero, Phil. 2 .9 1 ), presumably
near the southeast end of the Forum Romanum, per
haps in the area later occupied by the Temple of An
toninus and Faustina. The owner is otherwise un
known.
Betitius Perpetuus Arzygius (P L R E 1.6 8 9 ): under
the Palazzo delle Esposizioni on the Quirinal, the
house of the Corrector Siciliae under Constantine
( a . d . 3 1 5 -3 3 0 ).
N Sc 1888, 4 9 3 - 9 6 (C. Hlsen).
Q . Blaesius Iustus: on the Esquiline (?), known
from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7418) bearing his name
and that of P. Aelius Romulus Augg. lib. It belongs
to the end of the second century.
Bruttius Praesens (PIR2 B 164): in Regio III (Cur.,
N ot.) listed after the Ludi (Magnus, Matutinus) and
before the Summum Choragium, so presumably in
the immediate vicinity of the Colosseum. This Brut
tius may have been the consul of a . d . 180 or a de
scendant of his.
Caecilii: According to the story of her martyrdom
under M . Aurelius, Saint Caecilia was tortured for
three days in an overheated bathroom in her family
house. Excavation under the church of the saint in
the Trastevere (1 8 9 9 -1 9 0 0 ) brought to light sub
stantial remains of the second century mingled with
earlier walls, as well as some later masonry and
coarse mosaic pavements of the third or fourth cen
tury. These seem in part to have been a tannery with
seven cylindrical vats, in part residential. One room
122
is provided with a hypocaust system; it lies to the
right of the present church.
N Sc 1900, 1 2 -1 4 , 2 3 0 (G. Gatti); Nash 1 .3 4 9 -
51.
Caecilius Capito: known from a lead pipe (C IL
15.7419) found west of Via Lata in the vicinity of
the Hadrianeum.
Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer: on the Palatine (Ci
cero, C ael. 18). This was the house of the consul of
60 B .C ., the husband of Clodia and friend and neigh
bor of Cicero. It was next-door to the house of Ca-
tulus (Cicero, C ael. 59) on the Clivus Victoriae.
Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus: on the Pala
tine (Cicero, D e Or. 2.2 6 3 ). This was the house of
the consul of 109 B .C .
Caecina Decius Albinus (P LR E 1 .3 5 -3 6 ): on the
southwest side of the Aventine near the church of
S. Alessio, known from inscriptions of the fourth
century, one of which was on a lead pipe (CIL
6 .1 1 9 2 = IL S 7 9 6 ; C IL 1 5.7420). He was praefectus
urbi in a . d . 402.
Caecina Largus: see Domus: L. Crassus, M .
Scaurus.
Caelia Galla: see Domus, M aecius Blandus.
M . Caelius Rufus (praetor 48 B . C . ) : on the Pala
tine, not far from the houses of Cicero and Crassus
(Cicero, Cael. 18). In fact, the insula belonged to P.
Clodius (see Domus, P. Clodius), and Caelius rented
only a part of it (Cicero, Cael. 17).
C. Caelius Saturninus (P L R E 1.866), C. Caelius
Urbanus (P LR E 1 .9 8 3 ): a house of the fourth cen
tury located east of Via Lata just north of Piazza
della Pilotta, known from inscriptions (C IL 6 .1704,
1705 = IL S 1214, 1215). Urbanus was the son of Sa
turninus.
C. Iulius Caesar: Caesars first house, a modest
one, in the Subura (Suetonius, Iul. 46). Cicero (A tt.
12.45) in May 45 B .C . called Caesar a neighbor of
Atticus, Quirinus, and Salus, which suggests that he
had moved from the Domus Publica (q.v.), to which
he was entitled as pontifex maximus, and returned
to his former house, or perhaps a new one on the
Quirinal. We may incline to the latter.
Caesetius Rufus: a handsome house near that of
Fulvia, the wife of M ark Antony, who coveted it and
procured the proscription of its owner to obtain it

(Appian, B ellC iv 4 .2 9 ; Val. M ax. 9.5.4). It may well
be that the house of Fulvia in question was that of
Antony on the Palatine. This was later given to
Agrippa and Messalla Corvinus jointly and burned
in 25 B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 3 .27.5 ). Had it been enlarged
by the addition of this second house, this joint own
ership would be more understandable. However, see
Vicus Caeseti.
Calistus (Calixtus, Callixtus): the house of the
second century pope ( a . d . 217222) and martyr in
the Transtiberim in the vicinity of the Castra Raven-
natium, according to the L ib er Pontificalis (VZ
2 .2 24). Because Calistus was the founder of the
church of S. M aria in Trastevere, the nearby church
of S. Callisto, which is very ancient, is believed to
mark the site of his house (HCh 234).
M EFRA 96 (1984): 1 0 3 9 -8 3 (G. N. Verrando).
Q . C an u siu s P raen estinu s (P IR 2 C 4 0 2 ): on
the Esquiline near S. M aria Maggiore, known from
a lead pipe (C IL 15.7423). He was consul suffectus
ca. a . d . 157 and is mentioned in several inscrip
tions.
Carminia Liviana Diotima (PIR 2 C 4 4 2 ): Her
name occurs in conjunction with several others on a
large lead pipe of the late second or early third cen
tury, found just under the Aurelian Walls between
Porta Tiburtina and Porta Labicana (C IL 15.7424a).
There is then no way of telling more precisely where
her house may have been.
Spurius Cassius (cos. 5 02 , 4 9 3 , 4 8 6
B .C .) : on the
Carinae, the precinct of the Temple of Tellus. After
Cassius was put to death for treason in 485 B .C .,
his house was pulled down and the temple erected
on part of the site (Livy 2 .4 1 .1 1 ; Cicero, D om .
101; Dion. Hal. 8 .7 9 ; Val. M ax. 6.3.1b ). The sug
gestion is that Cassiuss had been an impressive man
sion.
Cassius Argillus: probably fictional, supposed to
have been a house pulled down by order of the sen
ate after its owner advised making peace with Han
nibal following the Battle of Cannae (Servius a d Aen.
8.345). The story was used to explain the name of
the Argiletum.
L. Sergius Catilina (praetor 68 probably the
B .C .) :
C atulina dom u s mentioned by Suetonius (G ram m .
17) on the Palatine, to which Verrius Flaccus moved
his school when he was appointed tutor to the
grandsons of Augustus. It was described as pars Pal-
atii, which must mean it had become part of the im
perial enclave and can be located with some confi
D O M U S : Q. T U L L IU S C IC E RO
dence in the southwest quadrant of the hill. This
house is often identified as the house of Catulus, but
the adjective then should be C atuliana.
Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. 78 B .C ., cens. 65 B . C .) :
an unusually fine house, one of the greatest of its pe
riod (Pliny, H N 17.2), on the Palatine between the
house of Caecilius Metellus Celer (Cicero, Cael. 59)
and the Porticus Catuli (q.v.). It must have stood on
the Clivus Victoriae.
Ceionius Rufius Volusianus: see Domus,
Lampadius.
Censorinus: see Domus, M . Cicero.
Censorinus Tyrannus (PIR 2 C 65 6 ): on the Quir-
inal south of Alta Semita, an especially beautiful
house next to the Templum Gentis Flaviae. It prob
ably fronted on the street represented by Via delle
Quattro Fontane (S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 33.6).
M . Tullius Cicero: on the northwest side of the Pal
atine, on the Clivus Victoriae overlooking the Forum
Romanum, in con spectu p ro p e totius urbis (Cicero,
D om . 100). It was between the Porticus Catuli (q.v.)
and the house of Q. Seius Postumus (Cicero, D om .
103, 1 1 4 -1 6 ). Cicero bought it in 62 B .C . for 3.5
million sesterces from M . Crassus, presumably the
triumvir (Cicero, F am . 5 .6 .2 ); to pay for it he bor
rowed 2 million sesterces from P. Sulla (A. Gellius
12.12). The site had previously been occupied by the
house of M. Livius Drusus, and Ciceros house was
later occupied by L. Marcius Censorinus, cos. 39
B .C ., and Statilius Sisenna, cos. a . d . 16 (Veil. Pat.
2 .1 4 .3 ). After Cicero went into exile Clodius burned
his house and used parts of the site to enlarge the
Porticus Catuli and build a monument to Libertas
(Cicero, D om . 116). After Ciceros recall he under
took legal proceedings and recovered the site and
damages that covered the rebuilding at least in part
(Cicero, Att. 4 .2 .5 ; Cass. Dio 39.11).
Q . Tullius Cicero (1): on the Carinae, a house that
had belonged to Ciceros father. It was near, possibly
adjacent to, the Temple of Tellus (Cicero, QFr. 2.3.7,
Har. R esp. 31).
Q. Tullius Cicero (2): a Domus Luciniana (or Li-
ciniana) rented for Quintus in 56 B .C . while his own
house was occupied by tenants (Cicero, QFr. 2.3.7).
Q. Tullius Cicero (3): a house near that of his
brother Marcus on the Palatine, which adherents of
Clodius set on fire in 5 7 (Cicero, Att. 4 .3 .2 , QFr.
2 .4 .2 , 2.5 .3 ). It may have been adjacent to the house
123
D O M U S : L. F A B I U S C I L O
of Marcus at the back, because Cicero says that the
two brothers would be con tu bern ales when it was
finished, and we know that M arcuss house was
flanked by other buildings to either side.
L. Fabius Cilo (PIR 1 F 2 7 ): listed by the regionary
catalogues in Regio X II and the name inscribed on a
lead pipe found near the church of S. Balbina on the
Aventinus M inor (C IL 1 5.7447). It was a present
from Septimius Severus to his friend and praefectus
urbi in a . d . 2 0 4 (Aur. Viet., Epit. 20.6). It is believed
that remains of several periods, but especially Ha-
drianic, in the vicinity of the church are all parts of
an extensive and opulent residence, but these are too
fragmentary for any certainty. Cf. also the Marble
Plan (FUR frag. 6 7 7 , p. 157 and pi. 5 9 ; Rodriguez
pi. 1).
Nash 1.352.
Claudii: on the Quirinal near the Thermae Con-
stantinianae and the modern crossing of Via Nazion-
ale and Via Mazzarino, where lead pipes have been
found inscribed with the names of T. Flavius Clau
dius Claudianus (PIR 2 F 238) and Claudia Vera
(PIR2 C 1131) (C IL 1 5 .7 4 5 0 , 7434). They belong to
the period IIIII after Christ. Cf. also Balineum Clau-
dianum.
Appius Claudius: mentioned by Livy (3.49.5), in
reporting the events of 449 B .C ., as being close to the
Forum Romanum.
Appius Claudius Martialis (PIR 1 C 9 3 1 ): known
from a lead pipe found in the sixteenth century in an
area corresponding to the western part of the Palazzo
del Quirinale (C IL 1 5.7427). The owner was pro
praetor of Thrace in a . d . 161169.
Ti. Claudius Centumalus: a house on the Caelian
that Claudius Centumalus was ordered to demolish
because its height interfered with the sight lines of
the augurs taking observations from the arx. He then
sold it to P. Calpurnius Lanarius but was condemned
for fraud (Cicero, O ff. 3 .6 6 ; Val. M ax. 8.2.1). The
house seems to have stood in the area of the precinct
of the Templum Divi Claudii.
Clemens: The church of S. Clemente is built over
the remains of the saints house. It is mentioned al
ready on a slaves collar of the Constantinian period
(C IL 15.7192). Presbyters of the titulus church took
part in the synods of 4 9 9 and 5 9 5 . Excavations
under the lower church have brought to light two
buildings: under the nave was a horreum with
124
barrel-vaulted rooms opening on three sides of a
large rectangular court, and under the apse was a
large private house of insula character. The horreum
antedates the fire of Nero in a . d . 64, whereas the
house dates from the end of the first century. In the
third century a Mithraeum was built into one room
of the house (see Mithraeum Domus Clementis).
Both buildings are of excellent architecture, and the
house had fine decorations.
Nash 1.3 5 3 -5 6 with plan.
P. Clodius Pulcher: a house on the Palatine on the
Clivus Victonae, near that of Cicero. Part of it was a
house that originally belonged to Q. Seius Postumus,
an eques Romanus; this must have stood between
Clodiuss original house and Ciceros. When Cicero
went into exile, Clodius offered to buy Seiuss house
but was refused, after which Clodius threatened to
block off Seiuss light, presumably by construction
of a wall (Cicero, D om . 115-16). Cicero accuses
him of then having poisoned Seius and bought his
house at auction at an exorbitant price in order
to construct there and on additional land taken
from Ciceros a magnificent portico 300 feet
long.
M . Cocceius N erva (PIR 2 C 1225): A lead pipe
bearing his name was found on the Esquiline (C IL
15.7437), but, because the grandfather of the em
peror was curator aquarum in a . d . 2 4 33 (Fron-
tinus, A q. 2.102), this might have been pipe laid in
connection with his office, rather than a supply line
for his house.
Com m odiana: A Domus Palatina Commodiana is
mentioned once, for 22 October a . d . 180 (S.H.A.
C om m od u s 12.7). This was apparently simply a flat
tering renaming of the Domus Augustiana, because
it came at the beginning of his reign, and no work of
importance in the imperial residence can be ascribed
to him.
Cornelia Tauri f. T. Axi (uxor) (PIR 2 C 1477): on
the Quirinal, known from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7440)
found in building Via Nazionale, just east of Via dei
Serpenti. This woman was evidently the adoptive
daughter of a Statilius Taurus, perhaps T. Statilius
Sisenna Taurus, cos. a . d . 16. Her husband is un
known. The family had a brilliant record in the early
Julio-Claudian period but disappears after the mid-
first century.
Cornelia L. f. Volusi Saturnini (uxor) (PIR2 C
1476): known from a lead pipe found south of the

great exedra of the Thermae Diocletiani (CIL
15.7441). The family of her husband had a brilliant
record beginning under Augustus and running to the
end of the first century.
Cornelii Fronto et Quadratus: Lead pipes in
scribed with these names come from the vicinity of
the Auditorium Maecenatis on the Esquiline (C IL
15.7438). Fronto may be the tutor of Marcus Aure
lius and Lucius Verus (P IR 2 C 1364, 1426).
L. Cornelius Pusio {PIR 1 C 14 2 5 ): probably where
an inscription (C IL 6.3170 6 ) and fragments of a
bronze portrait statue were found on the Quirinal
near the Banca dltalia toward the southwest end of
Via Nazionale. This man was commander of the six
teenth legion in the time of Claudius.
Sex. Cornelius Repentinus {PIR2 C 1428): known
from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7439) found on the Aven-
tine near the church of S. Alessio and identified as
praefectus praetorio, an office he held at the end of
the reign of Antoninus Pius.
Cornificia: listed in the regionary catalogues in Re
gio X II after the Cohors IV Vigilum and before the
Privata Hadriani, and known also from a lead pipe
of unknown provenience (C IL 15.7442). The house
was probably between the barracks of the vigiles
(see Cohortes Vigilum, Stationes, IIII) and the Vicus
Portae Raudusculanae. The Cornificia in question
may have been Annia Cornificia (PIR2 A 708),
the younger sister of Marcus Aurelius, who married
M. Ummidius Quadratus, cos. a . d . 167 (PIR' V
601), but on her tiles she is called Annia Faustina
[C IL 15.731). It might also be his daughter (PIR2 C
1505).
B u llC om 19 (1891): 2 1 0 -1 6 (R. Lanciam);
R m M itt 7 (1892): 296 (C. Hlsen).
Cosmus Aug. lib. a rationibus (PIR2 C 1535):
known from a lead pipe (C IL 1 5.7443 = ILS 1476)
found in remains of a building of the early second
century near S. Sabina on the Aventine.
L. Crassus (cos. 95 b . c . , cens. 92 b . c . ) : the house
on the Palatine of the distinguished orator of the
years 118-91 B .C ., famous for its elegance and lux
ury. It was the first house in Rome to have marble
columns. Six of Hymettus marble, originally used to
ornament a stage during Crassuss aedileship, were
employed in the atrium. It also boasted six excep
tional lotus trees of broad spreading branches that
survived until the great fire of Nero in a . d . 64, at
D O M U S : D APHNIS
which time they were more than 180 years old (Pliny,
H N 1 7 .3 -6 ). Whether the fishponds where he kept
his famous lampreys (Aelian, NA 8.4.1) were part of
this house, or rather a villa, is unknown. Because of
the marble columns M. Iunius Brutus called Crassus
the Palatine Venus (Pliny, H N 36.7). The house
came to Crassus by inheritance, probably from his
father; it later was the property of Caecina Largus,
cos. a . d . 42.
M . Licinius Crassus Dives (cos. 70 b . c . , cens. 65
(1): a house on the Palatine not far from the
B .C .)
house that M. Caelius Rufus rented from P. Clodius
Pulcher (Cicero, C ael. 9, 18).
M . Licinius Crassus Dives (2): the house bought
by Cicero in 62 B .C . on the Clivus Victoriae, on the
northwest side of the Palatine. Crassus had vast deal
ings in real estate and built for himself only the house
in which he lived. The rest were built simply for sale
in the market (Plutarch, Crassus 2 .4 -5 ).
M . Curius Dentatus (cos. 2 9 0 , 2 7 5 , 2 7 4 b .c .) :
given to him by the people (together with five hun
dred iugera of land outside the city) after his triumph
over the Samnites in 2 9 0 b . c . It was ap u d tifatam
(Paulus ex Fest. 43L ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 33.10),
and according to Festus (503L) a tifata was a grove
of ilex or holm oak, the word probably dialect and
of pre-Roman origin. This is supposed to have given
rise to the name Tifata Curia, although the adjective
from Curius ought to be Curiana. It seems at least
possible that the story of Curiuss house was an in
vention to explain the name Tifata Curia, which was
a sacred precinct of some sort that included holm
oaks. Its location is unknown.
Dapbnis: a house p rim ae . . . in lim ine Tectae, in
a .d . 88 the residence of Julius Martialis (Martial
3 .5 .5 -6 ), but formerly the house of an otherwise un
identified Daphnis (PIR 2 D 8). One Via Tecta seems
to have led from the neighborhood of the Tarentum
across tl e Campus Martius toward the Forum Ro-
manum Seneca, A p oco l. 13), possibly the same
street that later became the Porticus M aximae. A sec
ond may have been a colonnade along part of the Via
Appia in the vicinity of the Temple of M ars, or a
colonnade leading from the Via Appia to the Temple
of Mars. Possibly it was also known as the Ambula-
tio Crassipedis (Cicero, QFr. 3.7 .8 ). The former Via
Tecta is more likely to be meant here, but it is impos
sible to determine where it began. The end near the
city would be indicated, possibly just beyond the Pe-
tronia Amnis.
125
 D O M U S : D I A D U M E N U S A U G . L. A L I B E L L I S
Diadumenus Aug. 1. a libellis (P IR 2 D 6 5): known
from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7444) of the mid-first cen
tury found on the Caelian near the Ospedale Militare
del Celio. It is impossible to identify him or his house
more precisely.
Dio: listed in the N otitia in Regio X after the Aedes
Iovis and before the Curia Vetus. It may have been
situated on the northwest slope of the Palatine, but
there is no way of identifying Dio.
Domitiana: the house of Cn. Domitius Ahenobar-
bus {PIR 2 D 127), the father of Nero, on the Sacra
Via, in front of which the Fratres Arvales offered sac
rifices to his memory during the principate of Nero
(C IL 6 .3 2 3 5 2 , 2 0 4 1 .2 5 , 2042d ; IL S 2 2 9 , 230). The
house must have stood on the slope of the Velia lead
ing up from the Forum, near, perhaps opposite, the
Temple of the Penates (see Penates, Aedes) men
tioned in C IL 6.2042d = IL S 2 3 0 . Possibly he had
inherited the house from his father (cf. Seneca, Con-
trov. 9.4.18).
Cn. Domitius Calvinus (PIR2 D 139): a house on
the Velia to which baths were added in the principate
of Augustus. For space for these baths (baln eatio),
an ancient shrine (sacellum ) of Mutunus Tutunus
had to be removed (Festus 142L). The baths may
be those built during the owners consulship men
tioned in a sally of Vallius Syriacus (Seneca, C ontrov.
9.4.18).
Elpidius: on the Caelian, known from a slaves col
lar (C IL 15.7190).
E n n iu s: The house of the great republican poet was
on the Aventine and was said to have been very
simple, with the services of a single maidservant (Hi-
eron. a. Abr. 1777). Varro (Ling. 5.1 6 3 ), in listing
the names of the gates of the Servian Walls, quotes
Porcius Licinus as saying Ennius lived in Tutilinae
loca. Because Tutilina was one of the gods worshiped
on the spina in the Circus Maximus (Tertullian, D e
S p ed . 8), we can with confidence place Enniuss
house on the northeast slope of the Aventinus Minor
toward the Porta Capena.
Equitius: on the Esquiline, a titulus church founded
by Pope Silvester I (3 1 4 -3 3 5 ), originally called S. Sil-
vestri, enlarged by Pope Symmachus (4 9 8 -5 1 4 ) with
the addition of a church of S. M artino, which in time
became S. M artino ai M onti. The name of S. Silves-
tro falls into disuse only after the tenth century (HCh
3 8 2 -8 3 ).
126
Sex. Erucius Clarus (PIR 2 E 9 6): known from a
lead pipe found in the Campus Viminalis sub aggere
(C IL 15 .7 4 4 5 ), therefore beyond the Servian Walls.
A man of this name mentioned by Aulus Gellius
(13.18.2) was twice consul and praefectus urbi, con
sul for the second time in a . d . 146. He is said to have
been an earnest student of ancient literature and old
customs.
Faberius (scriba): on the Aventine (Vitruvius 7.9.2),
famous because the walls of the peristyle, painted
with cinnabar, turned black.
Fabia Paulina: see Domus, Vettius Agorius
Praetextatus.
Fabius Fortunatus (PIR 2 F 3 4 ): a house on the Cli-
vus Capsarius (q.v.) in A ventino M aiore, mentioned
in a fragment of the Acta Arvalia for a . d . 2 4 0 , when
Fabius was promagister (NSc 1914, 4 7 3 -7 4 [G.
Mancini and O. Marucchi] = IL S 9522).
L. Fabius Gallus (PIR 2 F 3 5 ): a name found in
scribed on five lead pipes found in Via degli Anni-
baldi, the continuation of Via dei Serpenti, between
Via Cavour and the Colosseum, and on two found
under the Ministero delle Finanze in Via X X Set-
tembre on the Quirinal (C IL 15.7449). Probably his
house was on the Carinae, but he may have been cu
rator aquarum.
C. Fabricius: see Compitum Fabricium.
Faecenia Hispala: A libertina, neighbor of P. Ae-
butius (see Domus, Aebutii), her house was evidently
on the Aventine (Livy 3 9 .9 .5 - 6 ; 1 1 .3 ; 14.3).
Fausta (P L R E 1.32526): mentioned once in a .d .
313 (Optatus Milevitanus, D e Schism ate D onatisto-
rum 1.23 [Migne 1 1 .9 3 1 ]); it seems to have been an
apartment in the Domus Lateranorum.
R endP ontA cc 43 (1 9 7 0 -7 1 ): 2 0 7 -2 2 (V. Santa
Maria Scrinari); A rcbC l 2 4 (1972): 3 8 6 92 (M.
Guarducci).
Flamen Quirinalis: At the time of the sack of Rome
by the Gauls, the house of the Flamen Quirinalis was
in the Velabrum by the Doliola (q.v.), but it is not
clear whether this was an official residence. It seems
an odd place for any official residence and very odd
for the Flamen Quirinalis (cf. Livy 5.4 0 .8 ).
Flaminia or Aedes Flaminiae: the house of the
Flamen Dialis (Paulus ex Fest. 79L ; A. Gellius

1 0 .15.7; Servius a d Aen. 2 .5 7 and 8.363). It was on
the Palatine (Cass. Dio 54 .2 4 .2 ) but cannot be more
precisely located.
Flavius Eugenius Asellus (P L R E 2 .1 6 4 ): on the
Capitoline. He was comes sacrorum largitionum in
a .d. 4 69 (Sid. Apoll., Epist. 1.7.4) and later praefec-
tus urbi (C IL 6.1668).
T. Flavius Claudius Claudianus: see Domus,
Claudii.
T. Flavius Sabinus (P1R2 F 3 5 2 ): the house of the
brother of Vespasian on the Quirinal between Alta
Semita and Vicus Longus. It is vaguely located by the
discovery of a cippus in Villa Sadoleti near the
church of S. Susanna and by a lead pipe found near
the juncture of Via X X Settembre and Via Firenze
(Tacitus, Hist. 3 .6 9 ; C IL 6 .2 9 7 8 8 = /LS 5988 and
C IL 15.7451). Its proximity to the Templum Gentis
Flaviae (see Gens Flavia, Templum) is probably es
pecially significant. M . Torelli has proposed that
a splendid wall mosaic in the Fourth Pompeian
Style, probably remains of a sumptuous nym-
phaeum, found under the barracks of the Corazzieri
in attendance on the president of Italy north of the
juncture of Via X X Settembre and Via di S. Nicola
Tolentino, originally belonged to the house of Flav
ius Sabinus. This seems not unlikely.
R om a sep olta (show catalogue, Rome 1984),
1 4 6 -5 5 (F. Coarelli).
T. Flavius Salinator: known from a lead pipe (C IL
15.7452) found to the east of the house of T. Flavius
Sabinus on the Quirinal.
T. Flavius Tiberianus: known from a lead pipe of
the second century (C IL 15.7453) found on the Es-
quiline near Piazza Vittorio Emanuele at the corner
of Via Cattaneo (formerly Via Mazzini) and Via Na-
poleone III. The house appears later to have be
longed to M. Tuticius Capito.
Flavius Vedius Antoninus {PIR 2 F 3 9 2 ): known
from a lead pipe of the second or third century (C IL
15.7456) found on the Quirinal near the Ministero
delle Finanze.
Fronto: see Domus, Cornelii Fronto et
Quadratus, Domus H oratiana, H orti
M aecenatiani.
Fulvia: see Domus, Caesetius Rufus and
Domus, M . Antonius.
D O M U S: G R EG O R IU S MAGNUS
M . Fulvius Flaccus: on the Clivus Victoriae on the
northwest side of the Palatine, destroyed after the
murder of Fulvius Flaccus in 121 B .C . The Porticus
Catuli (q.v.) was then erected on the site (Cicero,
D om . 102, 114; Val. M ax. 6.3.1c).
C. Fulvius Plautianus {PIR 2 F 5 5 4 ): on the north
west slope of the Quirinal north of the Giardini del
Quirinale, known from two water pipes (NSc 1902,
1 3 2 -3 3 [G. G atti]; 1903, 2 0 [G. G atti]). This was
the close friend and fellow townsman of Septimius
Severus, the father-in-law of Caracalla.
Gaiana: see Domus Tiberiana.
Galera Fundana (PIR 2 G 3 3 ): the house of the
wife of Vitellius, somewhere on the Aventine (Taci
tus, Hist. 3.7 0 ). This is probably the same as the
house of Vitelliuss father, which Suetonius (Vit. 16)
also places on the Aventine.
Gelotiana: a house on the Palatine overlooking the
Circus Maximus, from which Caligula inspected prep
arations in the circus (Suetonius, Calig. 18; C IL
6.8 6 6 3 ). The origin of the name is uncertain, and it
is not clear whether this was incorporated in the D o
mus Augustiana.
Geminia Bassa (PIR 2 G 15 7 ): known from a lead
pipe of the beginning of the third century (C IL
15.7463) found just inside the Porta Viminalis.
Genuius M arinianus (PIR 2 G 166): known from
a lead pipe of the mid-third century (C IL 15.7464)
found probably southeast of the church of S. Maria
Maggiore on the Mons Cispius.
G . . . Ar . . . T . . . Germanianus (P L R E
1.3 9 2 ): known from a lead pipe of the fourth or fifth
century (C IL 15.7462) found on the Quirinal at the
southeast corner of the Thermae Constantinianae
near the Banca dltalia.
G erm an icu s (P IR 2 1 2 2 1 ): the house of the father of
Caligula, on the Palatine, mentioned by Josephus
(A ntlud 19.1.15 [117]). It was part of the imperial
compound and contiguous to the Domus Gaiana. It
may have been part of the northeast wing of the pal
ace overlooking Nova Via, but certainty is impos
sible.
Gregorius M agnus: on the end of the Caelian op
posite the Domus, Iohannes et Paulus (q.v.) on the
Clivus Scauri. This was the family home of the Anicii
127
 d o m u s : (h )a t e r i u s l a t r o n i a n u s
Petronii (cf. P L R E 1 .7 3 2 33) to which Gregory be
longed, and in it he founded a church of Saint An
drew and a monastery, ca. a . d . 580. By the tenth
century the monastery is called Monasterium Sanc
torum Andreae et Gregorii, and after 1000 the
church becomes that of S. Gregorio. There are nu
merous remains of antiquity in the vicinity of the
present church of S. Gregorio Magno. Among those
closest to the Clivus Scauri is an apsidal building of
masonry faced with brick that Lugli (Lugli 1946,
3 8 6 -8 7 ) suggests may be the Bibliotheca Agapeti
founded by Pope Agapetus I (5 3 5 -5 3 6 ), the dedica
tory inscription for which survives. This was to col
lect and preserve the history and literature of early
Christianity in Rome. Near the church there is also a
source of excellent water, which is almost certainly
the Fons Camenarum (see Camenae).
(H)aterius Latronianus (P IR 2 H 2 8 ): known from
a lead pipe of the middle or late second century (C/L
15.7467) found at the north (?) corner of the Minis-
tero delle Finanze on Via X X Settembre (Quirinal).
The tomb of Q. Haterius was found nearby in the
foundations of the Porta Nomentana (Porta Pia) of
the Aurelian Walls (see Sepulcrum Q. Haterii).
L. Hermonius Iustus: see Stabula IIII
Factionum.
Homullus: mentioned once in S.H.A. (Ant. Pius
11.8) and notable for its porphyry columns, prob
ably the house of M . Valerius Homullus, cos. a . d .
152 (P IR ! V 6 1 ).
H oratiana: mentioned by the scholiast on Juvenal
1.12 (Frontonis plan tan i con v o lsa qu e m arm ora cla
m ant): in H oratian a d o m o , in qu a p o e ta e recitabant.
No Horatius Fronto is known, nor is a Fronto
of Juvenals day who would have lived in a house
that had once belonged to the poet Horace. The
house Juvenal describes is sumptuous. Some people
have supposed that the Fronto meant by Juvenal was
Catius Fronto, a noted orator of the time of Ves
pasian (Pliny, Epist. 4 .9 .1 5 ; 6.1 3 .3 ), but there is no
indication that he might have lived in Horaces
house.
A. Hortensius Licinianus: Lead pipes with his
name belonging to the late second or early third cen
tury (C/L 15.7469) were found on the right bank of
the Tiber, upstream from the Mausoleum Hadriani.
Q. Hortensius Hortalus (cos. 69 the great
B .C .) :
orator and rival of Cicero. His house on the Palatine
was purchased by Octavian (Suetonius, Aug. 72) and
is said to have been conspicuous for neither size nor
128
luxury. It was without marbles or splendid pave
ments, and the porticoes were of peperino. Its iden
tification with the Casa di Augusto at the top of the
Scalae Caci, between this and the Aedes Apollinis
Palatini, is very attractive and widely accepted today,
although positive proof is lacking. See Domus, Au
gustus (3).
G. Carettoni, D as H aus d es Augustus a u f dem Pal
atin (Mainz 1983).
Iohannes et Paulus (Fig. 3 2 ): the house in which
two army officers, Saints John and Paul, were mar
tyred under Julian, situated on the slope of the Cae-
lian just southwest of the precinct of the Templum
Divi Claudii on the Clivus Scauri. The site is now
marked by the church of SS. Giovanni e Paolo. Ex
cavations under the church have brought to light a
good-sized private house of insula type of the second
century, enlarged by the addition of parts of at least
two others and remodeled in the third and fourth
centuries. In this was established the Titulus Byzan-
tis, probably in the second half of the third century,
and the senator Pammuchius is responsible for
founding the basilica in 4 1 0 . Upward of thirty rooms
have been discovered. They include an entrance
court with a nymphaeum (A), large vaulted rooms of
irregular shape with painted decorations, baths,
storerooms, and stairs. The main part of the house
once had at least three storeys, which can be traced
on the south faade (Nash 1.358, fig. 43 4 ), the lower
storey being arcaded on the faade (originally with
shops behind), the others windowed. The painted
decorations are of the highest interest and include
pagan subjects (Proserpina and other divinities) and
vaguely Christian ones (orant, philosopher). The se
quence of constructions here is complicated, and the
use and reuse of the various apartments is impossible
to sort out completely.
Nash 1 .3 5 7 -6 1 .
Iulia Vitalis: known from an inscribed lead pipe
(C/L 15.7480) found on the Esquiline at the corner
of Viale Principe Amedeo (formerly Viale Principessa
Margherita) and Via Cattaneo (formerly Via Maz-
zini).
Iulii Cefalii (PIR 2 I 1 2 5 4 ): known from an in
scribed lead pipe (C/L 15.7472) found a little north
of the Aqua Antoniniana, about halfway between
the Porta Ardeatina and Porta Appia.
C . Iulius Avitus: known from a lead pipe (C/L
15.7471) found on the Viminal under the Teatro
Costanzi. He may have been the husband of Iulia
Maesa (PIR 2 1 190).

r~1 Eta dei Flavi 3 Eta dei Seven Seconda meta del IV secolo'
1 Fine III o principio IV I ~~1 Avanzi non piu visibili
Eta di Adriano
secolo
Iulius Martialis {PIR 2 I 4 1 1 ): at the head of Via
Tecta (Martial 3 .5 .5 ), probably the street in the
Campus Martius, rather than that associated with
the Aedes Martis on Via Appia, and probably near
the Circus Flaminius end, rather than the Tarentum
(cf. Seneca, A p ocol. 13.1).
Iulius Pompeius Rusonianus (PIR 2 1 4 7 6 ): known
from three inscribed lead pipes (C IL 15.7475) found
under the Teatro Nazionale on the southwest slope
of the Quirinal. He is probably the quindecimvir of
the Severan period (C IL 6 p. 3261).
Iulius Proculus (PIR 2 I 5 0 0 ): low on the Palatine,
evidently on the east side of the so-called Clivus Pal-
atinus, near the north corner of the present Vigna
Barberini, said by M artial (1.70) to be an imposing
house of splendid architecture.
Iunia Procula: known from a lead pipe (C IL
15.7482) found in a fountain southeast of the great
fountain of the Aqua Iulia in Piazza Vittorio Eman-
uele. The pyramidal form of the fountain suggests
that it belonged to a private house.
Iunius (PIR 2 1 7 2 2 ): the house of a senator situated
on the Caelian (Tacitus, Ann. 4 .6 4 .3 ), otherwise un
known. It was remarkable because a likeness of Ti
berius in the house survived unscathed when the hill
burned in a . d . 27.
Iunius Bassus: see Basilica Iunii Bassi.
/
/
D O M U S : LA T E R A N I
Figure 3 2
D om us, Iohannes et
Paulus, Plan o f the
l=~l Buildings Excavated
under the C hurch o f
Santi G iovanni e Paolo
Laeca: see Domus, M . Porcius Laeca.
M . Laelius Fulvius M aximus (PIR2 L 5 3 ): known
from an inscribed lead pipe (C IL 15.7483) found at
the north corner of the Ministero delle Finanze on
the Quirinal. He may be the consul of a . d . 227.
Lamiae: see H orti Lamiani.
C. Ceionius Rufius Volusianus Lampadius
(P LR E 1.9 7 8 8 0): near the Thermae Constanti-
nianae on the Quirinal (Collis Salutaris) (Amm.
M arc. 27 .3 .8 ). Lampadius was praefectus urbi in
a . d . 366.
y 'L ateran i: a house lying in part under the baptistery
of S. Giovanni in Laterano. This was presented to T.
Sextius Lateranus (P IR 1 S 4 6 9 ), cos. a . d . 197, by
Septimius Severus and is identified by an inscribed
lead pipe (Aur. Viet., Epit. 2 0 ; C IL 1 5.7536). It is
probable that it was on the site of the sumptuous
house of Plautius Lateranus, cos. des. a . d . 65, who
was executed for complicity in the Pisonian conspir
acy (Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .6 0 ; Juvenal 10.17). Later the
house evidently returned to imperial ownership, for
Constantine presented it to Pope Miltiades in a . d .
313, after which it became the official residence of
the popes and remained such until 1305 and the Bab
ylonian captivity at Avignon.
Careful excavations begun in 1962 and continuing
to 1968 in connection with the restoration of the
baptistery of S. Giovanni in Laterano, although lim
129
D O M U S : LE N A E U S
ited in area, revealed a building sequence that goes
far to illuminate the history of this property. In the
lowest level were found walls faced with opus reti-
culatum characteristic of the first half of the first cen
tury after Christ, which were oriented in conform
ance with other buildings in the area, and parts of a
long pillared walk that seem to be related to the
scant remains of a villa suburbana found under the
Castra Equitum Singularium Severiana (q.v.) be
neath the basilica of S. Giovanni. Later in the same
century there was a radical transformation of the
area through the construction of large rooms with
very thick walls on a slightly different orientation.
This remodeling has been thought to reflect the pas
sage of the estate into the imperial properties follow
ing the Pisonian conspiracy. Little of this period re
mains; it has been thought that the building may
have been destroyed in the earthquakes of a . d . 85
and 94. Beginning perhaps under Hadrian, certainly
brought to completion under Antoninus Pius, a bath
complex was built on the site, which collapsed to
ward the end of the second century and was recon
structed under Septimius Severus. Under the same
emperor, the whole area seems to have undergone
division into two distinct parcels, with a broad street
running between them. This may reflect the donation
of the western parcel to T. Sextius Lateranus, while
the eastern parcel continued to function as a fairly
luxurious bath of medium size, very likely in con
junction with the Castra Equitum Singularium that
Septimius constructed. At some point later in the
third century, this bath complex was converted to
use as a residence by closing down doorways and
running partition walls across the great public spaces
of the bath rooms. But the scale remained very large,
and much of the heating system seems to have re
mained in use. This remodeling is dated roughly to
the time of Aurelian. Then at the beginning of the
fourth century there came a complete rebuilding,
with the eradication of all remaining traces of its ori
gin as a bath complex; this we can see as following
the abolition of the Equites Singulares by Constan
tine and his presentation of the Domus Lateranorum
and its adjacencies to Pope Miltiades. A large circu
lar room in the Aurelian house with a central basin
built over the basin of the frigidarium of the Severan
baths appears to have been a nymphaeum. It was
now rebuilt as octagonal and became the baptistery,
but still an apartment intimately connected with the
papal residence rather than a part of a church; hence
its isolated position with respect to the basilica to
day. Around it clustered the other rooms of the resi
dence, large in size but comparatively few in number
and formal in character.
M em PontA cc, ser. 3 .1 2 , fasc. 1 (1973) Le nuove
scoperte sulle origini del battistero Lateranense (G.
130
Pelliccioni); M EFRA 100 (1988): 891-915 (P. Liv-
erani).
Lenaeus (P IR 1 P 467): A freedman of Pompey, de
voted to his memory, maintained a school on the Ca-
rinae in the neighborhood of the Temple of Tellus,
where the house of Pompey (Domus Rostrata) had
stood. This was after the death of Pompey and his
sons (Suetonius, G ram m . 15).
Liciniana: see Domus, Luciniana.
C. Licinius Calvus: the house of the orator and
poet, who was a friend of Catullus, near the Forum
Romanum. This was the first house Octavian had in
Rome, before he moved to the Palatine. It stood su
pra scalas anularas (Suetonius, Aug. 72), the loca
tion of which is unknown. Probably the house was
on the slope of the Palatine, and probably toward the
north corner of the hill.
Licinius Sura (PIR 1 L 253) (1): a house on the Av-
entine close to the Temple of Diana and overlooking
the Circus Maximus (Martial 6.64.1213).
Licinius Sura (2): possibly a house on the Caelian
near the Lateran, where the base of a statue with a
dedicatory inscription, probably to be assigned to
Sura, was found in the sixteenth century (CIL
6 .1 4 4 4 = IL S 1022).
M . Livius Drusus: on the Palatine on the Clivus
Victoriae in the place where later the house of Cicero
stood. It is notable for having been the work of an
architect who was concerned for the privacy of his
client (Veil. Pat. 2.14.3).
Lucina: in Via Lata where a titulus church was es
tablished by Pope Marcellus I ( a . d . 309). It was near
the Catabulum (HCh 308).
Luciniana (usually corrected to Liciniana, but
there is no certainty): a house rented by Cicero for
the use of his brother Quintus, a d lacum Pisonis,
while his house on the Carinae was occupied by ten
ants (Cicero, QFr. 2.3.7). It was probably on the Pal
atine (see Domus, Q. Tullius Cicero [2]).
L. Lusius Petellinus: known from the inscription
on a lead pipe belonging to the middle or end of the
first century after Christ found on the site of S. Gio
vanni in Laterano (C IL 15.7488). The owner is oth
erwise unknown.
Q. M aecius Blandus (PIR 2 M 48): known from
lead pipes bearing his name and that of Caelia Galla

found on the Capitoline under the monastery of Ara-
coeli (C IL 15.7489).
M am urra: on the Caelian, the house of Julius Cae
sars praefectus fabrum in Gaul, noted for its extrav
agance. All the walls were revetted with marble; it
was the first such house in Rome (Pliny, H N 36.48).
M ancinus: see Tifata M ancina.
M . Manilius: a small house (aediculae) on the Ca-
rinae (Cicero, P arad ox a 6.50). This Manilius was
consul in 149 B .C .
M . Manlius Capitolinus (cos. 3 9 2 b . c . ) : on the
Capitoline where the Temple of Iuno Moneta was
built, consequently where the house of Titus Tatius
had stood. It was razed to the ground by order of the
senate in 384 B .C . after its owner was condemned to
death for aspiring to monarchy (Livy 6 .2 0 .1 3 ;
7 .2 8 .5 ; Ovid, Fast. 6 .1 8 3 -9 0 ). After Capitolinuss
disgrace patricians were forever forbidden to live on
the arx and Capitoline.
M arcella: on the Aventine, mentioned by Jerome
(E p ist. 47[a].3 [Migne 2 2.49 3 ]).
B u llC om 87 (1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 7 -3 6 (G. Giannelli).
Publia M arcia Sergia Fusca: known from a lead
pipe found on the slope of the Quirinal in Villa Al-
dobrandini in a group of tabernae or horrea (C IL
1 5 .7 4 9 3 ; cf. B u llC om 9 [1881]: 17 [R. Lanciani]). It
was found close to a pipe of L. Naevius Clemens.
C. M arius (cos. VII 86 adjacent to the Forum
B .C .) :
Romanum (Plutarch, M arius 32), probably close to
the Temple of Honos et Virtus (see Honos et Virtus,
Aedes [2]) and included in the Monumenta Mariana
of Valerius Maximus (2.5.6; 4.4 .8 ). The area is prob
ably that now occupied by the Temple of Antoninus
and Faustina.
M . Valerius Martialis (PIR' V 7 7 ): on the Quirinal
near the Temple of Quirinus (Martial 10.58.10), on
the street leading from the Capitolium Vetus to the
Temple of Flora (M artial 5 .2 2 .3 4). Because the lat
ter was a clivus (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 8 ), the temple is
more likely to have stood on the northwest slope of
the Quirinal than the gentle southeast slope a d
M alum Punicum , and on an ancient street that
roughly followed the line of Via delle Quattro Fon-
tane in this sector.
L. M arius M aximus Perpetuus Aurelianus
(PIR1 M 3 0 8 ): known from inscriptions found in
Villa Fonseca on the Caelian in 1553 (C IL 6 .1 4 5 0
D O M U S : T. A N N I U S M I L O P A P I N I A N U S
5 3 ; IL S 2 9 3 5 -3 6 ). This Marius Maximus was con
sul in 198 or 199 and wrote biographies of the Cae
sars from Trajan to Elagabalus.
C . Marius Pudens Cornelianus (PIR 1 M 3 1 7 ):
known from a bronze tablet of a . d . 2 2 2 found on
the Aventine near the church of S. Prisca (C IL
6 .1 4 5 4 = IL S 61 0 9 ). He was legate of the seventh le
gion.
P. M artius Philippus (PIR 1 M 3 4 5 ): known from
an inscribed lead pipe found on the right bank of the
Tiber opposite the island (C IL 1 5 .7 4 9 2 ; cf. C IL
14.169 = IL S 6172).
M erulana: known from a letter of Pope Gregory the
Great (Epist. 3 .1 9 [M G H E pist. 1.177]) of a . d . 593,
but probably dating at least from the early empire. It
was near the ancient church of S. M atteo in Meru
lana (HCh 3 8 6 -8 7 ) . The ancient street that came to
be known as Via Merulana ran from a point in Pi
azza Vittorio Emanuele west of the nymphaeum of
the Aqua Iulia almost due south to the Neronian
branch of the Aqua Claudia. The house must have
been on the Esquiline toward the north end of this
street, near the church (near Piazza Dante).
M . Valerius Messalla Corvinus (P IR 1 V 90) (1):
on the Palatine, earlier the house of M ark Antony,
presented to Messalla Corvinus and Agrippa by Au
gustus (Cass. Dio 5 3 .2 7 .5 ). See also Domus, Caese-
tius Rufus.
M . Valerius M essalla Corvinus (2): on the Pin-
cian known from inscriptions found in the gardens
of Villa Medici (C IL 6 .2 9 7 8 9 = ILS 5990). The
house was probably not a domus but a horti. It ap
pears that Messalla bought the Horti Luculliani
(q.v.).
T. Annius M ilo Papinianus (1): on the Clivus
Capitolinus (Cicero, M ilon. 64), possibly only a
house alleged to have been hired by M ilo for nefar
ious purposes. Because the Clivus Capitolinus was
steep and ran in a switchback, such a house would
almost certainly have had to have lain in the narrow
area between the Vicus Iugarius and the clivus, be
hind the Temple of Saturn.
T. Annius M ilo Papinianus (2): an ancestral
house known as Domus Anniana, on the Cermalus,
the slope of the Palatine toward the Circus Maximus
(Cicero, Att. 4 .3 .3 ). This house apparently passed
into the possession of Q. Lucretius Vespillo, the hus
band of Turia, the republican wife praised for her
enterprise and loyalty in the inscription known as
131
D O M U S : MUCIANUS
the Laudatio Turiae (C IL 6 .1 5 2 7 = 3 1 6 7 0 = ILS
8393). She had to defend it against an attempt by
M ilos supporters to recover it by force (fr. 2 .8 -1 0 ).
M u cia n u s: known from a lead pipe (C IL 15.7496)
apparently found within the area of the Thermae
Constantinianae.
Q. Munatius Celsus: known only from an in
scribed lead pipe found just inside the Porta Vimin-
alis (C IL 15.7497). This man was probably procur
ator of Mauretania under Caracalla.
Naeratius Cerialis: see Balnea Naeratii
Cerealis.
L. Naevius Clemens (P IR 2 N 11): known from
two inscribed lead pipes, one found inside the Porta
Viminalis, the other in Villa Aldobrandini on the
Quirinal (C IL 1 5.7499). The first was found near the
distribution center of the aqueducts in this region,
and the other was found probably closer to the site
of Clemenss house.
Narcissus (probably Claudii lib. [P IR 2 N 2 3 ]):
known from inscribed lead pipes (C IL 1 5.7500 = ILS
1666) found near the Teatro Nazionale on the west
slope of the Quirinal.
N um a Pompilius: at first on the Quirinal; later he
is supposed to have moved to the Regia near the
Temple of Vesta (Solinus 1.21).
Cn. Numicius Picus Caesianus {PIR 2 N 2 0 3 ): on
the Viminal at the corner of Via Viminalis and Via
Principe Amedeo, near the Teatro dellOpera (C IL
6 .3 1 7 4 2 , 3 1 7 4 3 = /LS 911). He was propraetor of
Asia, possibly under Augustus (see Varro, Rust.
3.2.2).
Nummii: on the Quirinal, just east of the Ministero
della Difesa, where inscriptions show that several
members of the Gens Nummia lived in the third and
fourth centuries (C IL 6 .1 7 4 8 , 3 1 3 7 8 , 3 2 0 2 4 -2 6 ;
ILS 643, 1238).
C. Octavius (praetor 61 B .C .) : a d C apita B u bu la on
the Palatine, probably its eastern slope, where Au
gustus was born (Suetonius, Aug. 5). Later a sacrar-
ium was created there, and later still a temple.
Cn. Octavius: on the Palatine, built by the consul
of 165 B .C . Its splendor was supposed to have pro
moted Octaviuss election to the consulship. Aemi-
lius Scaurus later bought and demolished it in order
132
to build an addition to his own house (Cicero, Off.
1.138), which must have stood next to it.
L. O ctavius: on, or very close to, Sacra Via (Sallust,
Hist. fr. 2 .4 5 ); here in 75 B .C . the consuls, Octavius
and C. Aurelius Cotta, took refuge when attacked by
a mob on Sacra Via (cf. Broughton, M R R 2.96).
L. Octavius Felix {PIR2 O 3 1): on the Viminal,
known from the discovery of an inscribed lead pipe
in its atrium at the southwest corner of the Stazione
Termini (C IL 15.7503).
M . Opellius M acrinus and M . Opellius
Diadumenianus {PIR 2 O 108, 107): on the Cae-
lian, known from an inscribed lead pipe found under
the Lateran (C IL 1 5.7505 = IL S 461). The former
was the man responsible for the assassination of Car
acalla; he became emperor in 2 1 7 and was defeated
by Elagabalus and killed in 218.
Pactumeia Lucilia: on the west slope of the Aven-
tine under the church of S. Anselmo, where remains
of an ancient house with mosaics showing an Or
pheus and a centauromachy and an inscribed lead
pipe (C IL 15.7507) were found.
HJ 169; B u llC om 88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 2 1 3 -2 3 (D. Ca-
vallo).
Palm ata: next to the Porticus Curva (see Forum
Traiani) according to Cassiodorus (Var. 4 .3 0 ), per
haps the same as the Domus ad Palmam of L. Acilius
Glabrio Faustus (P L R E 2 .4 5 2 -5 4 ), cos. a . d . 4 3 8 , in
which the Theodosian Code is said to have been
promulgated.
Parthorum (Aedes ?): listed in the regionary cata
logues in Regio X II and said by Aurelius Victor
(E p it. 20) to be among the most notable of the
houses Septimius Severus presented to his friends.
Because the regionary catalogues list these immedi
ately after the Thermae Antoninianae, they have
been identified with ruins northwest of the baths, but
there is no supporting evidence for this identifica
tion.
Pescenniana: the house of Pescennius Niger {PIR' P
185) in the Campus Iovis (S.H.A. Pescennius 12.4:.
The whereabouts of this is unknown, but it was
probably outside the line of the Servian Walls. The
only suitable shrine of Jupiter known is one of Iup-
piter Dolichenus in the neighborhood of Piazza Vit
torio Emanuele (see Iuppiter Dolichenus [2]), the
Transtiberim being very unlikely to have been the lo
cation of Pescenniuss house. The discovery of lead

pipes bearing the names of two members of the fam
ily probably southeast of Porta S. Lorenzo (C IL
15.7509) and of fragmentary inscriptions that may
be attributed to them (C IL 6.3 1 7 4 5 ) has led to the
identification of a house there as possibly the one in
question.
Petronius M axim us (P L R E 2 .7 4 9 -5 0 ) : on the Op-
pius north of S. Clemente, identified by ruins and in
scriptions (C IL 6 .1 1 9 7 , 1198 = IL S 8 0 7 -8 ). He was
consul in 433 and 443 and became emperor briefly
in 455.
Philippus: listed by the regionary catalogues in Re-
gio II, possibly the house of Iulius Philippus (Philip
pus Arabs), emperor 2 4 4 249 (P IR 2 1 461).
Pinciana: on the Pincian, a house of the fourth cen
tury that later passed into the imperial properties. It
is mentioned as a domus by Cassiodorus (Var. 3.10),
and as a palatium in the L ib er Pontificalis
(60.6.8 = LPD 1.291; V Z 2.2 4 8 ). It was apparently
served by its own branch aqueduct (see Aqua Pin
ciana). Earlier the property had been the Horti Aci-
liorum (q.v.). Theodoric took some of the marbles of
the house to Ravenna. See also HCh 2 5 2 , Sancti Fel-
icis in Pincis. Later this house seems to have been
called a Palation (Procopius, B ellG o th 2.9.111).
L. Piso: known from an inscribed pipe found in Via
della Ferratella near Porta Metrovia (C IL 15.7513).
This may have been the house of the consul of a . d .
57 {PIR2 C 294).
Plautius Lateranus: see Domus, Laterani.
C. Plinius Secundus (P IR 1 P 3 7 0 ): in Esquiliae near
the Lacus Orphei (M artial 1 0 .1 9 .5 -9 ; Pliny, Epist.
3 .21.5). The house had earlier belonged to Albino-
vanus Pedo, the epic poet and friend of Ovid (M ar
tial 10.19.10).
Cn. Pompeius Magnus (cos. Ill 5 2 b . c .)(1): on the
Carinae near the Temple of Tellus (Suetonius,
G ram m . 15.1; Veil. Pat. 2 .7 7 ; Cicero, Har. R esp.
49). The vestibulum was embellished with rostra
from pirate ships, from which it was called Domus
Rostrata (Cicero, Phil. 2 .6 8 ; S.H.A. G ordian . 3).
After Pompeys death M ark Antony acquired it
(Cass. Dio 4 8 .3 8 ; Florus 2 .1 8 .4 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir.
III. 84.3), and later it passed into the imperial prop
erties. Tiberius lived there for a time before his acces
sion (Suetonius, Tib. 15), and later it is said to have
been the house of the Gordians (S.H.A. G ordian . 2,
3, 6, 17).
D O M U S PU BLIC A
Cn. Pompeius Magnus (cos. Ill 52 b . c . ) (2): Plu
tarch says that during the construction of his theater
Pompey built a house for himself close to it and that
this was a finer one than he had previously had (Plu
tarch, P om p. 4 0 .5 ); this was like a tender towed be
hind a large ship, indication that the house lay west
of the theater.
Pomponii: on the Quirinal, neighbor to the Temple
of Salus and the Temple of Quirinus, so presumably
between these, but closer to the former. It originally
belonged to a Tampilus or Tamphilus and then to T.
Pomponius Atticus, who inherited it from his uncle,
presumably Caecilius (Cicero, Att. 4 .1 .4 , 12.45.3;
L eg. 1 .1 .3 ; Nepos, Att. 13.2 and cf. 5.1). According
to Nepos, the house was old-fashioned but charm
ing, and Atticus changed nothing, except as age
forced repairs. Its particular attraction was its trees
(silva). The house continued in the possession of the
family, and an inscription found at the southeast cor
ner of the crossing of Alta Semita and Clivus Salutis
in 1558 indicates that T. Pomponius Bassus, curator
alimentorum under Trajan, lived here in a . d . 101
(C IL 6 .1 4 9 2 = IL S 6106).
M . Porcius Laeca: inter falcarios (Cicero, Cat. 1.8,
Sulla 5 2 ); we have no further indication of where
this might be.
Postumii: on the western slope of the Quirinal,
where inscriptions have been found recording M.
Postumius Festus (P IR 1 P 660) (C IL 1 5.7517), T.
Flavius Postumius Varus (P L R E 1 .9 4 6 -4 7 ), praefec-
tus urbi in a . d . 271 (C IL 6 .1 4 1 7 = ILS 29 4 0 ), and T.
Flavius Postumius Titianus (P LR E 1 .9 1 9 -2 0 ), prae-
fectus urbi in a . d . 305 (C IL 6 .1 4 1 8 = IL S 2941).
Potitus: on the Aventine near the Thermae De-
cianae, known from an inscription on a slaves collar
(C IL 1 5.7181). A Potitus was vicarius urbis in a . d .
379-38 1 (P L R E 1.721), but the name was borne by
a great many members of the Gens Valeria in late
antiquity.
Sex. Propertius: in Esquiliae (Propertius 3.23.
24, 4.8 .1 ), perhaps near the nymphaeum of the
Aqua Iulia in Piazza Vittorio Emanuele and the Lacus
Orphei, because the poet describes the area as
aqu osa.
Publica (see also Regia and Atrium Vestae): a
house on Sacra Via in the precinct of Vesta where the
pontifex maximus lived until the time of Augustus
(Suetonius, lul. 4 6 ; Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 4 .2 ). After Augus
tuss election as pontifex maximus in 13 B .C ., the res
133
D O M U S PULVERATA
idence was moved to the Palatine and the Domus
Publica was given to the Vestal Virgins, because it
was separated from the Atrium Vestae only by a wall
(Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 7 .3 ). Excavations have revealed re
mains of an atrium house contiguous to the republi
can Atrium Vestae, but entirely separate, stepped up
with respect to the Atrium Vestae and different in
concept, which has been identified as the Domus
Publica. It lay on Sacra Via across from the so-called
Templum Romuli.
Nash 1 .3 6 2 -6 4 ; R en dP on tA cc 5 1 -5 2 (1 9 7 8 -8 0 ):
3 4 6 -5 5 (G. Carettoni).
Pulverata: known from the inscription on a slaves
collar (C IL 15 .7 1 7 9 ), possibly to be located in the
southern Campus Martius along the river, where the
name Pulverone still survives (A n alR om , suppl. 10
[1983]: 70, 81n.64 [L. Quilici]).
R ex Sacrorum: on the Velia at Summa Sacra Via,
where the Sacra Via turned from its course from the
Forum Romanum to run to the Sacellum Streniae on
the Carinae (Festus 3 7 2 L ; Varro, Ling. 5.47).
Roius H ilario: known from an inscribed lead pipe
of the time of Augustus or earlier found under the
margin of the ancient street between the Circus M ax
imus and the Palatine (C IL 1 5.7522). This pipe ran
toward the Palatine and probably supplied a house
here (LA 447).
L. Roscius Aelianus Paculus (PIR ' R 64): on the
Caelian, known from an inscribed lead pipe found at
the entrance to Villa Wolkonsky (C IL 15.7523).
Roscius was consul in a . d . 187.
R ostrata: see Domus, Cn. Pompeius Magnus
( 1 ).
Rubellia Bassa (P IR 1 R 8 6 ): known from an in
scribed lead pipe found with that of Roius Hilario
(see Domus, Roius Hilario), but running at right
angles to it (C IL 1 5 .7 5 2 4 ), so probably belonging
to a house in the neighborhood (LA 447). Rubel
lia Bassa was probably the grandniece of T i
berius.
C. Sallustius Crispus: see H orti Sallustiani.
M . Sallustius Rufus Titilianus {P IR 1 S 67):
known from a lead pipe found in the Campus Vimin-
alis sub aggere (C IL 15.7526).
M . Aemilius Scaurus: a house next to that of Cn.
Octavius (cos. 165 B .C .) on the Palatine. Scaurus
134
bought Octaviuss house and demolished it, although
it was considered very fine, in order to build an ad
dition to his own (Cicero, O ff. 1.138). Scauruss
house was further notable for four columns of Hy-
mettus marble brought to Rome for the decoration
of his theater, which was built during his aedileship
in 58 B .C . (Pliny, H N 17.56, 36 .6 ). These columns
were later removed to the Theater of Marcellus.
Scauruss house was the same as, or came to include,
that of L. Crassus the orator (see Domus, L. Cras-
sus), and the enlarged whole became the house of
Caecina Largus in the first century after Christ.
There is some confusion over the marble columns; in
one place Pliny (H N 17.6) says there were six col
umns of Hymettus marble imported by Crassus dur
ing his aedileship for the stage of his theater, the first
marble columns to be used in a public building; in
another place (H N 36.6) he says there were four col
umns and they were brought to Rome for the deco
ration of Scauruss theater. The first is probably cor
rect.
P. Scipio Africanus (cos. I I 194 B .C ., cens. 199
B .C .) : behind the Tabernae Veteres (see Tabernae
Circum Forum) adjacent to the Forum Romanum.
probably fronting on the Vicus Tuscus (ad Vortumw
signum). Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, censor in
169 B .C ., bought this house and the adjacent shops
and built the Basilica Sempronia here (Livv
4 4 .1 6 .1 0 -1 1 ).
Scipio N asica: on Sacra Via, presented to Nasica
by the state, q u o faciliu s consult p o sset (Dig. 1.2.37;.
This is probably the consul of 191 B .C .
Q. Seius Postumus: on the Palatine on the Clivus
Victoriae, between the house of P. Clodius Pulcher
and the house of Cicero. Clodius bought it after
Seiuss death, which Cicero alleges to have been pro
cured by poisoning (Cicero, D om . 11516).
L. Sempronius Rufus (P IR 1 S 2 7 5 ): known from a
lead pipe found on the right bank of the Tiber op
posite the Pons Agrippae, outside the line of the Au-
relian Walls (C IL 15.7530).
Septem Domus: listed in the regionary catalogues
in Regio X II after Parthorum, but otherwise un
known.
M . Servilius Fabianus M axim us (P IR 1 S 4 1 5 ): on
the Esquiline south of the Clivus Suburanus and east
of the Porticus Liviae, known from an inscription
(C IL 6 .1 5 1 7 = IL S 1080). Servilius was suffect con
sul in a . d . 158.

Servius Tullius: on the Oppius supra Clivum
Urbium (Solinus 1.25), in the neighborhood of S.
Pietro in Vincoli.
C. Sestius: in the Subura, known from an inscrip
tion of the republican period (C IL 6 .2 9 7 9 0 = ILS
5993 = IL L R P 493) and remains discovered near the
church of S. M aria dei M onti.
Sextia Cethegilla (F IR 1 S 484): known from an in
scribed lead pipe, found perhaps on the Esquiline in
Piazza Vittorio Emanuele (C IL 15 .7 5 3 7 ). She was
the daughter of the emperor Pupienus.
T. Sextius Africanus (F IR 1 R 4 6 4 ): believed to
have been at the corner of Via del Babuino and Via
di Gesu e M aria (C IL 6 .3 168 4 ). The inscription is
fragmentary, and its provenience is somewhat uncer
tain. This man was suffect consul in a . d . 59. It seems
an unlikely location for an important town house at
this period.
Silverius: A lead pipe inscribed with this name was
found near the Lateran (C IL 15.7538) (P L R E
2 .1012).
App. Silvius Iunius Silvinus (PIR' S 524): on the
Quirinal, known from an inscribed lead pipe found
in the vineyard of the Cardinal dEste (the western
part of the Quirinal palace) in the sixteenth century
(C IL 15.7539).
D. Simonius Proculus Iulianus (P IR 1 S 529):
known from an inscribed lead pipe bearing his name
found southwest of the Casino dellAurora in Villa
Ludovisi (C IL 15.7528). He was praefectus urbi
sometime before a . d . 254.
Spurius M aximus (P IR 1 S 583): on the Quirinal
under Palazzo Barberini, known from an inscribed
lead pipe (C IL 15.7540) and the ruins of a pri
vate house, including a nymphaeum with well-pre-
served paintings. The owner was perhaps L. Spurius
Maximus, tribunus vigilum under Septimius
Severus.
Statilius Sisenna (cos. a .d . 16): see Domus, M .
Cicero.
C. Stertinius Xenophon (P IR 1 S 6 6 6 ): on the Cae-
lian, known from an inscribed lead pipe (C IL
1 5.7544). This was the physician of Claudius, al
leged to have procured his death by poisoning (C IL
6.8905 = ILS 1841; Pliny, H N 2 9 .7 ; Tacitus, Ann.
12.67).
D O M U S : TER EN TIU S CULLEO
C. Suetrius Sabinus (P IR 1 S 6 9 6 ): perhaps on the
Aventine, but the evidence is inadequate (C IL
6 .1 4 7 6 , 15 .7 5 4 6 ). This man is probably the consul
of a . d . 2 1 4 , C. Octavius Appius Suetrius Sabinus.
P. Sulla: on or near the Cermalus (Cicero, Att.
4.3 .3 ). Publius Clodius took it as headquarters for
his assault on the house of M ilo in 5 7 B .C .
Sulpicia Pacata: known from an inscribed lead pipe
of the second century found between the church of
S. Crisogono and the Excubitorium of the seventh
cohort of the vigiles in the Transtiberim (C IL
1 5.7548).
Sulpicia C. f. Triaria (P IR 1 S 7 4 5 ): known from an
inscribed lead pipe found north of the Temple of Isis
et Serapis in Regio III (C IL 15.7550).
Sura: see Domus, Licinius Sura.
L. Aurelius Symmachus (P L R E 1 .8 6 3 -6 5 ) : a
house of the father of the following on the right
bank of the Tiber (Symmachus, Epist. 1 .4 4 .1 ; Amm.
M arc. 27 .3 .4 ). This was burned by a mob in a . d .
367.
Q. Aurelius Symmachus (P LR E 1 .8 6 5 -7 0 ): on
the Caelian (Symmachus, Epist. 3 .1 2 .2 , 7.18.1) near
Villa Casali, where inscriptions have been found
(C IL 6 .1 6 9 9 , 1782, 3 1 9 0 3 ; IL S 2 9 4 6 , 2947).
Tampiliana: see Domus, Pomponii.
Tarquinius Priscus: a d Portam M ugoniam supra
su m m am N ov am Viam (Solinus 1.24) and a d Iovis
Statoris (Livy 1 .41.4), therefore on the Palatine slope
above the temple.
Tarquinius Superbus: on the Oppius supra
Clivum Pullium a d F agutalem L acu m (Solinus 1.26).
Plinys statement (H N 34.29) that his house was op
posite Iuppiter Stator seems to have been due to a
confusion of Tarquinius Superbus and Tarquinius
Priscus.
T. Tatius : on the Capitoline on the site later occu
pied by the Temple of Iuno Moneta (Solinus 1.21;
Plutarch, R om . 20 .4 ). See also Domus, Manlius Cap-
itolinus.
Terentius Culleo (P IR 1 T 5 4 ): known from an in
scribed lead pipe (C IL 15.7551) found at the corner
of modern Via Merulana and Via dello Statuto, in
side and a little southwest of Porta Esquilina in the
135
D O M U S : T E T R IC I
Figure 33
D om us T ib erian a,
G eneral Plan with Areas
R ecently Investigated by
the Swiss Institu te in
R om e M arked
area known as Forum Esquilinum. He was suffect
consul in a . d . 40.
Tetrici: on the Caelian inter du os lucos, opposite a
temple of Isis (S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 25), so probably
close to the division between Regiones II and III. It
was probably near the church of SS. Quattro Coro-
nati and is described as pu lcberrim a. It belonged to
C. Pius Esuvius Tetricus (P L R E 1.885), defeated by
Aurelian in a . d . 274.
Tettius Dam io: on, or very near, the Sacra Via in
57 B.C . (Cicero, Att. 4 .3.3).
Tiberiana (Figs. 3 3 , 34, 6 3 .5 ): the house built by
Tiberius and modified and enlarged by subsequent
principes at the north corner of the Palatine over
looking the Forum Romanum. It eventually covered
the area between the Temple of the Magna Mater
and the Nova Via and from the Clivus Victoriae to
the Domus Augustiana. No one describes the palace
136
I RAMPA DOMIZIANEA
CLMJS VICTORIAE
1 CLMJS VESTAE
N VIA NOVA
Y SCALINATA FARNESIANA
TZI FACCIATA DOMIZIANEA
W BELVEDERE
YD BASTIONE FARNESIANO
K POOtO DEL FALAZZO
X NUCLEO DEL PALAZZO
that Tiberius built; our sources agree that he did
little work in Rome, his only significant public con
tributions being the Temple of Divus Augustus and
the restoration of the Theater of Pompey (Suetonius.
Tib. 47). However, the name Domus Tiberiana ap
pears repeatedly in history, and its location in a po
sition overlooking the Forum and Capitoline is con
firmed by Suetonius (Vit. 15.3), Tacitus (Hist. 1.27 .
and Plutarch (G alb. 24.3). Moreover, the name per
sisted in regular use until the time of the regionary
catalogues and appears in numerous inscriptions.
From the beginning it must have been an impres
sive pile, intended to draw together the public and
private lives of the princeps. Much of the central
block has never been excavated, and much that has
been excavated is reburied under the handsome six
teenth-century Orti Farnesiani, which make the Pal
atine so pleasant a place today. In the center was a
large rectangular courtyard surrounded on all sides
by arcades, off which on the northwest opened a se
ries of rooms of uniform depth, while to the south

west was a separate complex of cubicles in two lines
opening off a broad central aisle. Other parts prob
ably belonging to the original construction are an
oval tank for fish, the interior arranged in steps, and
a long series of rooms behind a pillared portico on
the southwest front, where graffiti indicate the prae
torian guards were quartered. The last was remod
eled under Nero.
The most interesting parts of the house are on the
northeast front and around the north corner. These
were repeatedly remodeled, especially after the fires
of Nero and Titus. At first the palace of Tiberius ran
only to the Clivus Victoriae, to which one descended
from the top of the hill by a long, broad staircase in
two flights. O ff the stair to the northeast was a suite
of large rooms facing out to the clivus. Other con
structions seem to have been chiefly substructures.
On the far side of the Clivus Victoriae was origi
nally the palace of Caligula, which after the fire of
Nero was absorbed into the Domus Tiberiana. The
palace of Caligula extended the imperial properties
to the edge of the Forum and made the Temple of
Castor and the Atrium Vestae gateways into the pal
ace. Caligula was fond of placing himself between
the twin brothers in the Temple of Castor to be wor
shiped (Suetonius, Calig. 22.2). A large and hand
some vestibule complex behind the Temple of Castor
has been almost entirely obliterated by rebuilding,
but traces of a large rectangular pool (9 m x 26 m)
in a large court and bits of masonry here and there
can be discovered. No trace remains of the famous
bridge by which Caligula was able to cross from the
Palatine to the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline
(Suetonius, Calig. 2 2 .4 ); presumably it was entirely
of wood and destroyed immediately following Calig
ulas death.
Following the fire of Nero, there seem to have been
many alterations in the palace. Those most notable
today are the rehandling of the southwest front of
the palace and a cryptoporticus along the southwest
flank, which seems to have been part of a network
that joined a series of existing and originally separate
buildings with the complex of the Domus Aurea.
This is lit by a series of windows in the shoulder
of the vault and was decorated with fine stuccoes.
Stairs connected it with the palace of Tiberius, and
branches led off from it at either end. Probably the
whole palace was thoroughly remodeled at this time,
because our sources agree that in the fire the Palatine
was almost totally destroyed.
How much the palace may have suffered in the fire
of Titus remains a moot point, because little in the
Forum Romanum was damaged at this time. How
ever, Domitian constructed a new faade with a long
loggia with a marble parapet supported on consoles
of travertine along the Clivus Victoriae and rebuilt
D O M U S : T IT U S FL A V IU S VESPASIANUS
the vestibule complex behind the Temple of Castor
with a completely different orientation, producing
the great building we now know as the church of S.
M aria Antiqua. If we may take this as indication, it
must have been both extensive and innovative. Nu
merous fragments of architecture of Domitianic date
are scattered about the site today.
Under Trajan there was only limited work here,
but under Hadrian a vast and ambitious building
program carried the faade of the palace to the Nova
Via, creating a unified architectural backdrop in
multiple storeys, which joined the Temple of Venus
et Roma with the Forum Romanum. In the present
state of our knowledge, it is very difficult to see more
than the broadest outline of what Hadrian had in
mind, but it seems to have been intended to be at
once grand and yet without strong axial focus in the
way that more recent royal palaces have made famil
iar.
The Domus Tiberiana continued in use as an im
perial residence at least under the Antonines (S.H.A.
Ant. Pius 10.4, M. Aurel. 6.3, L. Verus 2 .4 , 6.4). Its
library is spoken of as an important public institu
tion by Fronto (ad M. C aesar 4.5 .2 ) and Aulus Gel-
lius (13.20.1).
M ore or less systematic excavations have been car
ried out in the complex since 1728, when much ar
chitectural material was unearthed on the summit of
the hill (R m M itt 3 [1895]: 2 6 6 - 6 8 [C. Hlsen]).
The most extensive work seems to have been that of
1860 and the years following, but about the discov
eries made at that time our information is lamenta
bly meager.
Nash 1 .3 6 5 -7 4 ; R endP ontA cc 48 (1 9 7 5 -7 6 ):
3 0 9 -1 3 (E. M onaco); R. Locher and B. Sigel, eds.,
D om u s T iberian a: N u ov e ricerche, studi di restauro
(Rome and Zrich 1985); R om a, arch eo lo g ia nel
cen tro (1985), 1 .1 5 8 -6 9 (C. Krause), 1 7 0 -7 5 (E.
M onaco); RivIstA rch, ser. 3 .8 - 9 (1 9 8 5 -8 6 ): 1 1 1 -1 7
(E. Rodriguez Almeida); B u llC om 91, pt. 2 (1986):
4 3 8 70 (A. F. Caiola, C. Krause, et al.); CEFR 98
(1987): 7 8 1 -9 8 (C. Krause).
Titus Flavius Vespasianus: on the Quirinal south
of Alta Semita, a d M alum Punicum, the modern Via
delle Quattro Fontane. It was probably identical
with the Domus Vespasiani and inherited by Titus
after his father became princeps. Later it was rebuilt
by Domitian as the Templum Gentis Flaviae (S.H.A.
Tyr. Trig. 33 .6 ). Pliny puts the Laocoon group in Titi
im peratoris d o m o (H N 36.37) and Polycleitoss
group of Astragalizontes, two nude youths playing
with the tali, in Titi im peratoris atrio {H N 34.55).
Because the Laocoon was found on the Oppius in
1506 in the area of the Domus Aurea, it has been
presumed that a part of the Domus Aurea was made
137
D O M U S TRA N SITO RIA

Figure 34
D om us T ib erian a,
G en eral Plan with
C o n jectu ral R esto ratio n m e t 9 $ ip ?o 30_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 50_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ n
o f the G round Storey p ie o 6 10 x 50 * 5c ?bo

into a residence tor Titus, probably the part nearest miniature architecture ol columns and cornices in
the Thermae Titi, but there is no real basis for this. bronze and colored marble and was collected in a
M ore likely the statues were in the Quirinal house, shallow trough, possibly containing more fountains.
and later Trajan brought the Laocoon to the Oppius On axis opposite this was a dining pavilion, an open-
to adorn his baths. air triclinium under an arbor supported on columns,
and to either side were small suites of rooms with
Transitoria: the first palace built by Nero, designed high ceilings and exquisite decorations. One of these
to connect the Domus Tiberiana and the other im preserves small scenes from the Homeric cycle very
perial properties on the Palatine with the Horti Mae- delicately executed within a rich framework. The
cenatis and imperial possessions on the Esquiline fragments of the polychrome marble pavements and
(Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .3 9 .1 ; Suetonius, N ero 31.1). This wall coats that escaped plundering in the Farnese ex
was destroyed in the great fire of a . d . 64 and then cavations of 1721 show that these were especially
rebuilt as the Domus Aurea. Its extent and geogra fine. This complex is cut by a series of heavy foun
phy are not known. All that survives of it are two dations that must belong to the Domus Aurea, but it
fragmentary complexes, one on the Palatine buried is impossible to reconstruct anything of its plan from
beneath the state apartments of the Domus Augus- them.
tiana, and the other on the Velia buried in the plat Adjacent to this, at a slightly higher level, are two
form of Hadrians Temple of Venus et Roma. rooms to the northeast with finely decorated ceilings
The first is a deeply sunken garden focused on a known as the Baths of Livia and a very large la
long nymphaeum in front of a gently curving wall trine that continued in use until the time of Domi-
broken by niches. The water ran down steps and tian. The former were accessible before the begin
from fountains into a high basin, from which it ning of excavations by Boni.
spilled over a front embellished with an elaborate From the nymphaeum symmetrical marble stairs

138

led up to an upper storey some feet below the floor
of Domitians state banquet hall. Here the bedding
of pavement, as well as some plates of white marble,
can be seen, while under Domitians nymphaeum to
the northwest of the banquet hall are remains of a
fine pavement of opus sectile still visible today. O f
the architecture, one can make out only that there
was a portico supported on pillars combined with
columns, with fountains in the intercolumniations.
The principal campaigns of excavation here are
those of 17211729 for Francesco I, Duke of Parma,
directed by Marchese Ignazio De Santi and Conte
Suzzani but published by Francesco Bianchini in
1738, and those of 1 9 1 0 1913 directed by Giacomo
Boni.
Under the platform of Hadrians Temple of Venus
et Roma on the Velia, Antonio Nibby found in 1828
a rotunda from which four barrel-vaulted arms
branch at right angles to one another. Two of these
were closed a short distance beyond the rotunda by
screens of columns, and in the space beyond in that
to the northwest is a shallow pool resembling an im-
pluvium. The rotunda is usually reconstructed as
roofed with a dome, but too little survives to be sure.
The roof might have been of wood, or the area might
even have been essentially unroofed. The problems
of lighting here have not been addressed by those
who have discussed the complex. It was on a small
scale and so recalls the sunken garden and nym
phaeum of the Palatine, and the fragments of pave
ment that survive show it to have been richly deco
rated. But there is no way of telling how this rotunda
functioned in a larger architectural whole, and ex
cavation has not been carried far enough to suggest
any use for these apartments. At this point it remains
a tantalizing possibility that we see here remains of
the earliest true dome in the city of Rome. (On the
basis of building technique, Friedrich Rakob, after
carefully weighing the evidence and various objec
tions raised, has concluded that the Tempio di Mer-
curio at Baiae is Augustan [R om M itt 95 (1988):
257301] and points out that the Baths of Agrippa
may well have included a domed rotunda.) But if this
was a true dome, it would not have rivaled in engi
neering the dome of the octagon of the Domus Aurea
on the Oppius. Other remains of the Domus Transi-
toria are insignificant. There are some near the junc
ture of the Nova Via and the Clivus Palatinus.
The identification of both of the major fragments
as belonging to the Domus Transitoria has been dis
puted. The Palatine nymphaeum has been ascribed
to Claudius on the basis of a fragment of a cornice
block bearing his name found loose there. And the
rotunda on the Velia has been thought to be as early
as the late republic. But on balance the evidence
weighs heavily for the identification, because both
D O M U S: VALERU
are cut by foundations of the Domus Aurea, and
both show sophistication of design with an affinity
of style that it would be difficult to put earlier.
MacDonald 1 .2 1 -2 5 ; Nash 1 .3 7 5 -7 9 ; NSc 1971,
3 2 1 -2 3 (G. Carettoni).
Tullus Hostilius (1): high on the Velia, on the site
later occupied by the Temple of the Penates (Cicero,
R ep. 2 .5 3 ; Varro ap. N on . 85 2 L ; Solinus 1.22).
Tullus Hostilius (2): Late in his reign, after the
Caelian was added to the area of the city, Tullus built
himself a house there. This was struck by lightning
and burned, and Tullus himself was killed at the
same time (Livy 1 .3 0 .1 , 1 .3 1 .8 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .1.5).
Turcii (1): south of S. M arco, between this and the
foot of the Capitoline, in the area known as the Ae-
miliana, where inscriptions and remains have been
found (C IL 6 .1 7 7 2 , 1 7 7 3 ; IL S 1230). L. Turcius Se-
cundus was corrector Flamineae et Piceni between
a . d . 3 4 0 and 3 5 0 (P L R E 1 .8 1 7 -1 8 ).
Turcii (2): a house on the Esquiline from which
came a silver treasure now in the British Museum (O.
Dalton, C atalog u e o f E arly C hristian A ntiquities in
the British M useum , nos. 3 0 4 - 4 5 ) inscribed with the
names of Turcius Secundus (P L R E 1.817) and
Proiecta Turci. This is marked with Christian sym
bols and dated in the fourth century.
Turia (P IR 1 T 2 9 0 ): see Domus, Milo
Papinianus, T. Annius (2).
M . Tuticius Capito: see Domus, T. Flavius
Tiberianus.
L. Vagellius: known from an inscribed lead pipe
found on the Caelian near the Ospedale Militare del
Celio (C IL 15.7555). Vagellius was suffect consul in
a . d . 4 4 - 4 6 and a friend of Seneca.
Publia Valeria C om asa (P IR 1 V 156): known from
an inscribed lead pipe found on the Esquiline and
another found on the Aventine (C IL 15.7559). She
seems to have been the daughter of the consul of a . d .
2 2 0 (P IR 1 V 42). The actual location of the house,
or houses, cannot be determined.
Valeria Eunoea: known from inscribed lead pipes
found in 1776 in the garden of the Barberini nuns,
southwest of the southwest exedra of the Thermae
Diocletianae (C IL 15.7560).
\//Valerii: on the Caelian on the site now occupied by
the Ospedale dellAddolorata, where extensive re
139
D O M U S : M. V A LE R IU S BR A D U A M A U RICU S
mains have been found, with eleven inscriptions per
taining to family members of the fourth century (C IL
6 .1 6 8 4 -9 4 ; IL S 1 2 4 0 -4 2 , 6111). The house was of
fered for sale in a . d . 4 0 4 but found no buyer, be
cause of its magnificence, whereas after the sack of
Alaric it was sold for very little. It seems to have been
made a hospital, the Xenodochium Valeriorum, or a
Valeriis.
A little north of this in what was Villa Casali were
found other remains and an inscribed base of L. Va
lerius Poplicola Maximus, cos. a . d . 2 5 2 or 253 (C IL
6.153 2 = IL S 1 1 9 1 ; cf. C IL 6 .1 5 3 1 = IL S 1190).
M . Valerius Bradua Mauricus {PIR' V 3 1 ):
known from an inscribed lead pipe found on the Av-
entine near S. Alessio (C IL 1 5.7556). He was consul
in a . d . 191 and curator aquarum.
P. Valerius Publicola: a house begun in sum m a Ve-
lia by P. Valerius Publicola, cos. 5 0 9 B .C ., which he
was forced to pull down because it seemed an im
pregnable fortress (Livy 2 .7 .6 and 1 1 -1 2 ; Cicero,
R ep. 2 .5 3 ; Plutarch, P oplic. 10.24 ; Dion. Hal.
5 .1 9 .1 -2 ; Val. M ax. 4 .1 .1 ). It was then recon
structed on a more modest scale infra Veliarn . . . in
infim o clivo, where the Temple of Vica Pota later
stood (Livy 2 .7 .6 and 1 1 -1 2 ); that is, on the forum
side of the Velia, perhaps not far from the Regia. Ac
cording to another tradition, a place for his house
sub Veliis was given to Publicola as a public honor
(Asconius in Cic. Pis. 52 [Stangl 19]; Pliny, H N
36.11 2 ). Cicero (H ar. R esp. 16) says the house itself
was a public gift, but he must be wrong in this, and
he also locates it erroneously in Velia.
Q . V alerius Vegetus (P IR 1 V 150): known from an
inscribed lead pipe found on the Quirinal between
Alta Semita and Vicus Longus, near the Ministero
della Difesa (C IL 15 .7 5 5 8 ), together with some
other remains. He was suffect consul in a . d . 91.
M . Valerius Volusius M axim us: a house on the
Palatine presented to Valerius Maximus, dictator in
494 B .C ., at public expense in honor of his victory
over the Sabines. It had the further distinction of
having the house door open out, rather than in (Val
erius Antias ap. A scon. in Cic. Pis. 52 [Stangl 18
19]; Pliny, H N 36 .1 1 2 ).
M . Varenius Liberalis: known from an inscribed
lead pipe found on the Esquiline (C IL 15.7562).
Vectiliana: listed in the regionary catalogues in Re-
gio II, on the Caelian (S.H.A. C om m od u s 16.3).
Commodus was killed here (S.H.A. Pertinax 5 .7 ;
Orosius 7 .1 6 .4 ; Chron. 147).
140
Vedius Pollio (P IR 1 V 2 1 3 ): on the Clivus Subu-
ranus on the site later occupied by the Porticus Liv-
iae. In 15 B .C . Vedius willed his magnificent house to
Augustus, who had it razed, and the site was left va
cant until the construction of the Porticus Liviae.
dedicated in 7 B .C . It seems to have been here that
Vedius had his famous fish tanks stocked with lam
preys, to which he fed slaves condemned to death
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .6 3 7 4 8 ; Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 3 .1 -6 ). For a
possible trace of this house, see CEFR 98 (1987 :
624 (C. Panella).
P. Vergilius M aro: in Esquiliae, adjacent to the
Horti Maecenatis (Donatus, Vita Verg. 13).
Annius Verus: see Domus, Annius Verus.
Vespasianus: on the Quirinal, south of Alta Semita.
a d M alum Punicum , later converted into the Tem-
plum Gentis Flaviae (see Gens Flavia, Templum). I:
is probably the same as the Domus Titi (see Domus.
Titus Flavius Vespasianus).
Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (P LR E 1 .7 2 2 -2 4 ,
et Fabia Paulina (uxor): northeast of Porta Esquil-
ina in the block surrounded by the Vie Rattazzi, Fi-
liberto Turati, Cappellini, and Principe Amedeo,
where inscribed lead pipes (C IL 15.7563) and con
siderable remains of building have been found. The
property seems to have been extensive enough to
classify as horti. Vettius was praefectus urbi in a . d .
367.
B u llC om 2 (1874): 58 (R. Lanciani).
Virius Lupus Iulianus (PIR' V 4 8 1 ): on the eastern
slope of that part of the Quirinal known as the Colhs
Mucialis, where remains and inscriptions have been
found in Via dei Serpenti near the Banca dltalu
(C IL 6 .3 1 7 7 4 , 3 7 0 7 8 ; N Sc 1910, 4 2 0 ; 1911, 3 1 -
[G. Mancini]). Virius was legate of Lycia and Parr.-
phylia in the second century.
L. Vitellius: The father of the princeps had a house
on the Aventine (Suetonius, Vit. 16).
L. Vitellius (PIR' V 5 0 1 ): The brother of the prin-
ceps had a house conspicuous from the Forum Rc-
manum, evidently on the Palatine (Tacitus, H is:
3 .6 8 , 70).
M . Vitruvius Vaccus: on the Palatine, destroyed ir
3 3 0 B .C . when its owner was put to death for trea
son; the site was made public and then called the
Prata Vacci (Livy 8 .1 9 .4 , 2 0 .8 ; Cicero, D om . 101
The prata survived as a place designation until the
time of Cicero and possibly as late as that of Livy.

L. Yolumnius: on the Quirinal near Vicus Longus
(Livy 10.23.6). He was consul in 296 B .C . His wife,
Verginia, dedicated part of the house as a sacellum
of Pudicitia Plebeia (see Pudicitia Plebeia, Sacellum).
Vulcacius Rufinus (P L R E 1 .7 8 2 -8 3 ): on the Quir
inal near Vicus Longus. Ruins and an inscribed base
(CJL 6 .3 2 0 5 1 = I L S 1237) were found under the
Ministero della Difesa. Vulcacius was consul in a . d .
347, praefectus urbi in 349, and an uncle of the em
peror Julian.
Duas Domos, Ad: the location given for the church
of S. Susanna on the Quirinal in the L ib er Pontificalis
in documents of the seventh and eighth centuries
(HCh 4 8 6 87). A house of the third century has
been found under the church.
Duo Aedes: listed in the N otitia in Regio IX after
the stabula of the racing teams and before the Porti-
cus Philippi, which might place it in the southwest
ern part of the Campus Martius. PA suggests it was
probably a street, but, because the Porticus Octaviae
is not listed, this might more probably have been an
alternate name for that complex (q.v.).
Duodecim Portae: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio X I, mentioned by Obsequens (70)
and Pliny (H N 3.66), who suggests it was, or might
D U O S AMANTES
be taken for, one of the thirty-seven p o rta e of Rome.
The figure thirty-seven is too high to be only the
gates of the Servian Walls. PA suggests the Duodecim
Portae should be a square at the west end of the Cir
cus Maximus deriving its name from the twelve car-
ceres of the circus (Cassiodorus, Var. Epist. 3.51),
but one must ask whether the number of carceres
was so many in the early empire (Humphrey 1 3 2 -
38). In representations of races in the circus, never
more than eight chariots are shown. Moreover, the
walls of Rome seem never to have passed close
enough to the circus for there to have been a confu
sion of the name with a gate in the walls. More likely
this was a name given to the arches on which the
Aqua Appia crossed the valley between the Caelian
and Aventine just inside the Porta Capena (Fron-
tinus, A q. 1.5). Once the walls in this sector had been
dismantled, the identification of the aqueduct bridge
with the gate would have been almost inevitable. If
this is correct, Regio X I extended farther to the
southeast than had previously been thought.
Duos Amantes: a locality mentioned in the L ib er
P ontificalis in the life of S. Silvestro (LPD 1 .1 7 1 ; VZ
2 .2 3 0 ), the name probably going back to antiquity.
If the church of S. Salvatore a d d u os am an tes is the
same as S. Salvatore de Camiliano (HCh 4 3 3 -3 4 ,
6012), it would lie in the vicinity of Piazza del Col-
legio Romano.
141
Elagabalus, Templum (1) (Fig. 6 3 .8 ): a temple of
the Syrian sun god, officially called Sol Invictus Ela
gabalus, his sacred stone having been brought to
Rome and established on the Palatine near the im
perial palace by the emperor Varius Elagabalus An
toninus Bassianus (S.H.A. H eliog ab . 3.4). The site is
also said to have been earlier occupied by a temple
of Orcus (see Oreus, Aedes), by which the Mundus
(see Mundus [2]) may be meant (S.H.A. H eliogab.
1.6). To this new temple the emperor intended to
transfer all the holiest objects and principal cults
of Rome, including the fire of Vesta and the Pallad
ium (S.H.A. H eliog ab . 3.4). Herodian (5.5.8) says
that the temple was very large and magnificent, sur
rounded by numerous altars. It was known as the
Elagaballium and was dedicated in 221 (Chron. 147;
Hieron. a. Abr. 22 3 6 ). It survived Elagabaluss assas
sination and was known to the author of the biog
raphy of Elagabalus in the H istoria A ugusta, but
burned (Passio S. Philippi, 9 October 54 5 ), presum
ably before the compilation of the regionary cata
logues, from which it is omitted. It is believed to be
shown on a coin of Elagabalus, and other coins show
the sacred stone of the god (R m M itt 9 [1901]: 2 7 3 -
82 [F. Studniczka], 10 [1902]: 67 [C. Hlsen]).
The location of the temple is fraught with difficul
ties, because space on the Palatine was by this time
exceedingly scarce. Because the supremacy of the
god led to his identification with Jupiter (S.H.A. H e
liogab. 17.8), some have wished to identify Alexan
der Severuss Temple of Iuppiter Ultor (see Iuppiter
Ultor) with that of Elagabalus, but there is no proof
that Alexanders temple was even in Rome. Given
these conditions and difficulties, it seems likely that
Elagabalus rebuilt and enlarged the Temple of Iup
piter Victor (see Iuppiter Victor, Aedes), which orig
inally had been built by Q. Fabius Maximus Rul-
lianus, and dedicated it to his patron divinity and
that this is the temple of Vigna Barberini. The evi
dence of Elagabaluss coin could be used to support
this identification. After Elagabaluss death, Alexan
der Severus would naturally have returned the
temple to its original dedicant, but he may have used
the epithet Ultor in commemorating this action on
his coins (see also Iuppiter Victor).
R en dL in c, ser. 8.34 (1979): 3 3 1 - 4 7 (F. Castag-
noli); CEFR 98 (1987): 4 2 9 - 4 2 (F. Coarelli).
Elagabalus, Templum (2): A second temple to the
Syrian god was built by the emperor Elagabalus on
the fringes of the city, and to this the god was
brought ceremonially each year at midsummer in a
sumptuous chariot drawn by six white horses (He
rodian 5 .6 .6 -1 0 ). Because circus games and theat
rical spectacles are mentioned in connection with the
transfer, we can with confidence locate the temple
near the Amphitheatrum Castrense and Circus Vari-
anus (qq.v.), in the general area known as ad Spern
Veterem (see S.H.A. H eliog ab. 13.5, 14.5). Herodiar.
(5 .6 .6 -1 0 ) says the temple was very large and mag
nificent. It is impossible to identify it positively with
any of the existing remains, but the hall converted by
Constantine into the church of S. Croce in Gerusa-
lemme must be regarded as a possibility (see Sesso-
rium).
For a proposal that this temple was in the Transn-
berim at the foot of the Janiculan hill midway be
tween the Temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus anc
Hercules Cubans, see PAPS 125.5 (1981): 3 7 7 -8 .
(R. E. A. Palmer).
Elephas Herbarius: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio VIII and in medieval documents as
simply Elephas (M irabilia: Jordan 2 .6 4 1 , V Z 3.6:
Einsiedeln itinerary 9); preserved in the name of the
church of Sanctorum Abbacyri et Archangeli ad Ale-

fantum (HCh 16263). It was near the Tiber and
the Forum Holitorium and was overlooked by the
Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus
(HCh 3 3 8 ; cf. Jordan 2.6 6 7 ). Everything points to a
location along the Vicus Iugarius more toward the
river than toward the Forum Romanum, and it is
very tempting to see this as one of the elephants that
drew the triumphal cars with which Domitian
crowned the Porta Triumphalis (see Porta Carmen-
talis). These elephants are presumed to have been of
gilded bronze. They are shown on coins and on an
adventus relief from an arch of Marcus Aurelius
reused on the Arch of Constantine (see Arcus Con-
stantini). They are shown advancing with lowered
heads and might be interpreted as cropping the grass.
That seems preferable to more fanciful explanations.
But the origin of the epithet is doubtful. The fact that
there is no mention of the Elephas earlier than the
fourth century and that it continued to be a land
mark as late as the twelfth suggests that it was large
and well protected and might be taken as evidence
that it was stone rather than metal.
E m p o riu m (Fig. 3 5 ): the wholesale market of
Rome, where merchandise brought up the Tiber by
barge was landed, stored, and sold. It was probably
extended downstream gradually through the course
EM P O R IU M
of the republican period. In 193 B .C . the curule ae- Figure 35
diles M . Aemilius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paullus Em porium , H orrea
G a lb a e, and
are recorded to have built a porticu s extra Portam
Porticus A em ilia
Trigem inam em p o rio a d T iberim a d iecto (Livy
3 5 .1 0.1 2 ). This was probably a relatively simple ar
rangement of a single-wing portico for use in hot or
otherwise inclement weather along an open quay, ar
tificially leveled, lying along the river. It was appar
ently not cobbled, fenced off, or provided with stairs
down to the river until 174, when the censors let
contracts for a general overhaul of the complex (Livy
4 1 .2 7.8 ). It probably began immediately outside the
Porta Trigemina and south of the road from this to
the Pons Sublicius. Eventually it stretched for well
over a kilometer along the river, and the quarter
southwest of the Aventine bounded by the Tiber, Via
Ostiensis, and Aurelian Walls seems to have been al
most entirely taken up with warehouses. The narrow
stretch of riverfront immediately under the lee of the
Aventine came probably to be less used relatively
early, as space was lacking here for handling goods
in volume. A vast warehouse in the southwest quar
ter built of concrete faced with opus incertum (com
monly, but probably erroneously, called Porticus Ae-
milia) is probably early first century B .C . in date.
North and south of Ponte Aventino, wharves and
warehouses fronting on the river have come to light
143
EPIC T ET IN SES
at various times since 1868 during work on the Tiber
embankment. These run true to type. The wharves
are of concrete faced with opus reticulatum punc
tuated with bands of brick, paved with travertine,
and with heavy travertine mooring rings. Ramps of
access in symmetrical pairs flanked one set of moor
ing rings set low on the river face. Behind these
wharves a line of stoutly built barrel-vaulted cham
bers shows similar construction but greater use of
brick facing. These are of uniform size and plan,
with doors framed in large blocks of travertine and
faades of brick that shows no sign of stuccoing.
M ost of this work is probably late first and second
century after Christ. The Emporium continued in use
until at least the time of the construction of the walls
of Aurelian, which use the lower stretches as a foot
ing. After the construction of the great horrea of
Rome, the upper stretch of the Emporium was used
more and more for the landing and storage of
marble, and the bank along the Aventine is still
called the M arm orata (q.v.). In excavations here nu
merous large blocks of marble in various states of
working have been discovered.
Nash 1 .3 8 0 -8 6 ; R en dP on tA cc 43 (1 9 7 0 -7 1 ):
10921 (S. Panciera); B u llC om 90 (1985): 8 6 88
(C. Mocchegiani Carpano); R om a, a rch eo lo g ia nel
centro (1985), 2 .4 3 3 - 4 1 . (R. Meneghini); CEFR 98
(1987): 2 3 5 - 4 9 (R. tienne).
Epictetinses: a name found in one inscription, the
fourth-century edict of Tarracius Bassus (C/L
6.3 1 8 9 3 = IL S 6 0 7 2 ), evidently designating those
who lived in the Vicus Epicteti, probably in Regio
X IV (HJ 6 6 9 n .l2 4 ).
Equus Caesaris: a statue of Julius Caesars favorite
horse, whose forefeet were almost human in shape,
set up in the middle of the court of the Forum Iulium
on axis with the Temple of Venus Genetrix (Pliny,
H N 8 .1 5 5 ; Suetonius, lul. 61). Statius (Silv. 1 .1 .8 4
90) asserts that this was a statue originally made by
Lysippus for Alexander and that the likeness of Ju
lius Caesar was added (or substituted). Neither Pliny
nor Suetonius mentions the rider, both emphasizing
the singularity of the horse and that the statue in
Forum Iulium was its portrait. Because it is now
known that Domitian very extensively rebuilt the
Forum Iulium and it is presumed that this may have
been in consequence of the fire of Titus, we may be
justified in believing that in the Forum Iulium as
originally built the horse was riderless and a portrait,
that this was destroyed in the fire, and that when
Domitian rebuilt the forum he substituted a horse
alleged to be by Lysippus and surmounted it with a
portrait of Julius Caesar. Plinys mention of a cuirass
statue of Julius Caesar in his forum (H N 34.18) is
144
not pertinent to the problem, because he distin
guishes this from equestrian portraits, which he
takes up a little later.
Equus Cloeliae: see Statua Cloeliae.
Equus Constantii: an equestrian statue of Con-
stantius erected in the Comitium just in front of the
northeast end of the Arch of Septimius Severus. The
marble pedestal survives with a dedicatory inscrip
tion (C/L 6 .1 1 5 8 = IL S 731), which proclaims it the
work of Naeratius Cerealis, praefectus urbi in a . d .
3 5 2 -3 5 3 .
Nash 1.387.
Equus Constantini (Fig. 4 0 ): an equestrian statue
of Constantine dedicated by Anicius Paulinus, consul
ordinarius et praefectus urbi in a . d . 3 3 4 (C/L
6.1141 = IL S 698). The inscription is included in the
Einsiedeln sylloge, which locates it in the middle of
the forum. The statue is listed by the N otitia in Regio
VIII and in the Einsiedeln itinerary (1.7, 7.8). A low
pedestal in the open square of the Forum Romanum,
just west of the Cloaca and east of Bonis Equus
Domitiani, has been suggested to be the remains of
its base. It is certainly late work, a rough core of sec
ondhand material, and stands directly on the Augus
tan travertine pavement, but there is no proof. More
recently, P. Verduchi has proposed that remains of
another pedestal just east of the Rostra Vandalica
might make a better candidate for this.
Nash 1.3 8 8 ; GV 6 9 -7 3 .
Equus Domitiani (Fig. 4 0 ): a colossal (?) bronze
equestrian statue of Domitian erected in the Forum
Romanum in a . d . 91 in honor of the princeps cam
paigns in Germany. Statius devotes a poem to its de
scription (Silv. 1.1), and it appears on coins (Nash
1.389 fig. 47 6 ). It was believed by Boni to have stood
on a concrete base, 11.80 m long by 5 .9 0 m wide,
discovered in 1902 during work in the cuniculi under
the forum and exposed the next year after lifting a
section of the pavement of travertine blocks. The
deep mass of concrete cuts into the main cuniculus
and a cross passage of the network of passages of
late republican date under the forum but is now con
sidered itself of early Augustan date at the latest. Into
the top surface are let three large square blocks of
travertine with square mortises, 0 .0 4 4 m on a side
and 0.15 m deep, in positions that suggest the plac
ing of the feet of a striding horse, while the coins
show the right forefoot rested on an allegorical head
of the Rhine. In the east end of the base was found a
hollowed-out block of travertine provided with a lid
containing material from a prehistoric burial, includ
ing five impasto vessels, a quartz crystal, and a bit of

gold. Hlsen proposed the explanation that, in dig
ging out the place for the concrete base, the work
men had encountered a burial of the type of the
nearby Sepulcretum (q.v.) and Regia and, not under
standing their discovery, had piously enclosed what
could be recovered in the base.
With the redating of this base to the Augustan pe
riod, it has had to be abandoned as belonging to the
Equus Domitiani, but next to it, slightly overlapping
on its area, is a well-marked rectangle of blocks in
the travertine pavement, 7.80 m wide by 12.20 m
long. This covers a mass of concrete that respects the
network of cuniculi and seems likely to have been the
foundation for the statue of Domitian.
The statue faced east and showed the heavily
muscled horse striding forward. The princeps was in
military dress, with paludamentum and sword. On
his left hand was poised a figure of Minerva, evi
dently facing forward and lifting the aegis (Statius,
Silv. 1.1.3740); with his extended right hand the
princeps made a gesture of peace. The statue stood
on a massive base to which Statius calls special atten
tion (Silv. 1 .1 .5 6 -6 0 ). The statue must have been de
stroyed following the damnatio memoriae decreed
by the senate after Domitians death, and the pedes
tal must have been leveled.
Nash 1 .3 8 9 -9 0 ; B u llC om 88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 9 5 -9 8
(E. Rodriguez Almeida); GV 1182 2 , 13339.
Equus M arci Aurelii: a bronze equestrian statue of
Marcus Aurelius that stood in front of S. Giovanni
in Laterano. Whether its location there was original
has been doubted; it is not mentioned earlier than
the tenth century, when it is known by the name Ca-
ballus Constantini. However, early drawings show it
on a rectangular pedestal of classical design and pro
portions, and, because Marcus is known to have
been raised in his grandfathers house, the Domus
Annii Veri (see Domus, Annius Verus), adjacent to
the Lateran, it seems likely to have been in its origi
nal location. The couchant lions mounted on low
columns in front of it, which appear in a van Heems-
kerck drawing (vol. 1 folio 71), are clearly a later
addition. The statue was taken to the Capitoline in
1538, mounted on a new base, and made the center
piece of Michelangelos magnificent Piazza del Cam-
pidoglio. It was removed for restoration in 1980 and
probably will not be returned, because the deterio
ration of the fabric was then found to be far ad
vanced.
It shows the princeps in military dress, but un
armed, mounted on a spirited horse, his right hand
lifted a little in a gesture of peace. The calm impas
sivity of the rider is in contrast to the nervous energy
of his mount. It has been thought that there would
have been a suppliant barbarian to respond to the
EQUUS TREM U LI
gesture of the princeps or an allegorical figure to sup
port the lifted hoof of his horse; there was one for
the Equus Domitiani, and the composition appears
on coins. But this does not seem necessary. The scale
is heroic, slightly larger than life. It was originally
gilded, and traces of the gilding survive in protected
areas. It is the only bronze equestrian statue to come
down from antiquity complete and may well be the
finest surviving bronze portrait.
Nash 1 .3 9 1 -9 2 ; R endP ontA cc 41 (1 9 6 8 -6 9 ):
1 6 7 -8 9 (V. Santa Maria Scrinari); X en ia 7 (1984):
6 7 -7 6 (A. Giuliano); M arco A urelio, m ostra d i can-
tiere (show catalogue, Ministero per i Beni Culturali
e Ambientali, Istituto Centrale per il Restauro, Co-
mune di Roma 19 8 4 ); BdA 72 (1987): 1 0 3 -2 7 (G.
Basile, M . Bottom, et al.); R bm M itt 9 7 (1990): 2 7 6 -
89 (E. R. Knauer); BdA 74 (1990): fasc. 6 1 .1 -5 2 , 75
(1990): fasc. 6 2 - 6 3 .1 - 5 6 (L. de Lachenal).
Equus Severi: a large bronze equestrian statue of
Septimius Severus erected in the middle of the Forum
Romanum to commemorate an ominous dream that
he had had. It was still standing in Herodians day
(2.9.6). It may be shown on certain coins of Septim
ius (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 5 .1 9 4 no. 208 pi.
32.3). No certain trace of it has ever been found.
Equus Sullae: see Statua Sullae.
Equus H ridatis Regis Armeniorum: listed in the
regionary catalogues in Regio VII, after the Porticus
Gypsiani et Constantini in the Curiosum (where the
reading is eq u os), after templa duo nova Spei et For-
tunae in the N otitia (where the reading is equum ),
and before the Forum Suarium in both. If the posi
tion in the lists has any topographical value, we
should look for the statue in the vicinity of Galleria
Colonna, possibly a bit south of it. Because the three
Armenian kings who bore the name Tiridates reach
from the mid-first century to the early fourth and all
had dealings with Rome, it is impossible to deter
mine which is meant. Tiridates I made a famous visit
to Rome in the time of Nero and was received with
great pomp and splendor (Suetonius, N ero 13, 30.2),
but no mention is made of a statue, nor does one
seem appropriate.
Equus Traiani: see Forum Traiani.
Equus Tremuli: an equestrian statue of Q. Marcius
Tremulus, cos. 3 0 6 B .C ., erected in front of the
Temple of Castor to commemorate his victory over
the Hernicans (Livy 9 .4 3 .2 2 ). It was still standing in
the time of Cicero (Phil. 6.1 3 ), but had disappeared
before the time of Pliny (HN 34 .2 3 ). It showed the
general togate and must have appeared old-fash
145
ESQ U ILIA E
ioned. If it survived the refurbishing of the forum by
Julius Caesar and Augustus because of its venerable
age, it may have been lost in the fire of Nero. Plinys
knowledge of the statue suggests that he had seen it.
No trace of it survives today, nor should we expect
any; the so-called Tribunal Praetoris would have ob
literated any.
E sq u iliae (1): according to Varro {Ling. 5.50) the
general name given to the Mons Oppius and Mons
Cispius, the two significant masses projecting from
the tableland behind known as Mons Esquilinus, but
Varros citation of the order of the sacra of the Argei
to show this tends rather to show that the Oppius
and part of the Cispian were not included until the
creation of the city of the Regiones Quattuor (q.v.),
and originally Esquiliae was actually a small part of
the Cispian (if we reject the questionable emenda
tion: prin ceps Esquiliis uls lacum [or lucum] Facu-
talem ). This would also suit Ciceros location of the
altar of M ala Fortuna as simply Esquiliis (Nat. D.
3 .63, Leg. 2.28) and Ovids of the Temple of Iuno
Lucina (Fast. 3 .2 4 5 -4 8 ). Because there was a Lucus
Esquilinus on the Oppius from an early period
(Varro, Ling. 5 .5 0 ), it seems natural to see Esquiliae
as the throat between Cispian and Oppius and the
juncture of the two hills where the Porta Esquilina
and Forum Esquilinum were situated. Ancient at
tempts at etymology have doubtless clouded the is
sue (cf. Varro, Ling. 5 .4 9 ; Ovid, Fast. 3 .2 4 5 -4 8 ),
but it is curious that no one wishes to derive the
name from aesculus. Modern scholars favor a deri
vation from ex + c o lo (Walde-Hofmann 1.247),
meaning an external settlement, but we may doubt
this, in view of the Lucus or Lacus Esquilinus of the
Argei and the fact that the Esquiline village was, so
far as we know, confined to the Oppius. It seems best
to leave the derivation of the name, like that of the
names of most of the hills, in doubt.
If Esquiliae was originally the throat up which
passed all the traffic bound to and from the northeast
and east (Via Tiburtina, Via Praenestina, Via Labi-
cana), it would have been of immense importance
from a very early period, and it is easy to understand
how it would have given its name to the gate to
which it led and the market that found a place just
inside that gate. With the division of the city into
four quarters and four tribes, the Esquiliae became
the most conspicuous feature of the one that em
braced Cispian and Oppius, and it was natural to
give them the name Esquiliae, as it was natural to
give that of the Caelian and the Subura the name
Suburana, and thereafter the name became general
for everything in this sector.
O pR om 15 (1985): 6 3 - 6 5 (H. Erkell).
146
Esquiliae (2): the name that was given to the fifth
Regio of Augustan Rome, lying entirely outside the
line of the Servian Walls. In the fourth century it was
bounded by the line of the Aurelian Walls from the
Porta Chiusa on the southeast side of the Castra
Praetoria to the posterula west of Porta Asinaria
through which the Via Tusculana entered the city,
except between the Amphitheatrum Castrense and
Aqua Claudia, where it bent out to include the Cir
cus Varianus. On the north it was bounded by the
road from Porta Viminalis to Porta Chiusa, on the
south by Via Tusculana, and on the west by the Ser
vian Walls and Agger from Porta Viminalis to Porta
Esquilina, and south of that point, after a jog, by a
street running almost due north and south from the
fork of Via Tiburtina and Via Labicana to Via Tus
culana. It makes a very large regio and geographi
cally a somewhat awkward one, but it is defined es
pecially by the lines of the major aqueducts that en
tered the city in a cluster ad Spem Veterem (Porta
Maggiore) and fanned out over the high ground of
the Esquiline and Caelian hills. Originally the regio
was probably somewhat smaller, especially toward
the north, but always largely defined by the aque
ducts; Propertius gives it the epithet aquosae (4.8.1),
and it had already been given the name Esquiliae in
his day. It had been the site of the potters field of
Rome (see Horace, Sat. 1.8), but, with its organiza
tion as a part of the city, improvements were made
that made it a popular place to live. It fell victim to
the Augustan craze for horti, and large sections were
divided among such urban pleasure villas, especially
in the neighborhood of ad Spem Veterem and along
the main aqueduct lines, where it was easy to tap
these for a water supply, in the outer reaches of the
regio.
Euripus: an artificial watercourse, especially one
used as a feature in a garden. It is distinguished from
a piscina by having running water, usually fed by a
fountain. The term is probably generic, although
Seneca may use it meaning only the Euripus Virginis
(q.v.). It is taken from the name of the narrow chan
nel between Boeotia and Euboea at Chalcis, where
the water flows alternately in opposite directions, a
natural phenomenon of great interest.
Euripus (also called Euripus Therm arum
Agrippae) : the modern name given to the canal that
drained the Stagnum Agrippae (q.v.), possibly fol
lowing, at least in part, the course of a brook that
had drained the Caprae Palus (q.v.). It has been lo
cated at a number of points in excavations between
1885 and 1938 and can be followed for most of its
course, its intake from the Stagnum still remaining

obscure and its outlet falling between Ponte Vittorio
Emanuele and Ponte SantAngelo. It follows roughly
the line of Corso Vittorio Emanuele and is about 800
m long. Its easternmost known section is near the
church of S. Andrea della Valle, and its westernmost
is in Via Paola. A small stretch under the Palazzo
della Cancellera is still visible. It is entirely artificial,
its bed semicircular, of concrete faced with sign-
inum, its width 3.35 m, and its depth a maximum of
1.70 m. The margins are of travertine, and along each
side ran a paved walk. Along the south side two
walls parallel to the course have been found at vari
ous points, the inner one faced with reticulate and
probably originally veneered with marble, although
only fragments of the socle survive. The outer wall
is of blocks of tufa. Where streets crossed the euri-
pus, it was provided with little bridges, ingeni
ously designed, raised three steps above the
margin.
CAR 1-H, 116 p. 9 6; Nash 1 .3 9 3 -9 4 ; M EFRA 89
1977): 8 3 0 - 3 7 (F. Coarelli).
Euripus in Circo M axim o: a channel Julius Cae
sar had dug around the edge of the arena of the Cir
cus Maximus, probably in 4 6 B .C ., to protect spec
tators from the wild beasts exhibited in the
venationes. It was 10 feet broad and 10 feet deep and
ran down both long sides and around the sphendone
;Dion. Hal. 3 .6 8 .2 ; Pliny, H N 8 .2 1 ; Suetonius, Iul.
39.2). This was filled in by Nero to make space for
seating for the equites (Pliny, H N 8.21). Probably the
water to fill this channel was chiefly that of the circus
brook (see M urcia), but Frontinus (A q . 2.97) speaks
of the use of aqueduct water in the circus on days of
ludi circenses, when the permission of the aediles or
censors was required. This may have been either a
supplement to the supply of the brook or drinking
water for the spectators. After the filling in of the
euripus around the arena, probably as part of N eros
remodeling of the circus and certainly at least as
early as the reign of Trajan, the spina was converted
into a broad euripus interrupted by islands support
ing pavilions and crossed at intervals by bridges. The
margins were embellished with statuary. This seems
to have taken the place of the earlier euripus and
probably drew its water from the same source. This
E V A N D E R , ARA
then became a standard arrangement in circuses else
where.
Humphrey 3 6 - 4 2 , 74, 76, 2 7 5 -7 7 .
Euripus Virginis: a channel that took 4 6 0 quinar-
iae, just about one-fifth of the total volume of water
delivered to the city by the Aqua Virgo (Frontinus,
A q. 2.8 4 ). Strabo (1 3 .1 .1 9 [590]) says that Agrippa
dedicated the fallen lion of Lysippus in a grove be
tween a euripus and a lake, by which he means either
the Stagnum Agrippae (q.v.) or the piscina of C IL
6 .3 9 0 8 7 . This fragmentary inscription discovered
near the Ponte Sisto (NSc 1908, 32728 [D. Vagli-
eri]) indicates that the euripus was close to the Tiber,
a landmark, and in clear relation to a piscina. This
may have been a reservoir of the Aqua Virgo on the
left bank of the Tiber near the Pons Agrippae, on
which the aqueduct must have been carried across
the river for distribution in the Transtiberim (Fron
tinus, A q. 2.8 4 ). Seneca (E p ist. 83.5) speaks of div
ing into the euripus on the Kalends of January as
characteristic of those who were addicted to cold
baths, and Ovid (Ex Pont. 1 .8 .3 7 -3 8 ) speaks of the
euripi (plural) as one of the beauties of the Campus
Martius. Lloyd has made a case for locating the Eu
ripus Virginis in a course that winds from the neigh
borhood of the church of S. M aria in Monterone
(Stagnum Agrippae) around the Theater of Pompey
and reaches the river at the Pons Agrippae, the euri
pus and aqueduct line running more or less parallel
to each other. Because the only use we know for the
euripus is swimming, we might prefer to see it as a
long swimming pool like the natatio in the Palaestra
of Herculaneum, but larger, laid out as part of a
sports complex along the Tiber northwest of the
Pons Agrippae. Here there would have been space
for the playing fields that were traditionally charac
teristic of the Campus Martius, and Agrippas aque
duct made new facilities for aquatic sports possible.
AJA 83 (1979): 1 9 3 -2 0 4 (R. B. Lloyd).
Evander, A ra: an altar to the Arcadian founder of
Rome on the slope of the Aventine near Porta Trig
mina that survived until at least the time of Augustus
(Dion. Hal. 1.32.2), presumably on the Clivus Pub-
licius. Sacrifices were offered there annually.
147
 Fagutal (Figs. 74, 7 5 ): one of the places where sac
F
rifice was offered in the festival of the Septimontium.
In Festuss list (Festus 45 9 L , 476L) it appears be
tween the Velia and the Subura and is distinguished
from the Oppius, which is another of the seven
places. But in Varros list of the Argei (Ling. 5.50),
the Lacus or Lucus Fagutalis is listed as part of the
Oppius. The only landmarks there seem to have been
a Sacellum Iovis Fagutalis (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 2 ; Pliny,
H N 16 .3 7 ; Paulus ex Fest. 77L), with a Vicus Iovis
Fagutalis (q.v.) and a Lacus Fagutalis (Varro, Ling.
5 .5 0 ; Solinus 1.26). Our sources disagree as to the
origins of the name; Pliny ascribes it to a beech grove
that had once existed, and Festus ascribes it to a
single beech tree. No one suggests that it might have
been from a beechwood xoanon, so that must be
ruled out. It must have been an area large enough to
have borne at least a small beech grove, but there
seems no reason to assume it was geographically
marked off in any way. Solinus locates it for us at the
top of the Clivus Pullius (q.v.). It was probably in
the neighborhood of the church of S. Pietro in Vin-
coli.
R endP ontA cc 36 (1 9 6 3 -6 4 ): 7591 (C. Buzzetti
and A. M. Colini); E ran os 85 (1981): 1 2 3 -3 0 (A.
Fridh).
Fanum: see Aedes, Aedicula, Templum, etc.
Faunus, Aedes: the only known temple of this god
in Rome, at the upstream end of the Tiber island,
vowed by the plebeian aediles Cn. Domitius Aheno-
barbus and C. Scribonius Libo in 196 B.C . (Livy
33.42.1 0 ) and built out of the fines of three p ecu arii
convicted of fraud, probably in the number of their
flocks using public pasture. Two years later it was
dedicated by Domitius as praetor urbanus (Livy
148
3 4 .5 3 .4 ); the day of dedication was the Ides of Feb
ruary (Ovid, Fast. 2 .1 9 3 -9 4 ; Degrassi 40 9 ), two
days before the Lupercalia, the great festival of
Faunus. The temple was tetrastyle prostyle (Vitru
vius 3.2 .3 ), and Vitruvius says Jupiter and Faunus
were worshiped together there. He is alone in this
assertion. Because Faunus was a very ancient Latin
god, protector of the flocks, and Vergil makes him
father of Latinus, son of Picus, and grandson of Sa-
turnus (Aen. 7 .4 5 -4 9 ) , it is difficult to see why he
should have been relegated to the island. His statue
stood in the Lupercal, and his sinister quality as the
prophetic voice in the forest was certainly no more
menacing than that of many others.
Fausta Felicitas: a shrine, probably only an altar,
in Capitolio, where in association with the Genius
Publicus and Venus Victrix this divinity was wor
shiped on 9 October (Degrassi 518). Because this
was also the day of dedication of the Temple of
Apollo Palatinus, it is tempting to see these three di
vinities of good fortune as some sort of attendant
spirits, but they do not form a triad, and the Genius
Populi Romani (q.v.) is known to have had a shrine
near the Temple of Concordia, which would prob
ably count as in Capitolio. Moreover, Felicitas was
worshiped alone in Capitolio on the Kalends of July
(Degrassi 47 5 ). One should therefore think of three
separate altars or aediculae, but these may have
stood in a row.
Faustina, Aedicula: a small arch of concrete faced
with brick built against the base of the Tabularium.
on which it has left the print of its vault between the
Temple of Concordia and that of Divus Vespasianus.
the temple podium projecting to support it. It mea
sures 4 .1 0 m wide and 2 .5 0 m deep. Its purpose is

uncertain, and its name is due to the discovery of a
marble base dedicated to Diva Pia Faustina (the wife
of Marcus Aurelius) by the viatores qu aestorii a b
aerario Saturni (C IL 6 .1 0 1 9 = IL S 382).
Nash 1 .3 9 5 -9 6 .
Diva Faustina M aior, A ra: the monument com
monly called Ustrinum Antoninorum, a name given
it by the antiquarian architect F. Bianchini when it
was discovered in 1703 during construction of the
Casa della Missione, just west of Palazzo di Monte-
citorio. It consisted of a concentric series of three
square enclosures on an area paved with travertine.
The outermost, 100 Roman feet on a side, was a line
of square travertine pillars with molded bases on a
footing of peperino. Between these were panels of
iron grillwork or fences of iron rods. The next enclo
sure was a wall of marble on a footing of travertine
trimmed with a base molding and a crown with den
tils, 23 m on a side. This was broken by a door in
the middle of the north side surmounted by a trian
gular pediment supported on consoles. To either side
of the door was a round-headed niche crowned with
a triangular pediment. Within this was a second wall
of marble on a footing of travertine similarly finished
at base and crown, 13 m on a side, but without any
opening. Bianchini was able to establish that the
building had the same orientation as the Antonine
Column and Column of Marcus Aurelius and stood
at the same level; moreover, it was in axial relation
to the Antonine Column.
It is obviously unsuited to be an ustrinum, as the
use of marble shows, but it might well be the base of
a monumental altar and accords in design with the
altar discovered in the course of work on Corso Vit
torio Emanuele commonly known as the Ara Ditis et
Proserpinae (see Sabina, Diva, Ara), where a large
fragment of the pulvinus finishing the altar at one
end was recovered (see Nash 1.57, 59). Such altars,
as shown on coins, were popular for deified members
of the imperial house for only a limited time, the
principates of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.
The sculptured base of the Columna Antonini Pii
(q.v.) shows the apotheosis of Antoninus and Faus
tina with an allegorical figure representing the Cam
pus Martius, and the altar may well have been raised
on the site of the pyre. Because Faustina predeceased
Antoninus and by the time of his death there was
already a temple on Sacra Via waiting to receive him,
the altar was probably originally erected to her mem
ory and on the place where her pyre had stood,
whereas the column was erected where his pyre had
stood and the temple then rededicated to the impe
rial couple. For representation of the altar to Faus
FE BR IS, TEM PLUM
tina on coins, see B. M. Coins, R om . E m p. 4 .2 3 6
nos. 1 4 6 4 - 6 7 ; for that of Antoninus, see B. M.
C oins, R om . E m p. 4 .3 9 4 -9 5 nos. 6777 and 5 2 6
28 nos. 8 8 0 -9 0 .
CAR 2-G , 168 p. 186; Nash 2 .4 8 7 -8 8 .
Diva Faustina M inor, A ra: Beginning in 1907, in
excavations for the parliament building extending
Palazzo di M ontecitorio to the north, were discov
ered parts of a large monument consisting of a series
of three concentric square enclosures on an area
paved with travertine. These were duly reported
(.NSc 1907, 5 2 5 -2 8 , 681 [D. Vaglien]; 1909, 1 0 -1 1
[A. Pasqui]; 1915, 3 2 2 -2 4 [F. Fornari]; B ullC om
35 [1907]: 3 2 6 - 2 7 ; 36 [1908]: 86; 37 [1909]: 113;
38 [1910]: 245 [G. Gatti]), and at the conclusion of
work Mancini (StR om 1 [1913]: 3 -1 5 ) offered an
attempt at synthesis. Later it was possible to recover
and reconstruct two magnificent acroteria, probably
from a set of four (BdA 4 [1910]: 3 1 4 15 [R. Pari-
beni]). The outermost of the enclosures was a fence
of iron between pillars of travertine, six on a side,
framing a square of 100 Roman feet on a side. This
was aligned with the Ustrinum Antoninorum and
Columna Marci Aurelii, but not on axis with either,
and the single entrance was in the middle of the
south side. Inside this, the second enclosure was also
a fence of iron between pillars of travertine. Inside
this a third wall was of marble, square, and 10.50 m
on a side. Although much ruined, it could be deter
mined that this had base and crown moldings and at
least one pedimented door, possibly a false one. At
the upper corners were elaborate floral acroteria,
shaped like the horns of horned altars and sarco
phagi. The base has now been reconstructed in the
Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme (Helbig4
3 .2 1 5 9 ; Nash 2 .4 8 7 -8 9 ).
The strong similarity of this monument to the Us
trinum Antoninorum and its close proximity indicate
that this is another of the altars erected to com
memorate deified members of the Antonine family.
Faustina Minor, the wife of Marcus Aurelius who
died in a . d . 176, seems the obvious choice. Coins
commemorating her deification show just such an al
tar (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 4.491 nos. 72527,
6 54 nos. 1 5 7 9 -8 3 , 854 no. 725bis), and no other
candidate has equal claim. Evidently Lucius Verus,
although deified, was not given an altar.
CAR 2-G , 153 pp. 1 8 2 -8 3 ; B u llC om 89 (1984):
2 7 -2 8 (C. Buzzetti); L u rbe 4 7 (1984): 1 4 3 -4 6 (A.
Danti).
Febris, Templum: Valerius Maximus (2.5.6) says
that there were three tem pla to Febris in Rome, one
149
F E C U N D IT A S, T E M P L U M
still in existence in his day on the Palatine, a second
in area M arianorum m on u m en toru m , and a third in
the highest part of Vicus Longus. In these amulets
(rem edia) worn by the sick were dedicated.
1. The Palatine shrine is called a tem plum by Va
lerius and Augustine (D e civ. D. 3.2 5 ), a fan u m by
Cicero (Nat. D. 3 .6 3 ), Seneca (A p o c o l. 6), and Pliny
(H N 2.1 6 ), a building and altar by Aelian (V. H.
12.11), and an aed es by Priscian (3 p. 2 5 0 Rose).
Cicero speaks explicitly of an ara vetusta in P alatio
Febris (Leg. 2.2 8 ). It appears to have been an ancient
altar to which a sacellum of some sort was added. It
cannot now be more precisely located.
2. The tem plum in area M arianorum m on u m en
torum would have been along the Sacra Via as it led
out of the Forum Romanum up the slope of the Ve-
lia, just beyond the Fornix Fabianus. This is where
the Domus Marii (see Domus, Marius) and his
Temple of Honos et Virtus (see Honos et Virtus,
Aedes [2]) were built. The area of the so-called
Temple of Romulus is indicated, or a little east of
that. This shrine of Febris was apparently destroyed
to make room for M ariuss buildings.
3. The tem plum in sum m a p arte Vici L on g i still
extant in Valeriuss day must have been on the Quir-
inal, somewhere near the west corner of the Thermae
Diocletianae (the church of S. Bernardo). If, as seems
likely, the Vicus Longus originally continued to the
northeast and joined Alta Semita near the west cor
ner of the modern Ministero delle Finanze, it may
have been anywhere along the stretch of relatively
flat plateau here, but again it seems to have been only
a minor monument.
Fecunditas, Templum: a temple voted by the sen
ate in a . d . 63 on the occasion of the birth of the
daughter of Nero and Poppaea (Tacitus, Ann. 15.23;
cf. C/L 6 .2 0 4 3 .2 .9 cum notis). The child died within
four months, and it is unlikely that the temple was
ever built.
Felicitas (1): see Theatrum Pompeii, Fausta
Felicitas, and Genius Populi Romani.
Felicitas (2): a temple projected by Julius Caesar in
44 B .C ., just before his assassination, and then built
by M . Aemilius Lepidus on the site of the Curia Hos-
tilia (q.v.) of Faustus Sulla, which was demolished
for this purpose (Cass. Dio 4 4 .5 .2 ). If the curia as
rebuilt by Sulla stood in its traditional location,
which there is no reason to doubt, the temple was on
ground now occupied by the church of SS. Luca e
M artina, but the real reason for the demolition of
Sullas curia must have been to permit rebuilding it
as an adjunct of the Forum Iulium (q.v.). The alle
gation that the motive of the senate in ordering the
150
rebuilding of the curia was to remove the name of
Sulla from it (Cass. Dio 44 .5 .2 ) is unlikely, because
it was never called by his name, though it may have
been inscribed with it. Because the new curia must
have been a building of more or less the same size
that we see, space for the Temple of Felicitas was
limited, and it is not mentioned later. It seems cer
tainly abolished by the time of Hadrian, who seems
to have built the Athenaeum there.
Felicitas, Aedes: a temple in the Velabrum (Sueton
ius, Iul. 37.2) that L. Licinius Lucullus built using
booty from his campaign in Spain in 1 5 1 -1 5 0 B .C .
(Strabo 8.6.23 [381]). It was in front of this temple
that the axle of Caesars chariot broke during his
Gallic triumph in 4 6 B .C . (Suetonius, Iul. 3 7 .2 ; Cass.
Dio 4 3 .2 1 .1 ), so it stood on the route of the triumph,
and we can with confidence locate it on the Vicus
Tuscus. For its adornment Lucullus obtained from
Mummius a number of statues that the latter had
from the spoils of Greece, including the Muses of
Praxiteles from Thespiae, called the Thespiades,
which stood in front of the temple, and a Venus by
Praxiteles (Cicero, Verr. 2 .4 .2 .4 ; Pliny, H N 34.69,
36 .3 9 ). The temple burned in the principate of Clau
dius, and the Venus was destroyed, but the Muses
were evidently rescued (Pliny, H N 34 .6 9 ). Appar
ently the temple was not then rebuilt.
Felicitas in Capitolio: mentioned in the Fasti An-
tiates (Degrassi 208 for 1 July and 475) and gener
ally considered the same as Fausta Felicitas (q.v.). Cf.
Genius Populi Romani.
Ficus N avia: a fig tree in the Comitium named for
Attus Navius, near whose statue in front of the Curia
Hostilia it stood (Festus 16870L; Dion. Hal.
3.7 1 .5 ). Pliny (H N 15.77) says it grew from a spot
struck by lightning (fulguribus ibi conditis) and was
regarded as sacred, but was also revered because of
the memory of the Ficus Ruminalis (q.v.) and the
she-wolf, a miracle proclaimed in bronze nearby, as
though she had crossed the Comitium while Attus
Navius was taking the omens. The text is difficult
and has been emended to say that Attus Navius had
miraculously transported the Ficus Ruminalis to the
Comitium by augury, but that seems a patent ab
surdity. Rather, it appears that what Pliny means is
that the statue of Attus Navius showed him with
raised lituus, as though taking omens, and near
enough the fig and the statue to permit association
with them was a bronze she-wolf in an attitude not
unlike that of the Capitoline Wolf. The Capitoline
Wolf stood for centuries in Piazza S. Giovanni in La-
terano, but mounted on a lofty column in the man
ner popular in the Middle Ages and certainly not its

original base. It is therefore possible that this is the
wolf intended, though the Capitoline Wolf seems
more likely to be the wolf mentioned by Cicero (Cat.
3 .1 9, Div. 1.20, 2.47) as having been in Capitolio
and struck by lightning in 65 B .C ., because there are
traces of such damage (EAA, s.v. Lupa Capito
lina).
The Ficus Navia was regarded as important to the
well-being of Rome. Whenever it died this was taken
as an omen, and the priests planted a replacement
(Pliny, H N 15.77). It died in a . d . 58 but then re
vived, and put forth new shoots (Tacitus, Ann.
13.58). Tacitus calls it the Arbor Ruminalis, perhaps
in the belief that it was a descendant of, or surrogate
for, the Ficus Ruminalis, which by this time had dis
appeared.
Ficus, O lea, Vitis (Fig. 4 0 ): a fig tree, an olive tree,
and a grapevine that grew in m ed io fo r o at the Lacus
Curtius (q.v.). Pliny (H N 15.78) says that the fig was
self-sown, as was also the grape, whereas the olive
was planted for the sake of shade, and an altar there
was removed at the time of the gladiatorial games for
Divus Iulius. On the Plutei Traiani (Nash 2: figs.
902, 905) a fig is shown beside the Statua Marsyae
(q.v.), but it is very likely artificial, perhaps of
bronze, and has nothing to do with these. A square
unpaved area between the pavement inscription of
Naevius Surdinus and the bases on which the Plutei
were discovered mounted has been taken to be the
garden plot of these, but Pliny seems to indicate that
they grew on the Lacus itself. This is paved today,
but need not have been completely paved in Plinys
day.
Nash 1.397, and cf. 5 4 2 - 4 3 ; GV 9 5 -1 0 2 .
Ficus Ruminalis: the fig tree, close to the Lupercal
at the foot of the Cermalus, under which the twins
Romulus and Remus were believed to have been
washed ashore and where Faustulus found them
suckled by the she-wolf (Varro, Ling. 5 .5 4 ; Pliny,
H N 15.77; Plutarch, R om . 4 .1 ; Servius a d Aen.
8 .9 0; Festus 3 3 2 33L). Some Romans believed the
name was derived from rumis, rum a, breast, but
others and modern linguists are inclined to think it is
from the same root as the names Roma and Romu
lus, perhaps rum on, either river or an ancient
name for the Tiber. Livy (1.4.5) says the Ficus Rum
inalis survived in his day. Ovid (Fast. 2.411) says re
m anen t vestigia, by which he seems to mean a stump,
for he goes on to say q u a eq u e vocatu r Rum ina nunc
ficus, R om u li ficus erat.
Livy (10.23.12) says that in 2 9 6 B .C . the curule
aediles Cn. and Q. Ogulnius put images of the babes
Romulus and Remus under the dugs of the she-wolf
by the Ficus Ruminalis. This is confirmed by Diony
FLO RA, AEDES
sius (1.79.8), and the group may be shown on coins
(B. M. C oins, R om . Rep. 1.13132 nos. 9 2 6 -2 7 ;
Crawford 39/3, 235/1).
Fides, Aedes: the Temple of Fides, also called Fides
Publica and Fides Publica Populi Romani, on the
Capitoline. A sacrarium to the divinity is ascribed to
Numa (Livy 1 .2 1 .3 - 4 ; Dion. Hal. 2 .7 5 .3 ; Plutarch,
N um a 16.1). A temple to Fides was dedicated by A.
Atilius Calatinus (cos. 2 5 8 , dictator 2 4 9 B .C .) and
restored by M . Aemilius Scaurus, perhaps as curule
aedile in 58 B .C . (Cicero, N at. D. 2.61). The day of
dedication was the Kalends of October (Degrassi
515). The temple was in Capitolio and vicina Iouis
O ptim i M axim i (Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 0 0 ; Cato ap. Cic.
O ff. 3 .1 0 4 ). It is believed to have been within the
Area Capitolina, along with several other temples,
and probably stood on the southwest part of the hill
west of the square in front of the Temple of Iuppiter
Capitolinus.
It was occasionally used for meetings of the senate
(Val. M ax. 3 .2 .1 7 ; Appian, BellC iv 1.16), and
around it were displayed bronze tablets containing
laws and treaties, a number of which were dislodged
by a storm in 4 4 or 43 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 5 .1 7 .3 ; Ob-
sequens 68). Diplomata of honorably discharged sol
diers were also very commonly fastened up here in
the first century after Christ (C IL 16.1, 2, 26, 32).
The temple contained a painting by Aristides of
Thebes of an old man instructing a boy to play the
lyre (Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 0 0 ). Nothing is known of its ar
chitecture or later history.
Fides, Templum: a temple of Fides on the Palatine
supposed to have been dedicated by Rhome, the
daughter of Ascanius and granddaughter of Aeneas,
at the arrival of the Trojans and occupation of the
site of Rome (Festus 328L , following Agathocles, a
chronicler of Cyzicene history). The story is one of
the more improbable foundation legends invented to
explain the name of Rome, and the temple is never
mentioned elsewhere.
Figlinae: a potters quarter on the Oppius (Varro,
Ling. 5 .5 0 ; cf. Festus 468L ). Because there was no
good water source that we know of on the Oppius,
this is not apt to have existed before the bringing in
of aqueduct water, and, because it is mentioned only
in the catalogue of the Argei, it may well have been
a limited and short-lived concentration. It was prob
ably only a descriptive term, not a place designation.
Flora, Aedes: a temple built by the aediles L. and
M. Publicius Malleolus in 241 B .C . (Veil. Pat. 1.14.8)
or 238 (Pliny, H N 18.286) ex oraculis Sibyllae. The
day of consecration is given as 28 April (Degrassi
151
FLORA, TEMPLUM
452), and the Floralia extended from that day to 3
May. A restoration of the temple was begun by Au
gustus and completed by Tiberius in a . d . 17 (Tacitus,
Ann. 2.49). The celebration to Flora on 13 August
(Degrassi 496) is believed to refer to that rededica
tion. It is located iuxta Circum M axim um and a d
Circum M axim um , and, because these aediles built
the Clivus Publicius leading up to the Aventine at the
northwest end of the circus, we should probably
look for the temple between clivus and circus. It was
probably restored in the fourth century by the
younger Symmachus as consul (Anth. L at. 1.1.
[Shackleton Bailey] p. 2 2 .1 1 2 -1 4 ), although it is not
listed in the regionary catalogues. At that time it
seems to have been the focus of a gathering of bar
bers (cf. a d tonsores).
The repeated association of this temple with that
of Ceres, Liber, and Libera (see Ceres, Liber Libe-
raque, Aedes) nearby (cf., e.g., Tacitus, Ann. 2.49)
suggests that this was another plebeian stronghold,
but nothing is known about its architectural form.
F lo ra , Tem plum : a temple of Flora on the north
west slope of the Quirinal below the Capitolium Ve-
tus and connected to it by a clivus, possibly the Cli
vus Cosconius (M artial 5 .2 2 .4 ; Varro, Ling. 5.158).
It was almost certainly on the site of an altar believed
to have been dedicated by Titus Tatius to the Sabine
Flora (Varro, Ling. 5.7 4 ). It was also near the
Temple of Quirinus, and between them were work
shops where cinnabar (minium) was prepared (Vi
truvius 7.9.4). We do not know the date of the con
struction of the temple, but it is listed in the
regionary catalogues in Regio VI. As a foundation of
Titus Tatius, it is unlikely to have been outside the
line of the Servian Walls, so one inclines to put it
near the point where Via delle Quattro Fontane
crosses that line, just up from Palazzo Barberini.
Flora was an ancient divinity with her own flamen
and the Floralia, an elaborate festival including both
ludi scaenici and ludi circenses. Part of the celebra
tion was nocturnal, and the ceremonies included
some odd ancient customs (Scullard 1 1 0 11).
F o n s, L a cu s, N y m p h aeu m : A fo n s is a spring and,
so far as we know, nothing else. There were numer
ous springs in Rome and especially on the Quirinal
and in the Campus Martius. Across the river the Ja-
niculan hill was, and is, also rich in water. Many of
the springs of Rome were good water and highly es
teemed. A lacus is a street fountain with a watering
trough adjacent, the usual arrangement. These var
ied in size. They seem to have been named from the
device depicted on the standard holding the feed
pipe, from some peculiarity, or for their builder and
152
were used as place designators. Hence we find a Vi-
cus Laci Fundani and a Vicus Laci Tecti. The spring-
fed pool of Juturna was also called a lacus. These
were usually quite simple but could be elaborate, as
was, for example, the Lacus Orphei, which was, in
effect, more a nymphaeum than a lacus.
A nymphaeum was any sort of ornamental foun
tain. Ideally it should be in the form of a grotto, and
originally, in the late republic, it must usually have
taken that shape, but with the passage of time the
forms became more and more architectural, so that
by the time of Trajan purely architectural forms
dominated. A favorite form was the water wall, es
sentially a scaen ae frons, the faade of a stage build
ing in two or three storeys adorned with columns,
cornices, and statuary, with water piped into as
many openings as possible, so one saw the architec
ture through a veil of falling water. O f these the
charming nymphaeum surviving from the Domus
Transitoria is an excellent example. Another was the
stadium, or water theater, in which a cavea-like flight
of steps had water pour down in a cascade from
openings and fountain figures arranged above. This
was usually set at the end of an enclosed garden or
vista. O f these the so-called Auditorium Maecenatis
and Lacus Orphei are Roman examples. A third pop
ular form was the water pavilion, in which one was
in a room more or less surrounded by water, which
might be either outside the room or inside; the ban
quet hall of the Domus Augustiana and the triconch
pavilion of Hadrians villa at Tivoli are examples of
this. But architects liked to exercise their ingenuity
and, called upon to design a fountain, did their best
to produce something novel and arresting. It would
involve sculpture and columnar architecture, but
otherwise it would be as inventive as they could
manage.
F o n s (or F o n tu s), A ra : an altar not far from the
tomb of Numa (Cicero, L eg. 2.5 6 ), which was sub
Ian icu lo (Solinus 1.21). Because there were and are
numerous springs in the Janiculan hill on the right
bank of the Tiber, any one of these might be meant.
But the designation Ianiculum probably originally
referred only to the ridge leading out to the west
from Porta Aurelia (Porta S. Pancrazio) on which the
road ran, and it seems likely that the kings tomb
would have been built somewhere along this major
artery (while Via Campana/Portuensis ran in the flat
of the flood plain, keeping away from the hill). An
abundant spring at the juncture of Via Garibaldi and
Via di Porta S. Pancrazio is as likely as any to have
been the one honored, but there is no proof. Another
shrine of Fons was found in the area of the courtyard
of the Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione on Viale

di Trastevere (N Sc 1914, 3 6 2 63 [G. M ancini]), a
modest affair of a . d . 70.
Fons, Delubrum: a shrine of Fons dedicated by C.
Papirius M aso in 231 B .C ., from the spoils of Corsica
(Cicero, N at. D. 3.52). The day of dedication seems
to have been the feast of the Fontinalia on the Ides
of October (Degrassi 215, 52 0 ), and the temple
seems to have been located extra Portam Fontinalem .
However, the gate probably did not take its name
from the temple, but rather from the Tullianum
spring a little inside the gate (but cf. Paulus ex Fest.
75L). It may be that the inspiration for the dedica
tion of the temple came from the name of the gate,
for there is no spring known in this part of the Cam
pus Martius.
Fons Apollinis: mentioned by Frontinus (Aq. 1.4),
and listed with the Fons Camenarum and Lacus
Iuturnae as an especially salubrious water, but its site
is not further indicated, and it is otherwise unknown.
The name is odd in view of the rarity of temples of
Apollo in early Rome, and the usual association of
springs with divinities of their own.
Fons Camenarum: see Camenae.
Fons C ad : see Cati Fons.
Fons Lollianus: known from a single inscription
(C/L 6.162) found together with a number of others
in the general area known as Piscina Publica in the
valley between the Aventine and Caelian. The in
scriptions were found around 1558, and those dated
span a period from a . d . 69 to a . d . 166, ours falling
in 160. They mention m agistri and m inistri fon tis
and suggest that these were officials overseeing Pis
cina Publica (q.v.). The inscription in question seems
to have been found below the western end of the
Caelian (LA 235).
See also L. Avetta, ed., R o m a : Via Im periale
(Rome 1985), 2 7 -2 8 .
Fons M uscosus: a spring beside which stood the
Temple of Fortuna Virgo known to Plutarch (D e
fort. R om . 10). The foundation of this temple is as
cribed to Servius Tullius (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om .
74), and it has been supposed to be that of the Forum
Boarium. But that is unlikely, because there was no
spring here, and other important features would in
vite notice. M ore likely the temple belongs on the
fringes of the city.
Fons Pal . . . : known only from inscriptions (C/L
6 .1 5 7 -6 0 ) found in the area of Piscina Publica, so
F O R N IX CALPURNIANUS
probably not to be completed as Palatinus. Cf. Fons
Lollianus, Fons Scaurianus.
Fons Scaurianus: a spring known from inscriptions
found in the area of Piscina Publica (C IL 6 .1 6 4 -6 5 ;
ILS 3 8 8 9 ); the most complete lists four magistri and
four ministri of a sacred college, the former freed-
men, the latter slaves (LA 235).
Fornices Stertinii: three arches erected by L. Ster-
tinius in 196 B .C ., one in the Circus Maximus and
two in the Forum Boarium in front of the temples of
M ater M atuta and Fortuna (Livy 33 .2 7 .4 ). These
celebrated his victories in Farther Spain and were
adorned with gilded statues. Because these were the
earliest triumphal arches of which we have any
knowledge and they were quickly followed by the
Arch of Scipio on the Capitoline, it seems likely that
we should credit Stertinius with the creation of the
architectural form that was to become so important.
The arches in front of the twin temples of Forum
Boarium are apt to have been axial entranceways,
but that in the Circus Maximus may have been lo
cated almost anywhere. None of these is mentioned
subsequently, so they may have been short-lived.
Fornix Augusti: known from an inscription found
in the fourteenth century, together with remains of
an arch (C/L 6.8 7 8 ). The inscription merely records
a restoration made by Augustus as pontifex maxi-
mus, therefore sometime after 12 B .C . The arch is
described as arcus m arm oreu s in p latea pon tis S.
M ariae, so it was probably not a triumphal arch, but
simply an arch marking the bridgehead of the Pons
Aemilius, like the Arch of Augustus at Rimini, a
common architectural feature. Other inscriptions
(C/L 6 .8 9 7 -9 8 = /LS 1 3 1 -3 2 ) to Gaius and Lucius
Caesar that were found near the temple called For
tuna Virilis have been thought to have belonged to
the arch, but without sufficient reason.
The theory that this might be the Arcus Stillans
(q.v.) and part of the aqueduct carrying the Aqua
Claudia to the Transtiberim (Frontinus, A q. 1.20)
has little to recommend it. Such aqueducts were reg
ularly carried in the parapets of the Tiber bridges,
and the lack of any other arches of an aqueduct
bridge in the vicinity speaks conclusively against its
existence.
Fornix Calpurnianus: mentioned only once by
Orosius (5.9.2) in his account of the death of Tiber
ius Gracchus. Gracchus was at an assembly of the
people on the Capitoline at the Temple of Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus Capitolinus (Appian, BellC iv
1.15). The senate at the same time assembled in the
153
F O R N IX FABIANUS
nearby temple of Fides (Val. M ax. 3 .2 .1 7 ; Appian,
B ellC iv 1.16). At the end of the meeting of the senate
Scipio Nasica, the pontifex maximus, led an attack
on Gracchus and his supporters, who gave way be
fore him. When Gracchus turned to flee and ran
around the temple, his toga was torn off him, and,
as he ran down the steps q u i sunt super Calpur-
nianum F orn icem (also described as being the gate
way beside the statues of the kings), he was struck
by a club and felled, and when he tried to rise he was
struck a second mortal blow. It seems clear that this
must have been one of the subsidiary approaches to
the Area Capitolina (q.v.), but because the statues of
the kings must have been given prominence, presum
ably set on a continuous high base, like that of the
eponymous heroes in the agora of Athens, facing to
ward the Temple of Jupiter but visible from below, it
is impossible to tell from which direction this may
have been. On the Marble Plan a stair in two switch-
back flights is shown approaching the Capitoline
from the southwest, the general direction of the
Theatrum Marcelli (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23).
This may be the Centum Gradus of Tacitus {Hist.
3.71). Midway along the upper flight is an arch that
might be the Fornix Calpurnianus.
The only Calpurnius known to have triumphed
before 133 B .C . was C. Calpurnius Piso (Livy
3 9 .4 2 .2 -3 ), but no one says that the Fornix Calpur
nianus was triumphal, nor in this location would it
seem likely to have been. For a different view, see
H elikon 1 (1961): 2 6 4 - 8 2 (B. Bilinski).
Fornix Fabianus (or Fabiorum) (Fig. 4 8 ): an arch
on the Sacra Via at the east end of the Forum Ro-
manum, regarded as one of the boundaries of the
forum, as in the phrase a rostris usque a d arcum Fa-
bianum (Seneca, D ial. 2.1 .3 ). It is variously de
scribed as iuxta R egiam in Sacra Via (Cicero, Schol.
in Act. I in Verrem [Stangl 2 1 1 ]), p ro p e Vestam (Ci
cero, S cbol. in Act. I in Verrem [Stangl 3 36]), Sacram
ingredientibus Viam p o st tem plum C astoris (Cicero,
Schol. in Act. I in Verrem [Stangl 3 5 0 ]), and a d pu-
teal S cribon ii L ib on is q u o d est in porticu Iulia (Per-
sius, Schol. a d 4.4 9 ). Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogi-
cus built it in 121 B .C . to celebrate his victories over
the Allobroges. It was decorated with statues of a
number of members of his family, possibly part of a
restoration, and was the first triumphal arch in or
near the forum. It was restored by his grandson of
the same name, as curule aedile in 5 7 B .C . (CIL
6.1 3 0 3 , 1304, 3 1 5 9 3 ; IL S 4 3 ); the inscriptions,
which were discovered in 1540 and 1543, have since
been lost. In 1953 it was identified with the founda
tions of a single-fornix arch over the southern
branch of Sacra Via just after this forks from the
154
northern branch at the east end of the Regia (q.v.).
Coarelli, with greater logic, places it over the north
ern branch of Sacra Via at the western end of the
Regia. Because the area has been repeatedly ran
sacked, it is impossible to assign any fragments of
elements of a superstructure to it, but presumably
this will have been of tufa faced with travertine and
adorned with statuary and other ornaments in gilded
bronze.
Nash 1 .3 9 8 -4 0 0 ; Coarelli 1985, 1 7 1 -7 3 .
Fornix Scipionis: an arch that Scipio Africanus
erected in 190 in Capitolio. It stood adversus viam,
which suggests that it flanked rather than spanned
the roadway, and was adorned with seven gilded
statues and two horses. In front of it were set two
marble basins (Livy 3 7 .3 .7 ), presumably fountains,
but because Q. Marcius R exs bringing of the Aqua
M arcia to the Capitoline was regarded as a feat wor
thy of record (Livy, Epit. 54) and the Anio Vetus ran
at a much lower level than the M arcia, the basins
may originally have been purely ornamental. It seems
to have been a single-fornix arch and does not seem
to have served as an entrance to the Area Capitolina.
F ors F o rtu n a , F a n u m : a temple on the right bank
of the Tiber, supposed to have been founded by Ser-
vius Tullius (Varro, Ling. 6 .1 7 ; Dion. Hal. 4.27.7).
It was outside the city, beside the Tiber, and its ded
ication day was 24 June (Degrassi 473). As we learn
from the fasti, there were actually two temples, one
at the first and one at the sixth milestone of the Via
Portuensis, with the same festival day. The dedicator
of the second temple is unknown. Dionysius (4.27.7)
misunderstood the name of the goddess and inter
preted it as Fortis Fortuna, and he was followed in
this by Plutarch {D e fort. R om . 5), who ascribes the
foundation of the temple to Ancus Marcius. But one
is not apt to confuse Servius Tullius with Ancus M ar
cius, especially not someone as versed in Roman an
tiquities as Plutarch, so it may be that the second
temple is the one in question and a foundation of
Ancus Marcius.
In 293 B .C . Sp. Carvilius let a contract for another
temple to Fors Fortuna near the temple of Servius
Tullius {p ro p e a ed em , Livy 1 0 .4 6 .1 4 ), and in a . d . 1
Tiberius dedicated yet another temple close to the
river in the gardens that Julius Caesar had willed to
the people of Rome (Tacitus, Ann. 2.4 1 .1 ).
Four temples to the same divinity, all on the right
bank of the Tiber, are a puzzling phenomenon. In
20 9 B .C . there was a minor prodigy: a bust that
adorned the crown of one of the cult statues fell
spontaneously into the statues hand. Other men
tions of the temples are rare and uninformative, ex

cept for the appearance of one in the regionary cat
alogues of the fourth century. But the temples of
Servius, Carvilius, and Tiberius were all close to the
river (cf. Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 7 3 -8 6 ) and may all have
stood in a group, because the first milestone of Via
Campana/Portuensis is apt to have fallen within the
area of the Horti Caesaris (2)(q.v.). The temple at the
sixth milestone was close to the headquarters of
the Fratres Arvales. No positive identification of re
mains of any of these temples has been made.
Fortuna: a temple that Trajan dedicated to the uni
versal Fortuna, at which offerings were to be made
on 1 January (Lydus, M ens. 4.7). The idea seems to
have been to gather all the multiple aspects of For
tuna into a single cult, and the offerings at the open
ing of the new year go with related ceremonies of the
augurs (see Strenia, Sacellum) and magistrates (Scul-
lard 5 2 -5 4 ). We have no idea where this temple may
have stood.
Fortuna, Aedes (1) (Figs. 9, 3 7 .1 0 ): a temple in the
Forum Boarium believed to have been founded by
Servius Tullius (Dion. Hal. 4 .2 7 .7 ), twin to a Temple
of M ater M atuta, with which it shared a dedication
day, 11 June (Degrassi 4 6 8 -6 9 ) . It burned in the fire
of 213 B .C . (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 ) and a special commission
restored it the next year (Livy 2 5 .7 .6 ). It contained
an archaic statue of gilded wood that survived the
fire unscathed (Ovid, Fast. 6 .6 2 5 2 6 ; Val. M ax.
1 .8 .11; Dion. Hal. 4 .4 0 .7 ). This statue was draped
in two togas described as p raetex ta e (Pliny, H N
8.197) and undulatae or regiae u n du latae (Varro ap.
N on. 27 8 L ; Pliny, H N 8.194). It was so thoroughly
concealed by these that the identity of the subject
was in dispute, some believing it to be a statue of
Servius Tullius (Ovid, Fast. 6 .5 6 9 -7 2 , 6 1 3 -2 4 ;
Varro ap. N on. 27 8 L ; Pliny, H N 8 .1 9 7 ; Dion. Hal.
4 .4 0 .7 ; Val. M ax. 1.8.11), others a statue of the god
dess (Cass. Dio 5 8 .7 .2 ). According to Dio, Sejanus
removed this statue to his own house.
In the zone known as the Area Sacra di Sant
Omobono, the temple has come to light. With its
twin, it stood inside the Porta Carmentalis, its back
to the Vicus Iugarius, from which an entrance pas
sage led between the two temples. Their architectural
form was odd, the deep pronaos being enclosed by
lateral walls, distyle in antis, but with a second line
of two columns midway between faade and cella,
the cella small, with alae to either side. In front of
each temple on axis is an archaic U-shaped altar
turned ninety degrees to face east.
The whole area is enormously complicated by
building and rebuilding. Excavation was begun in
1937 and soon laid bare a welter of walls and pave
FORTUNA EQ U ESTR IS, AEDES
ments, the complete publication of which is still
awaited. In 1974 the first deep stratigraphic excava
tions were carried out at selected points, and these
have continued intermittently ever since. The mate
rial of every sort is of the highest interest and attests
to the early occupation and continued intense use of
the area.
Nash 1 .4 1 5 -1 7 ; PP 32 (1977): 1 -1 2 8 (various au
thors); Coarelli 1988, 2 0 5 - 4 3 7 , especially 2 0 5 - 4 4 ;
L a gran de R o m a d ei Tarquini, 1 1 1 -3 0 (G. Pisani
Sartorio, A. Sommella Mura, et al.).
Fortuna, Aedes (2): see Lacus Aretis.
Fortuna, Templum N ovum : listed by the N otitia
in Regio VII: tem pla d u o n ov a Spei et F ortunae, so
the adjective is probably not an epithet. The temple
is otherwise unknown.
Fortuna A potropaios: a shrine that Plutarch
(Q u aest. R om . 74) ascribed to Servius Tullius, but
otherwise unknown. The Latin translation of A p o
tropaios has been suggested to be Averrunca, but this
does nothing to advance our knowledge. Plutarch as
cribes numerous hiera to Fortuna to Servius, but only
two temples are usually mentioned; the others may
have been altars.
Fortuna Augusta Stata: see Fortuna Stata.
Fortuna Brevis: a bieron ascribed to Servius Tullius
by Plutarch (Q u aest. R om . 74).
Fortuna Dubia: see Vicus Fortunae Dubiae.
Fortuna Equestris, Aedes: a temple of Fortuna of
the equites vowed by Q. Fulvius Flaccus in 180 B .C .
during his campaign in Spain (Livy 4 0 .4 0 .1 0 and
44.9) and dedicated in 173 (Livy 42 .1 0 .5 ) on 13 Au
gust (Degrassi 4 9 4 95). For this temple Flaccus took
some of the marble tiles of the Temple of Iuno Laci-
nia near Croton, but the senate ordered him to re
store them (Livy 4 2 .3 .1 11; Val. M ax. 1.1.20). It is
referred to in 92 B .C . (Obsequens 53) and possibly
156 (Obsequens 16). It was near the Theatrum Pom
peii and an example of systyle column spacing, the
intercolumniations being equal to twice the diameter
of the columns (Vitruvius 3.3 .2 ). It is said that Flac
cus strove to make his temple so magnificent that
there should be none larger or more splendid in
Rome, but by a . d . 2 2 it had apparently disappeared
(Tacitus, Ann. 3 .7 1 .1 ). It seems unlikely that a large
temple familiar to Vitruvius could have been forgot
ten in so short an interval, so probably it was de
stroyed in the fire of a . d . 21 that burned the scaena
155
FO RTU N A EU ELPIS
of the Theater of Pompey (Tacitus, Ann. 3 .7 2 .4 ,
6 .4 5 .2 ; Hieron. a. Abr. 2037).
Fortuna Euelpis (Bonae Spei); one of the shrines
Plutarch credits Servius Tullius with having estab
lished to Fortuna. He calls it a hieron (Q uaest. R om .
74) and a b o m o s (D e fort. R om . 10). It was in Vicus
Longus on the Quirinal and seems to have been to
the combination of Fortuna and Spes known from
coins (Roscher 1 .1 5 3 7 -3 9 [R. Peter]). The Latin epi
thet is not attested in our sources, and the history
and more precise location of the shrine are entirely
unknown.
Fortuna Huiusce Diei: A shrine of some sort to the
goddess in this aspect on the Palatine is indicated by
the existence there of a Vicus Huiusce Diei (q.v.). It
is otherwise unknown. However, the omission of the
name of Fortuna in the name of the vicus is surpris
ing, and it may mean that we are dealing with some
thing quite different.
Fortuna Huiusce Diei, Aedes (Fig. 8): a temple
vowed by Q. Lutatius Catulus at the Battle of Ver-
cellae, 30 July 101 B .C . (Plutarch, M arius 26.2) and
dedicated on an anniversary of the battle (Degrassi
488). The fasti put it in ca m p o (M artio), and it has
been identified with great probability as Temple B of
the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina. Varros descrip
tion (Rust. 3.5.12) of Catuluss building as a tholus
with a colonnade and the fact that it is pointed out
as an example in a conversation set in the nearby
Villa Publica seem nearly conclusive. The temple is
raised on a low podium, with a broad stair of ap
proach projecting toward the east. The peripteros
was of eighteen Corinthian columns, the shafts of
tufa, and the bases and capitals of travertine. The
walls are of concrete faced with opus incertum, and
the podium is faced with tufa plates and moldings.
At a later period the walls of the cella were dis
mantled, walls were run between the columns of the
peripteros to make a new cella, and an enormous
statue base was installed to carry a colossal cult
statue.
Pliny (HN 34.60) tells us that seven nude statues
and one of an elderly man, all by Pythagoras of Sa
mos, a contemporary of Myron, stood a d aed em
Fortu nae H uiusce D iei and were much admired. It is
more likely to be this temple that is meant than the
one on the Palatine, but certainty is impossible. Pro
copius (B ellG oth 1.15.11) says that in the sixth cen
tury a stone replica of the Palladium that Diomedes
brought from Troy to Italy existed in the Temple of
Fortuna; this is commonly thought to be the temple
that is meant, but without adequate reason.
Because it is hardly thinkable that Catulus would
156
have dedicated statues in someone elses temple, were
he intending to build one of his own, we must sup
pose that the three statues that Pliny ascribed to Phi
dias (H N 34 .5 4 ) and located a d aed em F ortunae
H uiusce D iei belonged here. Two of these were pal-
liata (draped figures), and the third was a colossal
nude. Moreover, Aemilius Paullus is said to have
dedicated an Athene, also by Phidias, in the same
temple. If the hero of Pydna is meant, then we must
assume that the statue was originally dedicated else
where, presumably in the shrine to that goddess on
the Palatine, and subsequently transferred to Catu
luss temple, which is certainly not impossible. But it
is also possible that an Aemilius Paullus of the time
of the revival of the name in the Lepidus branch of
the family dedicated the statue.
Fortuna M ala, A ra: an altar located (Cicero, Nat.
D. 3 .6 3 , Leg. 2 .2 8 ; Pliny, H N 2.16) simply Esquiliis
(see Esquiliae [1]). It seems likely that it was at the
top of the Clivus Suburanus, inside the Porta Es-
quilina.
Fortuna M am m osa: a shrine or altar listed by the
regionary catalogues in Regio X II and to be con
nected with the Vicus Fortunae Mammosae of the
Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). In the re
gionary catalogues it appears after Via Nova and be
fore Isis Ahenodoria, for which reason PA suggests it
should be located between Porta Capena and the
Baths of Caracalla. But we know very little about the
topography of this region, especially of the Aven-
tinus Minor.
Fortuna Obsequens: a shrine ascribed to Servius
Tullius by Plutarch (D e fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om .
74) and located by the Vicus Fortunae Obsequentis
of the Capitoline Base in Regio I (C IL 675 = ILS
6073). It should therefore be inside Porta Capena,
possibly on the western slope of the Caelian. Cf. Ve
nus Obsequens, Aedes.
Fortuna Primigenia, H ieron: a temple of the For
tuna of Praeneste supposed to have been founded by
Servius Tullius on the Capitoline (Plutarch, D e fort.
R om . 10, Q uaest. R om . 7 4); the day of dedication
seems to have been the Ides of November (Degrassi
530). In C IL 1 4 .2 8 5 2 = IL S 3 6 9 6 Fortuna is de
scribed as T arpeio . . . vicina Tonanti, so the temple
must be presumed to have been in the Area Capito
lina (q.v.). Cf. also Fortunae (Tres), Aedes.
Fortuna Privata, H ieron: a temple of Fortuna as
patroness of the individual, in contrast to Fortuna
Publica (see Fortunae [Tres], Aedes). It was on the
Palatine, and its foundation was ascribed to Servius

Tullius (Plutarch, D e fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om .
74). It was extant in Plutarchs day, but no one else
mentions it.
Fortuna Redux, A ra: an altar that the senate
erected in 19 B .C ., probably in the precinct (iuxta) of
the Temple of Honos et Virtus near Porta Capena, to
celebrate the return of Augustus from the East (Au
gustus, R G 11). A festival was established in his
honor on the anniversary of his reentry into the city,
12 October, the Augustalia (Degrassi 5 1 9 -2 0 ), but
the altar itself was dedicated on 15 December (De
grassi 538). The altar is shown on coins (e.g., B. M.
Coins, R om . R ep. 3 pi. 63 nos. 2 5 ; B. M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 1 pi. 7 nos. 1 0 -1 3 ) and seems to have
been relatively modest.
Fortuna Redux, Templum: a temple that Domi-
tian built after his triumphal return to Rome follow
ing campaigns in Germany in a . d . 93 (Martial 8.65).
The temple overlooked the Porta Triumphalis, which
Domitian rebuilt and crowned with triumphal cars
drawn by elephants, and is certainly that shown in
an adventus panel on the attic of the Arch of Con
stantine, a panel taken from an arch of Marcus Au
relius (Nash 1.111 fig. 115). The temple is shown as
tetrastyle, prostyle, of the Corinthian order, and
with symbols of Fortuna in the pediment. The Porta
Triumphalis was probably the fornix of Porta Car-
mentalis that the Fabii were believed not to have
used on their way to Veii, that on the right as one
approached the gate from the exterior (Livy 2.4 9 .8 ),
and the Temple of Fortuna Redux must have stood
on the slopes of the Capitoline. It is at least conceiv
able that it is the tetrastyle temple shown on a frag
ment of the Marble Plan at the head of the Centum
Gradus (?) (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23). From
coins bearing this legend and Fortuna Augusti, one
gathers that the cult statue showed the goddess
standing, with her usual attributes of steering oar
and cornucopia (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 passim).
Fortuna Respiciens: a shrine of unknown sort on
the Palatine responsible for the name of the Vicus
Fortunae Respicientis recorded on the Capitoline
Base (CLL 6.975 = ILS 6073). It is also listed in the
regionary catalogues after the Curiae Veteres and be
fore the Septizodium, which encourages us to locate
it on the east slope of the hill, perhaps about midway
along it.
Fortuna Respiciens, H ieron: a temple of Fortuna
on the Esquiline which Plutarch ascribed to Servius
Tullius (D e fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om . 74). This is
presumably the temple meant by Dio (42.26.4) in re
counting a prodigy of 48 B .C ., when a stream of
F O R T U N A A U G U S T A ST AT A
blood issued from a bakery and flowed to a temple
of Fortuna. If the emendation of Plutarch (en Ais-
kuliais) is correct, the temple probably stood along
the Clivus Suburanus not far from the Porta Esquil-
ina.
Fortuna Restitutrix, A ra: see Castra Praetoria.
Fortuna Seiani, Aedes: Pliny (HN 36 .1 6 3 ) says
that in the time of Nero a stone was discovered in
Cappadocia of the hardness of marble, white, and
translucent even where tawny veins occurred, prob
ably an alabaster or onyx. O f this stone Nero built a
temple for the Fortuna of Sejanus, which had been
originally dedicated by Servius Tullius, and included
it in the Domus Aurea. The quality of the stone was
such that by day with the doors closed it was as
bright as daylight within. Pliny uses the past tense of
the temple, as though it no longer existed, thus sug
gesting that it was in the parts of the Domus Aurea
destroyed under Vespasian, especially the Stagnum,
where the Colosseum was built, and the area sur
rounding this.
The Fortuna Seiani can only be the statue draped
with two togas that stood in the Temple of Fortuna
in the Forum Boarium and was removed by Sejanus
to his own house (Cass. Dio 5 8 .7 .2 ). Why it was not
restored to its proper place after Sejanuss death is
not clear, nor yet what may have become of it after
the dismantling of N eros temple.
Fortuna Augusta Stata: a shrine known only from
an inscription (C IL 6.761 = 1L S 3308) recording its
dedication on the Kalends of January a . d . 12 by the
vicomagistri of the Vicus Sandaliarius (q.v.) of Regio
IV. It was consequently on the western end of the
Oppius near the Temple of Tellus, probably a small
compital shrine.
Fortuna Augusta is known from Pompeii, where
she had an important temple and her worship was in
the charge of a college of four Ministri Fortunae Au-
gustae whose inscriptions range in date from a . d . 3
to a . d . 56. It is surprising that the cult of Fortuna
Augusta or Augusti was not more widespread and
publicized in the early years of the principate. She
does not seem to have appeared on coins until the
time of Galba (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1.352 no.
241). Perhaps it is because she was worshiped as a
compital divinity and her worship was always in the
charge of Augustales. A base to Fortuna Augusta
was dedicated on 28 January a . d . 119 by the officers
of the mint of gold and silver near S. Clemente (see
M oneta), eighteen freedmen and nine slaves (C/L
6.43 = 1LS 1634).
Stata Mater, a divinity credited with the ability to
stop fires, had an image (sim ulacrum ) in the Forum
157
F O R T U N A T U L L IA N A
Romanum and was widely worshiped in the compi-
tal shrines of the vici (Festus 416L ). She is also
known from a Vicus Statae M atris (q.v.) on the Cae-
lian and a Vicus Statae Siccianae in the Transtiberim
(C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). Numerous dedications to
her by vicomagistri attest to her popularity as a com-
pital god (cf. IL S 3 3 0 6 -9 ).
Fortuna Tulliana: known from a single inscription
found near Porta Flaminia (Porta del Popolo), the se
pulchral inscription of a freedman aedituus of the
temple (C IL 6 .8 7 0 6 = IL S 37 1 7 ). Almost certainly
one of the numerous shrines supposed to have been
dedicated by Servius Tullius is meant. PA thinks Fors
Fortuna most likely, but the Temple of Fortuna in the
Forum Boarium was certainly at least as well known
and venerable.
Fortuna Virgo (Hieron): a shrine that Plutarch
(D e fort. R om . 10, Q u aest. R om . 74) said was dedi
cated by Servius Tullius. Plutarch locates it near the
Fons Muscosus (q.v.). This makes it unlikely to have
been the Fortuna of Forum Boarium, and one would
like to locate it on the edge of the city, but there is
no other evidence.
Fortuna Virilis (Hieron, Hedos): a temple as
cribed by Plutarch (D e fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om .
74) to Servius Tullius. The goddess was worshiped
on 1 April, on the same day as Venus Verticordia
(Degrassi 4 3 3 34), and was credited with concealing
the blemishes of womens bodies from men. Conse
quently, she was worshiped especially in baths and
bathing places (Ovid, Fast. 4 .1 4 5 -5 0 ), but the asso
ciation of Fortuna Virilis with Venus Verticordia sug
gests that she, too, might have had her temple in Val-
lis Murcia. There is no mention of a temple, except
by Plutarch. The temple in Forum Boarium com
monly ascribed to Fortuna Virilis is certainly not
hers, but is probably the Temple of Portunus (see
Portunium).
Fortuna Viscata (Hieron): a temple ascribed by
Plutarch (D e fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om . 74) by
implication to Servius Tullius, but without explicit
attribution. The epithet was explained as meaning
that Fortuna, like a fowler, catches her prey at a dis
tance and holds it tenaciously. The explanation
seems unlikely, unless the divinity was shown with a
fowlers reed as attribute. There is no indication of
the temples location.
Fortunae (Tres), Aedes: three temples of Fortuna
on the Quirinal just inside the Porta Collina; the
name a d tres F ortunas seems to have been given to a
small district there (cf. Vitruvius 3.2.2).
158
The principal temple was that of Fortuna Primi
genia, the great goddess of Praeneste, to whom in the
fasti are also given the names Fortuna Publica Populi
Romani Quiritium and Fortuna in Colle (Quirinali),
whereas Lydus (Mens. 4.7) styles her Populi Fortuna
Potentis Publica. The consul P. Sempronius Tudi-
tanus vowed the temple in 2 0 4 B .C . at the outset of
his battle with Hannibal at Croton (Livy 29 .3 6 .8 ),
and Q. Marcius Raila dedicated it in 194 (Livy
3 4 .5 3 .5 ). The day of dedication was 25 May (De
grassi 46 1 ). It was probably in this temple that prod
igies were observed in 169 B .C . (Livy 43 .1 3 .5 ).
The second temple is called the Temple of Fortuna
Publica Citerior (in Colle), i.e., that nearest to the
center of the city. Its day of dedication was 5 April
(Degrassi 437). Ovid (Fast. 4 .3 7 5 -7 6 ) mentions it,
but nothing is known of its form or history.
The third temple seems to have been insignificant
and may have escaped certain mention in any of our
ancient sources (cf. Degrassi for 13 November).
In recounting the prodigies of 48 B .C ., Dio
(4 2 .2 6 .3 4) says that the Temple of Fortuna Publica
was struck by lightning and the doors of the temple
opened of their own accord. This was probably the
most important of the three. Vitruvius (3.2.2) says
that the temple nearest the gate was an example of a
temple distyle in antis. In recounting the dedication
of the temple of Sempronius Tuditanus, Livy
(34.53.6) confuses him with Sempronius Sophus
(cos. 26 8 ), saying that Sophus vowed the temple as
consul and let the contract for it as censor. This is so
wildly wrong chronologically that it may be that
Livy got hold of records for more than one temple of
Fortuna and confused them because the men who
vowed them belonged to the same gens, and whereas
the Temple of Fortuna Primigenia belonged to Tudi
tanus, one of the others belonged to Sophus, in
which case it is probably Fortuna Publica Citerior.
The picture that emerges is of three temples in a
row or arc just inside the Porta Collina, all belonging
to Fortuna Publica, the largest in the center to For
tuna Publica Primigenia, that nearest the city to For
tuna Publica without further epithet and conse
quently probably the oldest of the three, and that
nearest the gate the least important of the three ar
chitecturally and historically.
Discoveries in excavations in the neighborhood
have produced material that is suggestive but incon
clusive. Cf. Lugli 1938, 338 and literature cited
there; Lanciani, LFU R sheet 10.
Fortunium : see Portunium.
Forum , Area, Compitum : Originally the forum
was simply the open space in the center of the city
around which public buildings, temples, offices, and

shops clustered. Its location was determined by con
venience; because the salt route on which Rome
heavily depended descended the Quirinal by Alta
Semita and took the Vicus Iugarius to reach the ferry
at the mouth of the Cloaca, a market to sell provi
sions to those using that route must have sprung up
on the lower slopes of the Capitoline very early, and
as Rome grew, it expanded into the area below.
Romulus and Titus Tatius are supposed to have
struck their treaty of peace on the Sacra Via, and
statues of them stood there to prove it, Romulus on
the Palatine side, Titus Tatius toward the Rostra
(Festus 372L ; Servius a d Aen. 8.6 4 1 ). Presumably
these were near the foot of the Velia. The Comitium,
so far as we know, was never in any other than its
traditional location, midway between the Quirinal
and the Palatine, and the Curia Hostilia was believed
to have been built by Tullus Hostilius. Dionysius
(2 .5 0 .1 -2 ) ascribes the creation of the forum to
Romulus and Titus Tatius, saying they cut down the
wood growing at the foot of the Capitoline to fill
most of the lake in the forum basin, but then he goes
on to say that they conducted their business and as
semblies at the Volcanal. The real work of channel
ing the Cloaca is always ascribed to the Tarquins;
this permitted expansion of forum activity to cover
the whole of the basin. The butchers were expelled
from the forum by 310 B .C . and replaced by money
changers and bankers (Varro ap. N on . 853L), but a
market in items of feminine adornment still contin
ued to thrive there in Plautuss day {Cure. 4 7 2 -7 3 ).
We hear of tabernae there in the time of Cicero (Ci
cero, D e Or. 2 .2 6 6 ; Varro, Ling. 6.59), but probably
these were by this time largely government offices.
The conversion of the forum into a purely civic cen
ter was probably no earlier than the time of Augus
tus, although work on the project was initiated by
Julius Caesar, and one sees attempts in this direction
under Sulla. The earliest temple on the forum was
that of Saturn of the early fifth century, but sanctu
aries such as the Volcanal and Lacus Curtius dated
from time immemorial.
With the growth of Rome other areas took on
forum character and were called by that name. The
open area behind the port on the river just below the
island became the Forum Boarium, and its extension
toward the Campus Martius became the Forum Hol-
itorium. The markets into which the provisioners
moved after expulsion from the main forum were the
Forum Piscarium (or Piscatorium) and Forum Cup-
pedinis, and we know of a Forum Esquilinum, where
the forces of Marius and Sulla fought a pitched battle
in 88 B .C . (Appian, B ellC iv 1.58). Probably this use
of the term was natural and instinctive. The Forum
Piscarium and Forum Cuppedinis were adjacent to
the original forum and in some sense simply exten
F O R U M , AREA, C O M P IT U M
sions of it. The Forum Boarium existed as early as
218 B .C ., when a portent was observed there (Livy
2 1 .6 2 .3 ); and in 2 1 2 B .C . the first gladiatorial games
offered in Rome were held there as part of a funeral,
but it is not perfectly clear whether the Forum Boar
ium was inside or outside the Servian Walls, which
were standing in this area through the Second Punic
War, although they seem to have been dismantled al
most immediately after its successful conclusion.
From Livys account of the fire of 213 B .C . (Livy
2 4 .4 7 .1 5 ) one gathers that it was outside the walls,
but the Temple of Portunus is described as in portu
T iberin o (Varro, Ling. 6.1 9), not in fo r o B oario . In
216 B .C . the Romans, on instruction of the Sibylline
Books, performed an extraordinary sacrifice by
burying alive four people, a Gaulish man and
woman and a Greek man and woman; this was done
in fo r o B o a rio (Livy 2 2 .5 7 .6 ). It seems more likely
that this would have been done outside the pome-
rium than inside, but the exact location is unknown.
However, Varro {ap. M acrob. Sat. 3.6.10) carefully
distinguished a temple of Hercules a d p ortam Trige-
m inam from one in fo r o B oa rio . On balance, then,
the evidence weighs that the Forum Boarium was
originally outside the Servian Walls, probably ex
tending only as far as the Cloaca, defined by this, the
Circus brook, the Servian Walls, and the river. Later
it extended to the Velabrum and the Porta Carmen-
talis and included the Portus Tiberinus, being prob
ably then bounded by streets. The Forum Holitorium
seems to have been similarly loosely bounded but,
unlike the Forum Boarium, seems to have shrunk
with time, rather than expanded.
With the gradual remodeling of the main forum
into a unified public square especially for public
business and ceremony, other fora took this charac
ter, although the fora of provincial towns never lost
their heterogeneous character and continued to pro
vide place for the market in provisions. But the
Forum Iulium, the first of the imperial fora and es
sentially a temple in a square framed by colonnades
with offices (tabernae) behind, is never called any
thing else, and forum begins to be the official desig
nation for such a square, provided there is official
business conducted there. The distinction of the
Templum Pacis of Vespasian, which is not called
Forum Pacis until after the time of Constantine, al
though architecturally it is indistinguishable from its
neighbors, may be that at the beginning it was not
connected with government business or official cere
mony.
In a late period the term foru m is extended to in
clude a great range of insignificant squares that were
probably small market squares. Their names appear
in our catalogues of the fourth and fifth centuries,
but they have disappeared without leaving a trace,
159
 FORUM
and it is impossible to say whether they showed a
common character and, if so, what it might have
been.
Until late antiquity area seems to have been the
term used for a square, or open space, of moderate
size or special dedication. When such space is sacred,
it is usually the possession of a single divinity and
equivalent to a templum or delubrum, as the Area
Concordiae and Area Saturni. The Area Capitolina,
however, was the whole terraced top of its hill and
included within its boundaries a number of temples
to a variety of divinities. A secular area is simply an
open space, as the Area Palatina or Area Radicaria.
It is surprising that there are not more spaces so des
ignated than in fact we find in our sources.
A com pitu m is a crossing of streets, technically
any crossing of streets, but usually one where there
was a shrine to the Lares Compitales, and under the
empire one where the vicomagistri assembled and
performed their rites, so usually a distinct widening,
or emphasis, in the street. One compital shrine has
been discovered, the Compitum Acili on the Velia at
the crossing of Vicus Cuprius and the extension of
Sacra Via leading to the Carinae, a very elegant little
aedicula of marble. It is not known how the compi
tum got its name; most seem to have been named for
one of the streets involved, but only a few names
have come down to us, although there must have
been compita all over the city.
Forum : see Forum Romanum or Magnum.
Forum Ahenobarbi: listed only in the first appen
dix to the regionary catalogues and otherwise com
pletely unknown. We must doubt that it ever existed,
but the source of the name is puzzling.
Forum Aproniani: mentioned in the C od ex T h eo-
dosianus (13.5.29) with the date a . d . 4 0 0 and pos
sibly by Polemius Silvius in his list of fora (Apurani).
If it is to be associated with one of the two L. Turcii
Aproniani who were praefectus urbi in 339 and 363,
as seems likely, it may well have been an alternate
name given to the more familiar Forum Pacis (Tem
plum Pacis), where the praefectus urbi had part of
his headquarters, or some part thereof where there
was a statue or monument to identify it (Iordan
2 .2 1 2 -1 4 ).
TAPS 8 0 .2 (1990): 4 5 - 5 0 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Forum Augustum or Augusti (often called Forum
Martis) (Fig. 3 6): Augustuss greatest architectural
achievement, a magnificent colonnaded square con
taining the great Temple of Mars Ultor. Octavian
vowed a temple to M ars Ultor on the eve of the
160
Battle of Philippi (Suetonius, Aug. 2 9 .2 ; Ovid, Fast.
5 .5 6 9 -7 8 ) and, following the return of the standards
of Crassus by the Parthians, may have dedicated a
small one on the Capitoline, 12 May 20 B .C ., in
which the standards were placed. But Octavian must
from the beginning have intended building a com
plex to rival the Forum Iulium with its Temple of
Venus Genetrix, adjacent, or in close relation, to it.
The site was purchased with the proceeds of the
spoils of war (Augustus, R G 2 1), but we are told that
the princeps was unable to acquire all the land he
wished and that the plan had to be modified (Sueton
ius, Aug. 56 .2 ). Suetonius says that the land he was
unable to obtain was occupied by houses and that
Augustus was reluctant to dispossess their owners. If
this is correct, these must have lain northwest of the
forum as built, between it and the Atrium Libertatis,
and the original intention had been to lay out the
forum parallel to the Forum Iulium. But one mav
question whether this story was not an apocryphal
invention to explain the broad squarish proportions
of the forum and the irregularity of its rear wall, be
cause the general area of the imperial fora was
largely, if not entirely, occupied by a series of mar
kets, and subsequent builders seem not to have en
countered any such difficulties. Macrobius (Sat.
2.4.9) says work on the forum was much delayed by
the architect, but no one says when it was begun.
Because it was built ex m anubiis and the Temple of
Apollo Palatinus (see Apollo Palatinus, Aedes) served
as a victory monument for the conquest of Egypt, we
may think of the spoils of the Spanish and German
wars as the m ajor sources of funds and think of work
as beginning in earnest about 25 or 24 B .C . Accord
ing to Suetonius (Aug. 29 .1 ), work on the forum at
the end was hurried, and the dedication was made
with the Temple of Mars Ultor still unfinished. The
date of the dedication was 12 M ay 2 B .C . (Cass. Dio
5 5 .1 0 .1 -8 , 6 0 .5 .3 ; Veil. Pat. 2 .1 0 0 .2 ; Degrassi 490:
JR S 6 7 [1977]: 9 1 -9 4 [C. J. Simpson]). Suetonius
(Aug. 29.1) says the purpose of the forum was to
provide space for law courts, because with the in
crease in population the two existing fora were no
longer adequate, but D ios (55.10.15) detailed list
of activities decreed to take place there omits any
mention of courts and makes it quite clear that the
main purpose of the forum was as a foreign office,
the center from which the provinces were adminis
tered (see Anderson 8 8 -9 7 ). There is no other evi
dence that the forum was ever regularly used for
courts, although the princeps might sit in judgment
there (see below).
The forum was a broad rectangle about 125 m
long and 90 m wide. In some way that is not known,
its main entrance must have been on axis from the

Forum Iulium, to which it was perpendicular, or
from a street separating it from the Forum Iulium. It
was flanked by deep colonnades, and the Temple of
Mars Ultor nearly filled the far end of the open
square. Behind the colonnades along the temple
flanks opened great hemicycles lined with niches, like
the colonnades. The roofing of these has been much
debated, but their chief purpose must have been to
bring abundant light down behind the colonnades in
order to illuminate and enhance the flanks of the
temple, which would otherwise lie in a deeply shaded
canyon, and to suggest spacious expansions of the
square opening out beyond it to either side. The
southeast colonnade ends abruptly on a straight line;
the northwest one ends in a squarish hall screened
from the colonnade by a pair of columns. In the
space at this end between colonnade and temple to
either side a broad stair leads up through an arch
way, angled to increase the focus on the temple, to a
broad street at the back; the arch to the southeast is
known as the Arco dei Pantani. From this street be
hind the forum, one had access to some unimportant
chambers tucked into unused and irregular spaces
and to a courtyard surrounded by vaulted arcades at
the north corner, which must have been of some im
portance but had no direct communication with the
forum.
The forum colonnades were lifted three steps
above the square and paved with rectangular flags of
colored marble. The columns were of cipollino and
other colored marbles, 9.50 m high, the Corinthian
capitals and entablature of white marble, sur
mounted by a deep attic, implying a vaulted ceiling
behind it, on the faade of which caryatids, replicas
of those of the Erechtheum in Athens reduced in size,
alternated with large and richly carved shields bear
ing the heads of divinities (Iuppiter Ammon survives)
as bosses, a decorative version of imagines clipeatae.
The caryatids stand forward from the face of the
wall, so the architrave breaks forward to be carried
by them, and a line of coffers is introduced between
each pair. The back wall of the colonnade is broken
by rectangular niches framed by an engaged order
responding to the colonnade. The engaged order
continues on a line of piers across the opening to
each hemicycle and also frames the line of niches
along each curved wall, while a larger aedicular
niche breaks the line at the center of the curve, and a
second line of niches is added above. It is presumed
that the lower niches were for the bronze statues of
the Iulii and the Summi Viri of Rome, who, we
know, were honored here, each with an inscription
recording his offices and accomplishments (Sueton
ius, Aug. 3 1 .5 ; Cass. Dio 5 5 .1 0 .3 ; Pliny, H N 2 2 .1 3 ;
A. Gellius 9 .1 1 .1 0 ; S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 2 8 .6 , where the
F O R U M AUGUSTUM
Figure 3 6
Forum Augustum
and Forum Iulium ,
R estored Plan
statues are said to be of marble; for the inscriptions,
of which a considerable number are known, see A.
Degrassi, In scription es Italia e 1 3 .3 .1 -3 6 . Only a few
fragments of some of the statues in white marble sur
vive, but enough to show that some were togate and
others loricate and that some were portraits and oth
ers idealized. At the centers of the hemicycles were a
group of Aeneas carrying Anchises on his shoulder
and leading Ascanius by the hand in flight from Troy
and Romulus carrying a trophy of the sp olia op im a
of Acron, king of the Caeninenses. The niches in the
upper zone in the hemicycles are shorter than those
in the lower zone. It is not known what may have
been placed here; it is often conjectured that there
were trophies, but there is no evidence. Later other
statues were added to the collection (Tacitus, Ann.
4.15 and 13.8).
The Temple of Mars Ultor is octastyle, peripteral
sine postico, raised on a high platform and backed
against the precinct wall. An extra pair of columns
on either side in line with the cella wall closes down
the pronaos. The order is Corinthian, all of white
Luna marble, with a ceiling richly coffered around
elaborate rosettes. All the moldings and ornaments
follow classical models, and the Corinthian columns
are considered among the finest in Rome, rivaling
those of the temples of Castor and Concordia.
The pediment of the temple is shown on one of the
reliefs from an arch of Claudius in Villa Medici,
commonly known as the Ara Pietatis reliefs (P.
Zanker, Forum A ugustum [Tbingen 1968], figs. 45,
161
FO R U M BO A R IU M
46). It shows Mars in the center flanked by Venus
and Fortuna, then seated figures of Romulus and
Roma, and in the gable corners recumbent place di
vinities identified as Palatinus Mons and Tiberinus
Pater.
The interior of the temple was a surprise in the
Augustan manner, in strong contrast to the classical
exterior and with revetments and architecture of
Greek marble. The vaulted nave was comparatively
short and broad, leading back to a curved apse of the
full breadth of the nave filled with a statue base. The
side walls were lined with a colonnade on a very high
continuous plinth with a pilaster behind each col
umn, the order Corinthian in which winged Pegasus
protomes replaced the volutes, a very elegant inven
tion. The apse was approached by a flight of five
steps running in effect its full width, and the cult fig
ures seem to have been a triad of Mars Ultor in full
armor, Venus with Cupid to his right, and Divus Iul-
ius to his left.
The wall of the forum along the street behind has
been justly admired. It is of large blocks of Gabine
stone (sperone) and peperino, elegantly rusticated on
the exposed face, with massive frames around all
openings. The courses are alternately all stretchers
and all headers, and the wall is broken into three
equal bands and finished at the top by projecting
stringcourses of travertine blocks slightly larger than
the others. The belief in the resistance of these stones
to fire may be responsible in part for their choice, but
it is also a very handsome wall. On the interior of the
circuit wall travertine is used more freely, wherever
there would be stress, to cap niches with flat arches,
and to frame doorways.
In a .d . 19 Tiberius added two arches, one to either
side of the temple at the foot of the stairs in from the
back to celebrate the victories of Germanicus and
Drusus in Germany (Tacitus, Ann. 2 .6 4 ; C IL 6.911).
Tiberius may also have been responsible for the re
decoration of the square hall at the end of the north
west colonnade. The Corinthian columns at its en
trance are of pavonazzetto, and the hall was
completely revetted with panels of colored marble
(giallo antico and africano) and bands of pavonaz
zetto, into which were let metal reliefs or pictures.
The focus of the room is on a colossal statue at the
far end, perhaps Augustus himself, about 12 m high.
The low base with a footprint of the statue survives.
Pliny (H N 36 .1 0 2 ) considered the forum, the Basil
ica Paulli (Aemilia), and Templum Pacis the three
most beautiful buildings in Rome and relates (H N
16.192) that the timber for the forums construction
was cut in the Rhaetian Alps during the dog days to
assure its excellence. In the sixteenth century,
wooden dowels used in its construction were found
so well preserved that they could be used again
162
(Flaminio Vacca, M em orie d i varie an tichit trovate
in diversi lu oghi della citt d i R om a [in F. Nardini,
R om a antica [Rome 1704], 8 9 ; M em L in c 3.13
[1884]: 4 0 2 [L. Borsari]). It was restored by Hadrian
(S.H.A. H adr. 19) and is listed in the regionary cat
alogues in Regio VIII.
Many works of art were collected and dedicated
in the forum and the temple. The most notable were
a quadriga that the senate dedicated to Augustus
(Augustus, R G 35), two pictures by Apelles one of
War and Alexander in triumph, the other of Castor
and Pollux with Victory (Pliny, H N 3 5 .2 7 and 9 3 -
9 4 ) and an ivory Apollo (Pliny, H N 7.183). Cf.
also Pliny, H N 3 4 .4 8 and 141; Servius a d Aen.
1 .2 9 4 ; Pausanias 8 .4 6 .4 - 5 ; Suetonius, Calig. 24.3;
Tacitus, Ann. 13.8.
Dio (5 5 .1 0 .2 -5 ) gives a list of activities appointed
to take place in the forum: boys were to assume the
toga virilis in it. Governors being sent to their prov
inces should make it their starting point. The senate
should deliberate on war and the award of triumphs
there, and triumphators dedicate their crowns and
scepters to M ars. Military standards recovered from
an enemy should be housed in the temple. The Seviri
Equitum should celebrate an annual festival beside
the steps. Censors at the close of their office should
drive a nail there to signify this (cf. also Sueto
nius, Aug. 2 9 .2 , Calig. 44.2). It became the scene of
feasts of the Salii (Suetonius, Claud. 3 3 .1 ; C IL
6 .2 1 5 8 = IL S 4 9 4 4 ), and the Arval Brethren
sacrificed here (C IL 6 .2 0 4 2 .2 9 = 32 3 5 4 , 2051.88
= 3 2 3 5 9 ; IL S 2 3 0 .2 9 -3 0 , 2 4 1 .9 1 ). Claudius and
Trajan sat in judgment here (Suetonius, C laud. 33.1:
Cass. Dio 6 8 .1 0 .2 ). But clearly its most important
function was always as Romes foreign office.
Nash 1 .4 0 1 -1 0 ; P. Zanker, Forum Augustum
(Tbingen 19 6 8 ); D ialA rch, n.s., 3 (1981): 6 9 84
(S. Rinaldi Tufi); R m M itt 90 (1983): 4 2 1 -4 8 (Y.
Kockel); Anderson 65100; J d l 99 (1984): 1 6 1 -8 5
(B. Wesenberg); R m M itt 92 (1985): 2 0 1 -1 9 (J. Gan-
zert); B u llC om 90 (1985): 34161 (I. Gismondi's
architectural drawings, made for the excavations;:
R om a, a rch eo log ia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .2 4 1 -4 4 (V.
Kockel); A then aeu m 64 (1987): 5 0 5 - 8 (G. Camo-
deca); C EFR 98 (1987): 2 5 1 -7 8 (M. Bonnefond .
7 6 3 -7 0 (H. Bauer).
Forum Boarium (or Bovarium) (Fig. 3 7 ): the area
along the Tiber from the base of the Aventine to the
base of the Capitoline, more precisely from the Ve-
labrum (q.v.) and Porta Trigemina (q.v.) to Vicus
Iugarius (q.v.). It was probably once bounded on the
east by the line of the Servian Walls, but after the
dismantling of these ran from the crest of the ridge
separating it from the Forum Romanum to the Tiber.
There is no evidence that it was ever the cattle mar
 FO R U M BO A R IU M

ket of Rome, as is often asserted. That would have

required open space of easy access and abundant
fresh water, and the Campus Martius would always
have been better suited for it. Its origin as the cattle
market was maintained by Varro (Ling. 5.146) and
Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 27L ); Propertius derived its
name rather facetiously from the story of Cacus and
the cattle of Geryon (4 .9 .1 9 -2 0 ); other Romans de
rived it, probably correctly, from the Aeginetan
bronze statue of an ox believed to mark the begin
ning of the pomerium (q.v.) of Romulus there (Ovid,
Fast. 6 .4 7 7 -7 8 ; cf. Pliny, H N 3 4 .1 0 ; Tacitus, Ann.
12.24). No one tells us when the bronze ox was in
stalled, but presumably it was not before the con
quest of Macedonia.
As the end of the Vicus Iugarius and the point
from which in early times the ferry departed to take
those seeking salt across the Tiber (Holland 141
78), the Forum Boarium must always have been an
important hub of traffic. Three gates in the Servian
Walls were located here, the Porta Carmentalis,
Porta Flumentana, and Porta Trigmina. It was the
bridgehead of the Pons Sublicius and Pons Aemilius,
the two earliest of Romes bridges, and the site of
certain important early cults, notably the Ara M ax
ima Herculis (see Herculis Invicti Ara Maxim a). The
Emporium (q.v.) was located just below it on the
river, and it perhaps came to be the location of
the Statio Annonae (q.v.), presumably because of
granaries nearby.
It was crisscrossed by thoroughfares. The Vicus Figure 3 7
Iugarius at the northern end divided just inside the Forum Boarium and
Porta Carmentalis, the northern branch leading Forum H olito riu m , Plan
o f the Ancient Rem ains,
through the Porta Scelerata and around the foot of
as Know n
the Capitoline to the Campus Martius, the southern
branch running through the Porta Triumphalis (?)
originally down to the mouth of the Cloaca brook. temples of S. N icola in Carcere may have divided Re-
The Vicus Tuscus, joined by the Nova Via and Scalae gio VIII from Regio IX , but there is great uncertainty
Caci, led through the Porta Flumentana, probably here.
following the southern bank of the Cloaca. And an In the course of time the area became heavily built
unnamed road led from the Porta Trigmina to the up with horrea and insulae, although the low eleva
Pons Sublicius, probably following the brook of the tion made the whole zone very prone to flooding. It
Circus Maximus (perhaps called Murcia). Presum was also frequently devastated by fire, most disas
ably the open pomerial zone outside the Servian trously in 213 B .C . (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 -1 6 ). Cippi prob
Walls became in the course of time a road connecting ably of Tiberius (C IL 6 .3 1 5 7 4 = ILS 5941) and
and crossing these, as may have also a wall street Claudius (C IL 6 .9 1 9 = IL S 211) show that encroach
inside that line. ment by private citizens on public land in the area
The division of the forum among the regiones of was a continuing abuse and indicate by their location
Augustan Rome is not entirely clear. The Theatrum a boundary in line with the west front of the Statio
Marcelli was in Regio IX , the Elephas Herbarius was Annonae (q.v.).
in Regio VIII, and the Velabrum, Porta Trigmina, Around the Ara M axim a Herculis clustered
Temple of Hercules Olivarius, and Portunium (?) temples and dedications to Hercules. Just inside the
were in Regio X I. The road leading from the Porta Porta Carmentalis, Servius Tullius was believed to
Flumentana to the Pons Aemilius may have divided have built the twin temples of Fortuna and Mater
Regio VIII from Regio X I, and the continuation of M atuta, while the altars of Carmenta herself were
Vicus Iugarius alongside the southernmost of the nearby. The ancient Temple of Portunus (see Portu-

163
F O R U M CAESARIS
nium), probably the rectangular temple still standing
that is commonly called Fortuna Virilis, became the
center of the flower business in Rome. And certain
mysterious monuments such as the Doliola (q.v.) and
possibly the Busta Gallica (q.v.) were here. Where in
the Forum Boarium the Greek and Gaulish couples
were buried alive in 2 1 6 b . c . following consultation
of the Sibylline Books (Livy 2 2 .5 7 .6 ; Pliny, H N
2 8 .1 2 ; Plutarch, M arcel. 3 .4 ; Orosius 4.13.3) we are
not told, but it was a locus sa x o con saeptu s earlier
used for the same purpose. One presumes it was like
the Campus Sceleratus (q.v.) but outside the pomr
ium. The subterranean chambers discovered in 1901
near the Ianus Quadrifrons (l)(q.v.) of the Velabrum
(NSc 1901, 3 5 4 - 5 5 [G. Gatti], 4 8 1 -8 3 [G. Tomas-
setti]; B u llC om 29 [1901]: 1 4 1 -4 5 [G. Gatti]) some
times suggested to have been the place are too nu
merous to have served and were most likely simply
horrea. That the Forum Boarium was the setting of
the first gladiatorial games offered in Rome, funeral
games held in 2 6 4 b . c . for D. Iunius Scaeva (Val.
M ax. 2 .4 .7 ; Livy, E pit. 16), may have been of little
significance, because the Forum Boarium was on the
way from the Forum Romanum to the Campus Mar-
tius and Transtiberim.
There must always have been an open square of
some sort here, the forum proper, probably origi
nally of considerable size, but by the time of the late
republic confined to the area between the Portunium
(?) and the Navale Inferius, extending eastward per
haps no farther than the cippi of Tiberius and Clau
dius in line with the west faade of the Statio An-
nonae.
Nash 1 .4 1 1 -1 7 ; B u llC om 89 (1984): 2 4 9 -9 6 (G.
Cressedi); Q A rcbE tr 11 (1985): 1 5 7 -9 7 (C. Buz-
zetti, G. Pisani Sartorio, and A. M . Colini); Coarelli
1988.
Forum Caesaris: see Forum Iulium.
Forum Coquinum: possibly a facetious name given
to that part of the Forum Romanum where cooks sat
when waiting to be hired (Plautus, Pseud. 7 9 0 -9 1 ),
but, because in Plautuss catalogue of the kinds of
men one could find in the forum (Cure. 46785)
cooks do not figure, this may be simply a translation
of something in the Greek original of Plautuss play.
It would have been included to permit the wordplay
that follows: furinum est foru m .
Forum Cupidinis: a punning name or mistake for
Forum Cuppedinis (Varro, Ling. 5.1 4 6 ).
Forum Cuppedinis: an alternate name for the Ma-
cellum (q.v.) derived, according to Varro (ap. D on a-
tum in Ter. Eun. 25 6 ), from the name of N. Equitius
164
Cuppes, a notorious brigand and companion of an
other, M . Macellus. After their exile, the sale of their
property, and the destruction of their house, the site
of the house, where food came to be sold, was called
Macellum from one and Forum Cuppedinis from the
other. But Varro elsewhere (Ling. 5.1 4 6 ) puts the
Forum Cuppedinis ad Corneta, the Corneta being
between the Sacra Via and Macellum editum (Varro.
Ling. 5 .1 5 2 ), so perhaps we should think of it as a
particular part of the Macellum. Varros derivation
of the name is, of course, nonsense, but probablv
there was never a separate Forum Cuppedinis.
Forum Esquilinum: apparently mentioned only by
Appian (B ellC iv 1.58), who calls it an agora, other
wise known only from sepulchral inscriptions (CIL
6 .2 2 2 3 , 9 1 7 9 , 9 1 8 0 ; IL S 6071a, 7503). Appian
makes it the scene of a battle between the forces
of Marius and Sulla in 88 B .C ., the first battle ever
fought within the city in full military fashion, so
the forum must have been rather large.
On entering Rome by the Porta Esquilina, Sulla
took possession of this and the Porta Collina and
sent a detachment to the wooden bridge, by which
the Pons Sublicius would ordinarily be meant,
but the point of this maneuver is obscure. In the
course of the battle Sulla sent a force around by the
Clivus Suburanus to attack the Marians from the
rear. From these indicia we can place the Forum Es
quilinum just inside the Porta Esquilina, either south
of it, toward the Auditorium Maecenatis (as the
Lugli and Gismondi map locates it, following H J and
PA), or north of it on the Cispian between S. Maria
Maggiore and the wall. The location of the Macel
lum Liviae (q.v.) just outside the line of the walls
here and the recent discovery of an important market
building under S. M aria Maggiore suggest the latter
location is correct. In view of the amount of traffic
that must have flowed through the Porta Esquilina.
it is not surprising that a large market should have
been located just inside it.
This may be the forum recorded in inscriptions
(C IL 6 .1 6 6 2 , 3 1 8 8 8 ; IL S 53 5 7 ) as having been re
stored by FI. Eurycles Epitychianus, praefectus urbi
in a . d . 450.
Forum Gallorum: mentioned only in the appendix
of the regionary catalogues, and otherwise com
pletely unknown.
Forum Holitorium (Figs. 3 7 , 3 8 ): said by Varro
(Ling. 5.1 4 6 ) to have been the original macellum of
Rome and to have got its name from the abundance
of edible vegetables sold there, but the name is not
formed like those of other fora and seems to mean
of vegetable sellers rather than of vegetables. It

is also rather oddly located for a fruit and vegetable
market, being outside the Porta Carmentalis in the
Campus Martius.
In the period for which we have evidence it was
very small, cramped between the Forum Boarium on
one side and buildings described as in Circo Flaminio
on the other. The Theatrum Marcelli (q.v.) is de
scribed as in Circo Flaminio (CJL 6 .3 2 3 2 3 .1 5 7 -
58 = IL S 5 0 5 0 .1 5 7 -5 8 ), but never with respect to the
Forum Holitorium. The Temple of Bellona (see Bel-
lona, Aedes) is also put in Circo Flaminio (Fast. Ven.
a d I I I N on. lun.), never in Foro Holitorio. The
Temple of Apollo Medicus is once located inter
Forum H olitoriu m et Circum Flam inium (Asconius,
Orat. in tog. cand. [Stangl 70]), but Livy (3.63.7)
puts it in Pratis Flam iniis. On the east the forum was
bounded by the base of the Capitoline Hill.
We know of four temples located there, the oldest
being a temple of Janus built by C. Duilius after his
naval victory over the Carthaginians at Mylae in 260
B .C . (Tacitus, Ann. 2.49). This was soon followed by
a temple of Spes built by A. Atilius Calatinus (cos.
258, 254, diet. 249) during the same war (Cicero,
Leg. 2 .2 8 ; Tacitus, Ann. 2.49). A half-century or so
later these were joined by a temple of Iuno Sospita
(see Iuno Sospita, Aedes), vowed in 197 and dedi
cated in 194, and a temple of Pietas (see Pietas,
Aedes), vowed in 191 and dedicated ten years later.
Julius Caesar removed the last in 4 4 B .C . to make
space for the theater that became the Theatrum M ar
FO R U M IULIUM
Figure 38
Forum H olitoriu m ,
Tem ples o f Spes, Iuno
Sospita, and Pietas (?),
Plan o f Existing
Rem ains with
R econ stru ctio n
celli (Pliny, H N 7 .1 2 1 ), but it may have been rebuilt
nearby, because it continued to appear in the fasti.
Three of these four temples are believed to be those
incorporated in the fabric of the church of S. Nicola
in Carcere. Across a trapezoidal square from the
church, the ancient square paved with travertine
flags, are remains of a vast portico built of rusticated
travertine blocks and brickwork, a complex of shops
and/or offices opening behind an arcaded walk in
front and to either side of a central corridor behind.
This is of imperial date and adjoins at its southern
end a short portico of peperino in two storeys, with
arcading framed in an engaged Tuscan order below
and Corinthian colonnading above. This appears to
be work of the first century B .C ., perhaps about the
middle. It was only one bay deep and ran for only a
short distance, perhaps four bays in all. Behind the
Temple of Spes the censor of 179 B .C ., M . Fulvius
Nobilior, built a portico that probably framed the
forum on the other side (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .6 ). If this was
still standing in the first century B .C ., it must have
been demolished by Julius Caesar to make way for
his theater, but probably it had long since disap
peared.
Nash 1 .4 1 8 -2 3 .
Forum Iulium (often called Forum Caesaris)
(Fig. 3 6): the first of the series of imperial fora, con
ceived at least as early as 5 4 B .C ., when Caesar com
missioned Oppius and Cicero to buy the land he
165
F O R U M IU L IU M
would need (Cicero, Att. 4 .1 6 .8 ). This was very
costly, as it had to be purchased from individual
owners in a zone of intense commercial exploitation.
In the end the final cost of the land alone is said to
have been a hundred million sesterces, an enormous
sum (Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 0 3 ; Suetonius, lul. 26.2). Cae
sars object was to expand the Forum Romanum as
far as the Atrium Libertatis (q.v.) by building an an
nex for the transaction of public business, more spe
cifically the activities of the Roman senate (Appian,
B ellC iv 2 .1 0 2 ; Anderson 3 9 63).
The scheme was basically a temple in a colon
naded square and the descendant of such Hellenistic
complexes as the Temple of Artemis Leucophryene
at Magnesia on the Maeander, but the temple was
set at the far end of the court and raised on a high
podium, and the principal entrance may have been
arranged off axis. Caesar dedicated the forum and
the Temple of Venus Genetrix on the last day of his
triumph, 2 6 September 4 6 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 3 .2 2 .2 ;
Degrassi 514), although at that time the forum was
not complete and had to be finished later by Octa-
vian (Augustus, R G 2 0 ; Cass. Dio 45 .6 .4 ). The
Curia Iulia (q.v.), an essential part of the design, had
perhaps not even been begun, as Augustus (R G 19)
takes full credit for it.
The temple was rebuilt by Domitian and rededi
cated by Trajan, 12 May a . d . 113 (Degrassi 457).
Trajan probably added the Basilica Argentaria,
which presumably served to link the Forum Iulium
and Forum Traiani, but his work on the Temple of
Venus Genetrix may have been very little, no more
than final touches to Domitians rebuilding. The fail
ure to rededicate the temple earlier is probably due
to developments in the scheme of the Forum Traiani.
Domitians rebuilding seems to have been part of an
architectural scheme preliminary to the Forum
Traiani that he was then unable to complete and may
have included something like the Basilica Argentaria
(Aur. Viet., C aes. 13.5). It has been conjectured to
have been in consequence of the fire of Titus that
destroyed the Capitolium, but without reason. The
forum burned in a . d . 2 8 3 , and was restored by Dio
cletian (Chron. 148). The granite columns mounted
on individual plinths of the lateral colonnades are
not uniform and seem to belong to a still later res
toration.
The forum lies along the base of the northeast
flank of the Capitoline Hill, filling the space between
the Clivus Argentarius and the fora of Augustus and
Trajan, space earlier covered by the adjacencies of
the Macellum of Rome. It was approached from the
Forum Romanum along the flanks of the Curia Iulia,
which fronted on the Sacra Via. It was accessible also
from the Argiletum through a colonnade continuing
166
the lateral colonnades at right angles to these and
with a colonnaded front added by Augustus in which
an extra column was inserted in the middle of each
intercolumniation to screen the forum from the
street. The square in front of the temple was propor
tionately long and narrow, more than twice as long
as wide, with a deep double colonnade down either
side and across the forward end and the temple at
the far end. The base of the Capitoline Hill had to be
cut away to level the area, and between the colon
nade and the Clivus Argentarius a series of tabernae,
some very deep, others shallow, was inserted. These
had uniform doors, almost square, responding to the
intercolumniations, and were originally flat-ceilinged
and multistoreyed, but eventually roofed with heavy
barrel vaults in the ground storey, permitting the de
velopment of an upper storey accessible from the Cli
vus Argentarius. The places of two of the tabernae
are taken by broad stairs down from the clivus.
These tabernae served as the archives and committee
rooms of the senate; one of them became the Secre-
tarium Senatus (q.v.). Out in the square in front of
the temple stood the Equus Caesaris (q.v.), a portrait
statue of Caesars favorite horse with forefeet ap
proaching human feet in shape (Pliny, H N 8.155:
Suetonius, Iul. 61), probably later replaced by an
equestrian statue attributed to Lysippus (Statius.
Silv. 1 .1 .8 4 -8 5 ).
The Temple of Venus Genetrix stood at the far end
of the forum, its base originally partly embedded in
the slope. Caesar had vowed a temple to Venus Vic-
trix on the eve of the Battle of Pharsalus (Appian.
B ellC iv 2.68) but chose instead to build one to Venus
Genetrix, the ancestress of the Gens Iulia. The
temple stood on a very high podium approached by
a pair of narrow lateral stairs along the pronaos that
led to a slightly lower platform in front of the col
umns of the faade that held the altar and may have
served as a rostra. In front of the temple in the time
of Hadrian, and perhaps earlier, were three fountain
basins set at either end of the faade and on the main
axis with a low wall run between them, possibly in
tended to carry statuary. The base of a statue of Sa
bina came to be set against this. The temple was oc-
tastyle, pycnostyle, the intercolumniations being
unusually narrow, only one and one-half diameters
(Vitruvius 3 .3 .2 ), and in effect peripteral sine pos-
tico, the colonnades running down the flanks to
closed alae, but the cella projecting considerably be
yond the back wall of the alae. The temple was of
marble (Ovid, Ars Am. 1.81), the cella a nave
flanked with colonnades of giallo antico on a contin
uous plinth ending in a curved apse. Presumably the
ceiling was vaulted. An interesting frieze of erotes en
gaged in various activities was part of the architec

tural decoration of the interior. The cult statue was
created by Arcesilas for the temple (Pliny, H N
35.156).
Caesar himself dedicated numerous works of art
in the temple, including pictures by Timomachus of
Ajax and Medea (Pliny, H N 7.1 26 , 3 5 .2 6 and 136),
a golden statue of Cleopatra (Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 2 .3 ; Ap-
pian, B ellC iv 2 .1 0 2 ), six collections of engraved
gems, or d acty lioth ecae (Pliny, H N 37 .1 1 ), and a
corselet made of British pearls (Pliny, H N 9.116).
Somewhere in the forum Caesar permitted the dedi
cation of a loricate statue of himself (Pliny, H N
34.18). The bronze statue showing Divus Iulius with
a star above his head that Dio (45.7.1) says Augustus
set up in the temple of Venus may actually have been
in the Temple of Divus Iulius (cf. Pliny, H N 2 .9 3
94). Later, in a . d . 30, a colossus of Tiberius was
erected near the temple by fourteen cities of Asia M i
nor that had received earthquake relief in a . d . 17,
23, and 29 (Tacitus, Ann. 2 .4 7 and 4 .1 3 ; Phlegon,
D e a r a b . 18; C IL 1 0 .1 6 2 4 = IL S 156).
The Basilica Argentara is so identified on the basis
of the appearance of this in the regionary catalogues,
listed in Regio VIII, and its proximity to the Clivus
Argentarius. It is essentially a portico, rather than a
basilica, but has certain basilical qualities. For its
construction the slope of the Capitoline Hill was ex
cavated further, and a broad passage was cleared
around the temple. Then in continuation of the
southwest colonnade of the forum square, but at a
level nine steps higher, great pillars of bossed and
rusticated blocks of travertine and peperino in the
outer row, faced with brick on the inner, carried a
system of concrete vaults and projecting balconies.
These followed first the lines of the Temple of Venus
Genetrix and then the curve of the southwest hemi-
cycle of the Forum Traiani. It is not clear how the
building would have terminated. The use of the few
tabernae that open behind it is unknown.
The use of Gabine stone combined with travertine
at points of stress in the faade of the tabernae of the
lower square indicates that this is part of the Caesa
rean complex and that subsequent modifications did
not change the orientation of the forum. A diagonal
wall faced with reticulate embedded in the northwest
corner of the podium of the temple has been taken
to be a fragment of the original rear face of this po
dium. The surviving fragments of the superstructure
seem remarkably harmonious in style and clearly
Domitianic; even the characteristic rings between
dentils appear. The Basilica Argentara is Trajanic,
and the granite colonnade belongs to late antiquity,
fourth or fifth century.
Part of the forum, including the whole of the
Temple of Venus Genetrix and about one-half of the
F O R U M NERVAE
southwest colonnade, together with a portion of
the Basilica Argentara, was excavated in 1930 to
1933 under the direction of Corrado Ricci.
Lugli 1946, 2 4 5 - 5 8 ; A n alR om 2 (1962): 4 5 -6 1
(T. Hastrup); R endP ontA cc 3 7 (1 9 6 4 65): 10526
(N. Lamboglia); Q ITA 5 (1968): 9 1 -1 0 3 (G. Fior-
ani); Nash 1 .4 2 4 -3 2 ; C u adern os d e trabajos d e la
E scu ela E spa ola d e historia y arq u eo lo g a en R om a
14 (1980): 1 2 3 -3 4 (N. Lamboglia); Anderson 3 9 -
63; R m M itt 93 (1986): 4 0 5 -2 3 (R. B. Ulrich); C.
Morselli and E. Tortorici, Curia, Forum lulium ,
Forum Transitorium (Rome 1989), especially 1263.
Forum Nervae (also called Forum Transitorium)
(Fig. 3 9 ): the fourth of the imperial fora, built by
Domitian but dedicated by Nerva at the beginning of
a . d . 97 (Martial 1 0 .2 8 ; Suetonius, D om . 5 ; Statius,
Silv. 4 .3 .9 -1 0 ; Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ; Aur. Viet., Caes.
12.2; C IL 6 .9 5 3 , 3 1 2 1 3 ). It occupied the space be
tween the Forum Augustum and Templum Pacis,
what had been the Argiletum and a strip of land to
either side of this from the Basilica Paulli (Aemilia)
to the center of the southeast hemicycle of the Forum
Augustum. With the annex of the Porticus Absidata
(q.v.), it made the northeast line of the Forum Au
gustum and Templum Pacis continuous. To build it
Domitian must have taken space from the Templum
Pacis and moved the northwest wall of this to stand
just behind the colonnade on this side, making in ef
fect an addorsed colonnade. In the space thus ob
tained he lined the lateral walls with addorsed colon
nades, the entablature and attic broken out over each
column to give greater plasticity, pushed the Temple
of Minerva to the northeast end of the central axis
so that its rear left corner abuts on the hemicycle of
the Forum Augustum, and concealed the irregulari
ties of the plot at this end by screen walls just behind
the temples pronaos. He took attention from the en
trances being off axis at the west corner of the com
plex by the introduction of a splendid Ianus Quad-
rifrons on axis in front of it. The scheme is a triumph
of ingenuity and imagination.
In devising the plan, the architects had to cope
with the heavy traffic of the Argiletum/Subura artery
and the course of the Cloaca brook. The brook had
probably been buried under the road for a long time,
perhaps since the mid-second century B .C ., but it was
now carried in a culvert of massive construction
under the podium of the Temple of Minerva and
continuing the length of the forum to the Argiletum
entrance, presumably passing directly under the Ia
nus. Wheeled traffic has left deep ruts along the
southeast flank of the temple, where it was funneled
through a throat from the Porticus Absidata, but
probably these are chiefly, or entirely, the effects of
167
 y
\
F O R U M NERVAE
Figure 39 wear in late antiquity and the Middle Ages. During
Forum N ervae, Porticus the high imperial period wheeled traffic must have
A bsidata, and B asilica
been excluded from the forum, as the design of the
Paulli (A em ilia),
R estored Plan Porticus Absidata makes clear. The pavement that
Domitian installed was of travertine, and over this at
a later date was laid a pavement of irregular flags of
marble.
The front wall of the forum, of which only the
foundation remains, was gently curved, responding
to a similar curve at the opposite end. The long
straight side walls of squared blocks of peperino
were completely revetted with marble, of which little
but the clamp holes remains. A single pair of the ad-
dorsed columns with their entablature and attic sur
vives, about 11 m of the northeast end of the south
east side. This was known in the Middle Ages as
Area Noe, and later until the excavations of 1 9 3 2 -
1933 as Le Colonnacce. The order is Corinthian, and
168
the figured frieze shows a continuous sequence of the
arts and crafts over which Minerva presided: M i
nerva in the company of the Muses and women spin
ning and weaving, together with the myth of Ar-
achne, in what is left. In the center of the remaining
section of the high attic is a large figure of Minerva.
2.65 m tall, in high relief. While it would have been
difficult, if not impossible, to read the frieze from
floor level, the attic relief carries easily. The temple
was prostyle, hexastyle, and on a high podium with
a frontal stair of approach. The order was Corin
thian, and the pronaos was three bays deep in the
Roman manner. Much of the temple was still stand
ing until Pope Paul V had it pulled down in 1606 to
provide material for the Acqua Paola fountain on the
Janiculum. Now only the core of the podium re
mains, but the temple appears on a fragment of the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 0 fr. 16; Rodriguez pi. 12).
and there is enough to show that the interior was a
nave flanked by colonnades with an apse at the far
end. The gently curving walls that attached the front
of the cella to the lateral walls of the forum are, ac
cording to P. H. von Blanckenhagen, a modification
of an originally rectilinear project introduced with
the intention of making the scheme more graceful.
At the same time the faade of the temple was moved
back and the cella made shallower. The curved wall
to the east of the temple was broken by a large arch
known in the Middle Ages as Arcus Aureus or Au-
rae, and the entrance arch at the opposite end, which
was still standing in the time of Du Prac, was called
Arcus Nerviae.
No positively identified remains of the ianus at the
opposite end have come to light. The statue of the
divinity was four-faced and said to look out on four
fora (Martial 1 0 .2 8 .5 6). The image is also said to
have been brought to Rome from Falerii in 241 b . c .
(Macrobius, Sat. 1 .9 .1 3 ; Servius a d Aen. 7.607), but
there is no indication of where it had been kept prior
to the building of Domitians forum. Servius adds
that its establishment in the Forum Nervae was as a
replacement for the Ianus Geminus of Numa. It is
presumed that because M artial says the god could
now look out on four fora, the shrine must have been
a four-sided arch, like that of the Velabrum, but
Martial speaks of lim ina, and Servius (ad Aen.
7.607) of q u attu or p ortaru m unum tem plum , so a
four-sided version of the ianus enclosure shown on
coins of Nero (Nash 1.503 fig. 619) seems more
likely and more appropriate. It would then have been
a comparatively light structure and less likely to
leave substantial traces, but this part of the forum is
still largely buried underground.
The long sides of the forum were apparently bro
ken by a number of doors giving to the Templum
Pacis on one side and the Forum Augustum anc
 FO R U M P IST O R U M

It has therefore been presumed that this forum was

Forum Iulium on the other. This and the fact that for
somewhere in the neighborhood of the find spot, a
people coming from the Forum Romanum and Sub-
little northeast of the church of S. Clemente. There
ura the Forum Nervae would have acted as a vesti
was always an important thoroughfare running up
bule to the other imperial fora may be responsible
the valley between Oppius and Caelian, and some
for the name Forum Transitorium, which is given it
where along this a small market square that had only
regularly after the middle of the third century (e.g.,
S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 2 8 .6 , 3 6 .2 ; Servius a d Aen. 7 .6 0 7 ; a brief life might well have been created.
TAPS 80.2 (1990): 4 5 -5 0 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ). In the regionary catalogues it is
listed in Regio IV as Forum Transitorium and in Re-
Forum Piscarium (or Piscatorium): an alternate,
gio VIII and the appendix as Forum Nervae, evi
perhaps older, name for the Macellum or part of the
dently because the line dividing the two regiones ran
Macellum, the great food market northeast of the
along the Argiletum. But Martial (10.28.3) describes
Forum Romanum (Plautus, Cure. 4 7 4 , who lists it
the old Ianus Geminus as pervius and entreats the
after the unnamed basilica and before in fo r o in-
god to keep his doors in the new forum forever
fu m o, which would put its entrance in the vicinity of
closed, and Aurelius Victor (C aes. 12.2) calls it
the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina and agree
Forum Pervium, so the name may have begun as a
with other evidence). It burned in 2 1 0 B.C . in a fire
grim witticism with allusion to more than one fea
that destroyed buildings in a wide swath from the
ture. During the time it was under construction,
Atrium Regium (Regia) to the Lautumiae, but appar
Martial calls it Forum Palladium (1.2.8) and Forum
ently spared the Comitium and Curia Hostilia (Livy
Caesaris (1.117.10).
2 6 .2 7 .2 -4 ). Contracts were let for rebuilding these
Although the small space would have allowed for
little further embellishment, Alexander Severus is the following year, at which time it is called M acel
lum (Livy 2 7 .1 1 .1 6 ). In 179 B .C . M. Fulvius Nobilior
said to have erected colossal statues of the deified
let contracts for rebuilding the Forum Piscatorium
emperors here, some standing nudes, others eques
and sold the shops around it to private individuals
trian, together with bronze columns recording their
accomplishments in the pattern of the Forum Augus- (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .5 ). The persistence of the name Forum
Piscatorium is probably due to the prominence of a
tum (S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 28.6).
Excavations undertaken in 1 9 3 2 -1 9 3 3 under the central tholus that was, indeed, the fish market (cf.
direction of Corrado Ricci have laid bare the north Varro ap. N on. 719L ), and the complex as a whole
consisted of a large open square around this, sur
east end of the forum with the foundations of the
rounded in turn by a deep portico with shops be-
Temple of Minerva and Porticus Absidata. Unfortu
nately, not enough of the forum was exposed to hind it.
But elsewhere Varro says that the Forum Piscar-
show the quality of its architecture or to clarify the
ium is by the Tiber and, if Jordans correction of the
problems connected with it. It is not at all clear, for
text is accepted, a d Portunium (Varro, Ling. 5.146),
example, how the interval between the forum and
and cites Plautus (presumably the passage in the Cur-
the Porticus Absidata was treated.
P. H. von Blanckenhagen, F laviscbe A rcbitektu r culio) in support of this. There may have been a sec
ond market or place where fishmongers gathered by
und ihre D ekoration untersucbt am N ervaforu m
the Tiber below the Portunium, but as a market it
(Berlin 1940); Lugli 1946, 2 7 3 - 7 6 ; Nash 1 .4 3 3 -3 8 ;
would not be very conveniently located, and no one
R endP ontA cc 49 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 1 1 7 -5 0 (H. Bauer);
R om M itt 84 (1977): 3 0 1 -2 9 (H. Bauer); R om M itt else mentions it.
90 (1983): 1 1 1 -8 4 (H. Bauer); Anderson 1 1 9 -3 9 ;
Forum Pistorum: mentioned only in the regionary
B u llC om 91.2 (1986): 3 8 0 -8 8 (C. Morselli and E.
catalogues, listed in Regio X III. Presumably it was a
Tortorici); C. Morselli and E. Tortorici, Curia,
square around which millers congregated, and it has
Forum Iulium , Forum Transitorium (Rome 1989),
been therefore supposed to be near the great com
especially 1263.
plexes of horrea at the southern end of the Aventine.
But most milling was done in the individual bakeries
Forum Palladium: see Forum Nervae.
(cf. the reliefs of the Sepulcrum Eurysacis) or where
there was water power available (see Molinae), so
Forum Pervium: see Forum Nervae.
this seems apt to have been a square connected with
a collegiu m pistoru m and may then have been almost
Forum Petronii M axim i: Petronius Maximus,
anywhere. Milling and bread-making seem to have
consul and praefectus urbi under Valentinian III (be
been organized and state-supervised beginning in the
tween a . d . 420 and 443) and emperor briefly in 455,
in a dedication to Valentinian (C IL 6 .1 1 9 7 , second century after Christ; see, for example, CEFR
1198 = ILS 807/8) describes himself as fo r i conditor. 98 (1987): 4 4 5 -5 6 (F. Coarelli).

169
FO R U M (RO M A N U M O R M AGNUM)
Forum (Romanum or Magnum) (Figs. 4 0 , 4 1 ):
originally the marketplace of Rome, which in time
evolved into the business center of the republican
city, and throughout antiquity was regarded as the
citys heart. Its designation is usually simply foru m ,
a word of uncertain origin. After the construction of
the Forum Iulium, it was sometimes called Forum
Magnum (Cass. Dio 4 3 .2 2 .2 ), and in the N otitia
Regio VIII is named Forum Romanum vel (et) M ag
num. The adjective R om an u m does not appear be
fore Vergil (A en . 8.361) and is never common.
In its earliest phase the market was probably a
simple affair of barrows set up along the track that
became the Vicus Iugarius, where the farmers and
herdsmen of the Palatine city sold provisions to those
who came down from the uplands and mountains
seeking salt from the works at the mouth of the T i
ber. This impromptu market, like the track that gov
erned its existence, must have kept to the high
ground along the shoulder of the Capitoline, because
the basin over which it was to spread later, framed
by the Capitoline, Velia, and Palatine, was threaded
by watercourses and marshy during much of the
year. The Cloaca brook, draining the valleys among
the Quirinal, Viminal, Cispian, and Oppius, crossed
the forum basin from northeast to southwest and
was augmented by an important tributary from the
Velia now buried under the Sacra Via and lesser trib
utaries from the lower Palatine (marked by the
southern branch of the Sacra Via) and the Tul-
lianum spring under the Career. Only in the driest
seasons can the floor of the forum have been usable.
Burials discovered in its eastern reaches, not only the
Sepulcretum (q.v.) beyond the Temple of Antoninus
and Faustina, but under the Regia and Equus Dom-
itiani, show that these parts were not exploited in
any other way before the seventh century. The R o
mans remembered the original condition of the
forum (Ovid, Fast. 6 .4 0 1 -6 ) and had floods to re
mind them should they forget. The forum was al
ways among the first places inundated (Horace,
Carm . 1 .2 .1 3 -1 6 ).
Human activity of some sort in the area has been
found as low as 3 .6 0 meters above sea level, and
skeletons have been found at 6 and 7 meters above
sea level (N Sc 1906, 4 6 54 [A. M osso]). Real use of
the basin seems to have begun with the channeling
and control of the Cloaca brook. For a long time it
was believed that the Tarquins culverted the Cloaca,
but it is clear from Plautus (Cure. 476) that in his
day it ran in an open canal across the middle of the
forum, while the existing vaulting of the lowest
stretch and the mouth on the Tiber, with its familiar
aperture framed in a triple arch of voussoirs of Ga-
bine stone, are the work of Agrippa in his monumen
tal rebuilding and modernization of the water and
170
sewer systems beginning in 33 B.C . The work of the
Tarquins (Livy 1 .3 8 .6 , 1.56.2) must have consisted
in dredging out the bed of the stream and its tribu
taries and building walls to contain them, possibly
combined with flagging of the floors. As a network
of canals only slightly straightened from their natu
ral courses, they were to exert influence on the
growth of the forum for several centuries. Tarquinius
Priscus is credited with having divided the land
around the forum into building plots for individual
private owners and having constructed porticoes and
tabernae, covered walks with shops behind them
(Livy 1 .3 5 .1 0 ; Dion. Hal. 3.67.4).
With the forum dry and safe, monumental build
ing crept down from the Vicus Iugarius. The temples
of Saturn and Castor were dedicated in the earlv
years of the republic, and the lines of shops the Ta
bernae Veteres (see Tabernae Cirum Forum) stretch
ing between the two temples and facing away from
the sun, and the Tabernae Argentariae and Septem
on the opposite side, the two northern lines, prob
ably divided by the Cloaca must have taken defi
nite form at the same time. These, so far as we know,
were without porticoes in front of them and were
first occupied by provisioners, especially butchers,
tabernae lanienae (Varro ap. N on. 853L ), but by the
end of the fourth century the provisioners had been
relegated to the area north of the forum, and the
shops on the forum were occupied by bankers and
called argentariae (Livy 9 .4 0 .1 6 ). By then the forum
was given over entirely to business, politics, and cere
mony.
The Comitium (q.v.) had always bordered on the
forum on the northeast without being part of it. An
inaugurated templum consecrated to public assem
blies, elections, and legislation, it occupied the slope
up to the north from the forum and Cloaca, between
it and the course of the Tullianum rivulet. At first it
may have been without architectural form. Later it
was a circular amphitheater of steps, on which the
Romans stood in their assemblies, leading up to the
curia of the senate on the north side. It may have
taken this form about the time that the forum shops
were reserved for business and banking, and we may
see these as separate parts of a master plan that came
into existence in consequence of the Battle of Antium
and the final subjugation of the Latin League in 338
B.C . That that victory was commemorated by the
raising of a suggestus ornamented with the beaks of
the captured vessels in medio foro makes this more
likely. And with the construction of this suggestus
politics and the administration of justice spilled over
from the Comitium to the forum.
The forum had also long been the scene of cere
monies and games. Romuluss dedication of the spo-
lia o p im a in the Temple of Iuppiter Feretrius suggests

O O D D D D D D D
P o O o o o o o
BASILIC A
o O
IULIA
O O
that a form of the triumphal procession had been
imagined to exist even at that early date, and, with
the construction of the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus
Maximus on the Capitoline, the ceremonial parade
of spoils and captives along the Sacra Via, through
the forum, and up the Clivus Capitolinus became
one of the greatest of all Roman celebrations. Simi
larly, funerals, especially those of prominent citizens,
probably had been held there from a very early pe
riod, in part because the open square provided space
for the funeral games that were traditionally part of
the obsequies. Funerals at other locations are cer
tainly known, and the first gladiatorial games were
for a funeral held in the Forum Boarium (Val. M ax.
2 .4 .7 ; cf. Livy, Epit. 16), but the forum proper was
always the preferred location, and the Rostra the
place for displaying the corpse and delivering the eu
logy.
As the forum was remarkable for the convergence
of watercourses there, so it was remarkable for the
convergence of streets, roads that had originally fol
lowed the watercourses and others that had
branched from these. Coming in from the northeast
was the road later called the Clivus Argentarius that
connected Alta Semita and Vicus Iugarius and that
F O R U M (R O M A N U M O R M A G N U M )
Figure 4 0
O O o o
Forum Rom anum ,
C entral A rea, Plan
probably also took traffic to and from the forum and
the eastern Campus Martius. Below this along the
Cloaca ran the Argiletum, which linked up with the
Clivus Suburanus and Vicus Longus. Beyond the Ba
silica Paulli (Aemilia) was a throat leading back to
the Macellum, the Corneta or an extension of this.
From the east the Sacra Via brought the traffic from
the Velia and Palatine to the forum; this forked at
the Regia and then ran along both sides of the forum
to frame it. Into the southern branch descends an
important stair beside the Temple of Vesta, which
leads up to the Nova Via and Clivus Victoriae, and
further along its course are the two important con
nections with the Tiber bank, the Vicus Tuscus and
Vicus Iugarius. Almost the only roads entering the
forum that did not originally follow a watercourse
of some sort seem to have been the Vicus Iugarius
and the Clivus Capitolinus itself.
The orientation of buildings on the forum varied.
As long as the Cloaca divided the forum there was
little connection between the two halves. The Comi-
tium and its dependencies seem to have been ori
ented to the cardinal points of the compass. So in
general are the remains of early buildings under the
Atrium Vestae and in its neighborhood. These are all
171
FO R U M (ROM AN U M O R MAGNUM)
technically outside the forum area and clearly do not
influence planning within it. Planning within it seems
to have been governed principally by the streets
through it and entering around it. The forum square
seems always to have been decidedly trapezoidal,
and the buildings fronting on it conformed to this or
to the available plot.
According to PA, the first indication of develop
ment of the forum as a public square is a few remains
of paving in cappellaccio: a patch in front of the Ba
silica Paulli (Aemilia), one in front of the Temple of
Divus Iulius, one under the Lacus Iuturnae, and one
behind the republican Atrium Vestae, all at 1 0 .6 0
10.90 meters above sea level. But one of the four
scraps identified might be the floor of a basin of the
Lacus Iuturnae, and the east side of the Cloaca is
hardly likely to have been paved at a level uniform
with the west before the burying of the Cloaca in a
culvert and the unification of the area. In 2 1 0 B.C .
the northwest side of the forum burned in a confla
gration that destroyed everything from the Atrium
Regium (Regia) by the Temple of Vesta to the Lau-
tumiae; the Septem Tabernae and the Tabernae Ar-
gentariae were lost (Livy 2 6 .2 7 .1 4). In the follow
ing year most of the buildings destroyed were rebuilt,
including the Septem Tabernae (Livy 2 7 .1 1 .1 6 ), but
not the Tabernae Argentariae. However, the plebeian
aediles M . Iunius Brutus and L. Oppius Salinator re
built these as the Tabernae Argentariae Novae in 193
B .C ., and because when the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia
was built in 179 (Livy 40 .5 1 .5 ) it was located p o st
A rgentaras N ovas, the forum stretch of the Cloaca
had probably been housed in a culvert by 193, cer
tainly by 179 at the latest. Probably the culverting of
the Cloaca was undertaken in conjunction with a
general repavement of the forum.
This pavement at about 1 1 .8 0 11.90 meters
above sea level was of Monteverde tufa in the parts
that were not subject to heavy traffic, in selce for the
roads framing the forum and leading into it, and pos
sibly with some additional parts in brick. Extensive
remains in distinctive Monteverde tufa around the
shrine of Cloacina (see Cloacina, Sacrum) and Lacus
Iuturnae (q.v.) indicate that the whole forum was
refloored at this time, and monuments that lay so
low that they might be obliterated had to be raised
or remodeled, notably the Lacus Curtius and the
Rostra of the forum. Probably to this period also be
longs the series of low vaults that Boni called Ros
tra Vetera but that are in reality a little viaduct car
rying the margin of the Vicus Iugarius up the foot of
the Capitoline to meet the Clivus Capitolinus.
In the C urculio (4 7 0 -8 1 ), Plautus gives us a good
picture of what the forum was like in the early years
of the second century, a very open but populous
place. The law courts were clustered in the Comi-
172
tium, investors interested in speculation and entre
preneurs before the tabernae in the vicinity of the
shrine of Cloacina. A nameless basilica of modest
scale stood on the eastern side of the Cloaca, in front
of which was a busy market in feminine adornments.
At the eastern end of the forum was a cluster of ven
erable shrines which Plautus does not mention, the
Regia, the temples of Vesta and Castor, the spring of
Iuturna, and against this backdrop b o n i hom ines
atqu e dites am bu lan t, presumably intent on serious
business. The banks of the Cloaca and Lacus Curtius
were the haunts of loiterers and gossips, and the Ta
bernae Veteres was the gathering place of hard-
headed businessmen, while behind the Temple of
Castor one would find those one would do well not
to trust too quickly. The impression of confusion and
little in the way of monumental architecture is prob
ably correct.
This picture was to change in the next quarter-
century. The building in quick succession of three
basilicas, the Basilica Porcia in 184, the Basilica Ful
via et Aemilia in 179, and the Basilica Sempronia in
170, effectively surrounded the forum with their
masses, and much of the business that earlier had
been transacted in the open now moved indoors. The
Basilica Porcia was not immediately on the forum,
but the other two, built behind the Tabernae Argen
tariae and Veteres, respectively, flanked the long
sides of the square and, in conjunction with the
Comitium and existing temples, almost completely
enclosed it. Before the construction of the Basilica
Fulvia et Aemilia it was necessary that a section o:
the Cloaca (the Braccio M orto) be buried, and we
find a new course for it dug along the Argiletum and
around the northwest end of the basilica. Explora
tion in the interior of the later Basilica Paulli has
brought to light tufa foundations and column foot
ings of two earlier basilicas, the older presumably or
the Basilica Fulvia (N Sc 1948, 11128 [G. Carer-
toni]). It had the same orientation as its Augustan
successor but lay farther to the northeast. The col
umns were 1.10 m in diameter and 4 .9 3 4.95 rn
apart.
Another epoch in the history of the forum opened
in 145 B .C ., when the tribunus plebis C. Licinius
Crassus took the people from the Comitium into the
forum for legislation in the Comitia Tributa (Cicero.
A m ic. 9 6 ; Varro, Rust. 1.2.9). Thereafter, the forum
became the main theater of Roman politics until the
end of the republic.
In the time of Sulla, probably shortly after his
death, the forum seems to have undergone a general
repaving (ascribed to an Aurelius Cotta) at abou:
1 2.60 meters above sea level, though the only grea:
building added in this period seems to have been the
Tabularium (q.v.) on the Capitoline, a splendid series

of arcades, probably in two storeys, atop a massive
rusticated base, all in Gabine stone with accents of
travertine. This acted as a backdrop at the northwest
end of the forum, pulling together the various con
structions covering the lower slopes of the hill. In
preparation for Cottas repavement, the elaborate
system of subterranean passages usually called cuni-
culi seems to have been constructed. The main artery
of these runs from the southeast end of the forum in
front of the Temple of Divus Iulius to the Rostra Au-
gusti, while branch passages at right angles to this
run to either side at regular intervals. These are ac
cessible by manholes framed with travertine, which
must once have held travertine covers. The general
pavement at this time lay at 12.60 meters above sea
level and is of travertine flags with travertine insets
to mark special features, such as the Lacus Curtius.
The Niger Lapis (q.v.), a pavement of Taenarian
black marble measuring about 4 m x 3 m covering a
group of very ancient monuments between the
Comitium and the forum, also belongs to this time
(GV 6 0 -6 1 ) .
The next major work on the forum was that of
Julius Caesar in connection with an elaborate
scheme for rebuilding the whole of the Comitium/
Curia complex and both the great basilicas on the
long sides. And Caesar was the first to cover the
forum with awnings to protect spectators from
the sun during a gladiatorial show (Pliny, H N
19.23). Although Caesar was unable to do more
than make a good start on his scheme for the reno
vation of the forum before his assassination, Augus
tus took up his work and carried it to a successful
conclusion. The forum we see today is essentially the
Augustan forum, preserved and rebuilt throughout
antiquity with only a few additions. The temples of
Divus Iulius, Castor, Saturn, and Concordia, the bas
ilicas Iulia and Paulli, the Curia Iulia, and the Rostra
Iulia and Augusti all took their final form during the
triumvirate and principate of Augustus. The only sig
nificant additions to the forum thereafter until the
time of Diocletian were the temples of Divus Vespa-
sianus and Antoninus et Faustina, the Arch of Sep-
timius Severus, and the portico of the Dei Consentes.
The pavement of flags of white marble is dated by
the inscription of the praetor peregrinus L. Naevius
Surdinus (C IL 6 .1 4 6 8 , 3 1 6 6 2 ; Nash 1.397 fig. 485)
and stands from 12.60 meters above sea level in front
of the Temple of Divus Iulius to 14 meters above
sea level in front of the Rostra Augusti. The most
significant change in this period in the use of the
forum was that it ceased to be the political heart of
Rome, that honor passing in part to the Saepta Iulia
in the Campus Martius, whereas the rostra of
the forum served more often for ceremonial pur
poses.
FO R U M !ROM ANUM OR MAGNUM)
Before the time of Diocletian changes in the cen
tral area of the forum were few. We can point only
to the Equus Domitiani (q.v.), which briefly domi
nated everything else there, some scant traces of
ephemeral installations of relatively small size and
doubtful character, and a general repavement and
the erection of the Equus and Arch of Septimius Sev
erus in the time of Septimius Severus, ca. a.d . 203.
But the fire of Carinus in A .D . 283 wrought wide
spread destruction in the forum, and Diocletian took
the opportunity to alter it to conform with the new
aesthetic of his time (Fig. 41). A line of five columns
carrying honorary statues had probably adorned the
Rostra Augusti at least since the time of Domitian. A
new rostra with a corresponding line of columns
seems now to have been built to balance this at the
opposite end of the forum in front of the Temple of
Divus Iulius, and a line of seven larger columns along
the south side of the forum square in front of the
Basilica Iulia joined the two. N or was this all. To the
airy frame of columns and statues one larger and
higher than the rest was added, which was eventually
reworked to become the Columna Phocae (q.v.); this
we may presume must have honored Diocletian him
self. The forum now became a ring of columns
within a ring of buildings and remained such to the
end of antiquity, the statues being changed and their
bases reworked, possibly repeatedly, additions of
various sorts being introduced from time to time that
increased the clutter, but the overall aesthetic re
maining the same. This is shown by a relief on the
north side of the Arch of Constantine, where a rostra
with a row of five columns surmounted by statues
appears (Nash 1.198 fig. 223). And part of the sculp
tured base of a column celebrating the Decennalia of
the Caesars (C IL 6 .1 2 0 3 , 31 2 6 1 ) found in 1547 at
the northeast end of the Rostra Augusti, together
with others, now lost, celebrating the Vicennalia
(C IL 6 .1 2 0 4 , 1205, 3 1 2 6 2 ), give some notion of the
sort of program such columns might follow. The
facts that the seven columns of the south row all
have bases with cores of opus quadratum encased in
brick-faced concrete that includes stamps of the time
of Constantine (C/L 1 5 .1 5 6 9 , 1643) and that the
steps surrounding the Columna Phocae are built
of tufa blocks taken from other buildings show how
extensive such revision of the program might be
and at what close intervals it may have occurred
(cf. Nash 1 .1 9 8 -2 0 1 , 2 8 0 - 8 1 ; G V 1 8 4 - 8 7 and
passim).
After the time of Diocletian additions to the forum
were numerous, but usually ephemeral and inconse
quential. The Basilica Paulli is believed to have been
destroyed in the fires accompanying the sack of
Alaric in a . d . 4 1 0 . There was a violent earthquake
in 4 4 2 (Paulus Diaconus, Hist. R om . 13.16). Numer
173
FO R U M RU STIC O RU M
Figure 41
Forum Rom anum ,
Rehand ling o f the
C entral Area in the
Tim e o f D iocletian ,
R econ stru ctio n
ous brick-stamps of Theodoric (483526) attest to
repairs in his time (C IL 1 5 .1665a, 1669). The first
church recorded in the forum is that of SS. Cosma e
Damiano (a.d. 5 2 6 -5 3 0 ) , whereas S. Maria Antiqua
is probably older. The greatest destruction in the
area was probably that caused by the earthquake of
Pope Leo IV ca. 847 (LPD 2.108) and the fire of
Robert Guiscard in 1084.
Interest in antiquity and the treasures of the forum
was reawakened in the Renaissance, especially the
sixteenth century, and much of the area was ran
sacked, but scientific excavation came only in the
nineteenth century. In 1803 Fea began clearing the
Arch of Septimius Severus, and his work was contin
ued by the French, who isolated the temples of Sat
urn, Vespasian, Castor, and Concordia before 1836.
Then in 1870 systematic work began with the object
of clearing the whole forum, but only to the level of
late antiquity (the fourth to fifth century). This was
continued by G. Boni beginning in 1898, who also
aimed at uncovering the deeper strata and the whole
history of the forum. In this he was conspicuously
successful, and many of the most important discov
eries were his, notably the deep stratification in the
Comitium, the archaic cemetery of the Sepulcretum
(q.v.), and the complicated history of the Temple of
Vesta and Lacus Iuturnae (Atti d el C ongresso di
Scienze S toriche 5 [1904]: 4 9 3 5 8 4 [G. Boni];
B u llC om 31 [1903]: 3 -2 3 9 [D. Vaglieri]). More re
cently, deep stratigraphie excavations have been
undertaken by G. Carettoni in the Basilica Paulli, E.
Gjerstad in the Comitium, R. Gamberini-Mongenet
in the area between the Temple of Divus Iulius and
the Temple of Vesta, F. E. Brown and R. T. Scott in
the Regia and Atrium Vestae, and E. M. Steinby at
the Lacus Iuturnae.
174
For a general history of the forum and a study of
all the problems involved, see F. Coarelli, II fo r o ro-
m an o, 1 (Rome 1983) and 2 (Rome 1985), though
many of his theories cannot be accepted. A more
conservative and rational approach is offered by
Lugli 1946, 5 5 -2 4 2 , Lugli 1947, and Lugli 1975,
2 1 0 -8 2 . Also useful is P. Zanker, Forum R om an u m ,
die N eugestaltung durch Augustus (Tbingen 1972).
Nash 1 .4 4 6 -4 9 ; C. F. Giuliani and P. Verduchi,
L area centrale d el fo r o rom an o (Florence 1987);
AJA 94 (1990): 6 2 7 -4 5 (A. J. Ammerman).
Forum Rusticorum: mentioned only in the first ap
pendix to the regionary catalogues, where it is the
last item, following the Forum Gallorum. It is pos
sible that this was a facetious name for one of the
squares of Rome, but it is impossible to identify it
more precisely.
Forum Suarium: placed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio VII (Via Lata) and identified by in
scriptions as a center of a d o r e s (C IL 6 .3 7 2 8 , 31046
and a m ercator (C IL 6.9631 = IL S 7516). In prin
ciple it was under the supervision of the praefectus
urbi (Dig. 1 .1 2 .1 .1 1 ), who was responsible for the
control of the price of meat. Twice we find it under
the jurisdiction of a tribune ot the urban cohorts et
fo r i suari (cf. C IL 6 .1 156a = /LS 722), a dependent
of the praefectus urbi, who was probably regularly
in charge of this. We may therefore see in it the cen
tral meat market of Rome, but it is not mentioned
before the end of the second century after Christ and
had great importance only in the fourth. Its character
and the space it logically would require seem apt to
relegate it to the edge of the city; H J (4 5 2 -5 3 ) would
therefore like to put it beyond the castra u rban a near

the Collegio della Propaganda Fide, in which he is
followed by the Lugli and Gismondi map. More
likely it is the macellum-like building that filled the
angle between the Via del Corso and Via Frattina, of
which Palladio has left us a drawing (Zorzi fig. 68).
This identification is supported by its connection
with the Cohortes Urbanae. The castra of the Co-
hortes Urbanae were in Campo Agrippae (Chron.
148) and evidently near Aurelians Templum Solis,
which seems to have been close to the juncture of the
Via del Corso and Via dei Condotti.
A. Chastagnol, L a P refectu re u rbain e a R o m e sous wholly discrete complexes arranged on a single axis
le bas-em pire (Paris 1960), 3 2 5 -3 0 ; P alladio, n.s. 3,
no. 6 (1990): 9 - 2 4 (A. Moneti).
Forum Tauri: mentioned only in medieval docu
ments, but probably to be connected with Porta S.
Lorenzo, which was called Porta Taurina in the
twelfth century, and the Horti Tauriani (q.v.), prob
ably belonging to some member of the family of M.
Statilius Taurus (cos. a . d . 44), on the Esquiline, con
joined with the Horti Calyclani (q.v.). The Forum
Tauri figures in the martyrdom of Santa Bibiana
(B ullC om 18 [1890]: 2 8 0 - 8 3 [G. B. De Rossi and G.
Gatti]) and is linked with an area known as Caput
Tauri, perhaps in reference to a decorative use of
bulls heads or skulls at the entrance or on the walls
of the horti. In view of the proximity of the church
of S. Bibiana, the forum was probably a market just
inside Porta S. Lorenzo on the southeast side of Via
Tiburtina Vetus (cf. Forum Esquilinum). How far
Caput Tauri may have extended is unknown.
Forum Traiani (in later antiquity sometimes called
Forum Ulpium): the last and largest of the imperial
fora. Domitian began it (Aur. Viet., C aes. 13.5), but
work was suspended, when still close to its begin
ning, at his death. However, Domitians work on the
Forum Iulium (q.v.) and the monumental apse built
by Domitian north of the northwest hemicycle of the
Forum Augustum and subsequently blocked off by
Trajanic construction suggest that he had got as far
as a well-developed plan that would integrate the
new forum with its predecessors to the south and
east but had not swung into full construction. Trajan
enjoyed the services of the brilliant architect Apollo-
dorus of Damascus (Cass. Dio 69.4.1) and dedicated
at least some parts of the complex before his depar
ture for the East in 113 (Cass. Dio 68.16.3).
The area covered included everything from the
Forum Augustum to, and including, the Atrium Li-
bertatis. Because the Servian Walls, which had once
run just beyond the Atrium Libertatis, had probably
long since been dismantled throughout the whole
stretch from the Capitoline to the part of the Quir-
inal called Collis Mucialis, whether the forum ran
F O R U M T R A IA N I
over their line is unclear, but probable. The area was
probably largely one formerly occupied by shops and
markets, pushed in this direction by the construction
of the Forum Augustum and Templum Pacis, to
which was added the site of the Atrium Libertatis
(q.v.) and land at the base of the Quirinal hill, which
was cut back on a massive scale to level the area.
Some of the activities dispossessed to make room for
it may have found new quarters in the complex
known as the Mercati di Traiano (q.v.)
As completed, the forum consisted of two almost
parallel to that of the Forum Iulium, and at right
angles to that of Forum Augustum. The first complex
began with a monumental entrance arch and con
sisted of a vast square flanked by colonnades, behind
which opened hemicycles, and closed at the far end
by the mass of the Basilica Ulpia. The second com
plex, reached only through the Basilica Ulpia and
after deviating from the dominant axis, consisted of
the Columna Traiani, which was flanked by libraries,
and the Temple of Divus Traianus, which Hadrian
built after Trajans death. The temple has unfortu
nately never been excavated and is represented by
only a few fragments of architecture, and the way it
was integrated with the other elements is entirely un
known. It seems possible that the second complex is
wholly a creation of Hadrian and that the column
originally stood in the northeast hemicycle of the
main square, where, as the inscription on its base
proclaims, it showed how great an excavation of the
hill and area (qu an tae altitudinis m on s et locus) had
been necessary (C IL 6.13 = 96 0 = IL S 294). The
length of the whole forum was about 3 1 0 m, and the
width of the widest part was about 185 m. Interpre
tations of the inscription on the base have abounded.
At first it was presumed that there had been a high
ridge connecting the Quirinal and Capitoline that
had been cut away. But geology militated against
this, and excavation around the base of the column
brought to light at a lower level a paved street and
remains of a portico in front of a line of shops of the
early empire (N Sc 1907, 3 8 9 - 4 1 0 , 4 1 4 - 2 7 [G.
Boni]; Amici 5 8 61). Despite the ingenuity of some
of the theories advanced, it seems clear that the ex
cavation of the slope of the Quirinal is what is
meant.
Between the Forum Augustum and Forum Traiani
was an intermediate area that is very little under
stood. It does appear that the Forum Traiani turned
mainly inward toward the square, and there may
have been nothing truly monumental about the ap
proach. The front wall is gently curved with an ad-
dorsed colonnade broken in the middle by a trium
phal arch of five bays but only a single central fornix.
This is shown on coins (B. M, Coins, R om . E m p. 3
175
F O R U M T R A IA N I
pis. 18.3, 21 .1 5 ). The bays are separated by single
columns, and there is a very deep attic broken out
over the columns. Each side bay contained an aedi-
cular niche capped by a triangular pediment framing
a statue, while a series of five medallions (imagines
clipeatae?) above these and the central arch made a
second zone. The attic was crowned by an elaborate
program of statuary, a central chariot with six horses
and driver led on by soldiers to either side, flanked
in turn by a Victoria dedicating a trophy. The central
block of the attic over the fornix seems designed to
carry a lengthy inscription. The senate erected or re
modeled this in 117 to commemorate Trajans vic
tories in the East (Cass. Dio 68 .2 9 .3 ). At either ex
tremity of the front wall of the forum, secondary
entrances to the flanking colonnades led in from the
Forum Iulium and M ercati di Traiano.
The center of the square was adorned with a splen
did equestrian statue of Trajan (Amm. Marc.
16.10.15). This may be shown on coins (e.g., B. M.
Coins, R om . E m p. 3 pi. 16.18), where the indication
is that it was an offering by the senate to Trajan. The
square was 118 m long by 89 m wide, paved with
blocks of white marble. Along the sides ran two por
ticoes 12 m deep with fluted columns of pavonaz-
zetto and responding pilasters of the same stone be
hind. These were raised above the square by three
steps of giallo antico and paved with flags of colored
marble. The attic, like that of the Forum Augustum,
was very deep, implying a vaulted ceiling behind,
adorned with figures of Dacian captives alternating
with shields and windows. On the roofs of the colon
nades were gilded horses and military trophies pro
vided ex manubiis (A. Gellius 13.25.1). Behind the
midpoint of each lateral colonnade opened a hemi-
cycle with a central aedicular niche in clear imitation
of the hemicycles of the Forum Augustum, but pro
viding a minor axis of greater importance. The cen
tral focus of these hemicycles is unknown. In the por
ticoes and square Trajan and his successors set up a
great number of statues of generals and other distin
guished men (S.H.A. M. Aurelius 2 2 .7 ; A lex. Sev.
2 6 .4 ; Tacitus 9 .2 ; Sid. Apoll., Carm . 8.8, 9.3 0 1 ). A
great many inscriptions belonging to these statues
have been found, some of which are explicit about
their having been erected in F o ro Traiani or in F oro
Ulpio (C IL 6. 1377 = 3 1 6 4 0 , 1599, 1710, 1721,
1724, 1727, 1 7 4 9 ; IL S 809, 1098, 1244, 1275,
1326, 2 9 4 9 , 2950).
The end of the forum opposite the entrance was
filled by the faade of the Basilica Ulpia turned
broadside to the axis of the forum. The principal en
trance to the basilica took the form of a triumphal
arch and is shown on coins (B. M. C oins, R om . Em p.
3 pi. 17.15) as having three bays, each consisting of
a pair of columns mounted on a stepped platform
176
carrying a deep attic surmounted by statuary. Over
the central bay is a quadriga led on by a pair of sol
diers or Victorias. Over each side bay is a biga
flanked by trophies or standards. In the background
the architecture of the basilica itself appears, show
ing columns in both storeys and large antefixes or
vases along the edge of the roof. Excavation has
shown that the central door was triple, preceded by
a porch of four columns, while symmetrical second
ary entrances to either side had porches of two col
umns. The coins may show a project that was never
carried out, or a telescoped version of the whole fa
ade.
In the interior the basilica consisted of a large cen
tral nave surrounded on all sides by a double aisle
with a hemicycle opening at either end. The columns
were all Corinthian, with slight differences; those
around the nave were of gray granite, and those of
the aisles were of giallo antico, cipollino, and pavon-
azzetto. Capitals and plinths were of white marble,
the walls revetted with white Luna marble, the
beams of Pentelic, and the roof covered with gilt-
bronze tiles (Pausanias 5 .1 2 .6 , 10.5.11). Fragments
of a frieze of Victorias sacrificing bulls and decking
candelabra with garlands are of especially fine work
manship.
The hemicycles at either end were lined with an
addorsed colonnade and had a central aedicular
niche as focus. A substantial part of the basilica is
shown on the M arble Plan (FUR pi. 2 8 ; Rodriguez
pi. 2 1 ) , where the northeast hemicycle is labeled l i b -
e r t a t i s . Because we are here in the area formerly
occupied by the Atrium Libertatis, it seems likely
that the other hemicycle was labeled a t r i u m and
that these were the Bibliotheca Ulpia, libraries that
replaced those of Asinius Pollios rebuilding of the
Atrium Libertatis (q.v.). The architecture, with an
addorsed colonnade dividing the wall into shallow
bays suitable for the installation of shelved cases to
hold the books, further suggests this, as does the
pavement of colored marble, which must have been
under a roof. The upper parts and roofing of the
whole building present a series of difficult problems
in the use of columns, windows, and clerestoreys
which has yet to be resolved to complete satisfaction.
Certainly as it appears today, it was essentially a
single-storey building.
From the Basilica Ulpia two inconspicuous doors
led back to a small colonnaded court beyond, 24 m
wide and 16 m deep, in the center of which stood the
Columna Traiani. This is a column, essentially Tus
can in form, measuring with base and capital 100
Roman feet (29.78 m) in height, set on a high rectan
gular block (5.37 m high and 5 .4 8 m on a side) cov
ered with military trophies of enemy arms in low re
lief. The diameter of the column is 3.83 m at the base

and 3.66 m at the summit. The column is composed
of seventeen drums of Luna marble, and there is per
ceptible entasis in the shaft. It is carved with a spiral
band of relatively low relief, 0 .8 9 m high at the base,
gradually deepening to 1.25 m at the summit, while
the figures increase from about 0 .6 0 m at the base to
0.90 m at the summit. In a continuous sequence it
shows the campaigns of Trajan in Dacia between
a . d . 101 and 106, and at the same time a compen
dium of the life, organization, and activities of the
Roman army. The composition of scenes and the
narrative clarity are exceptionally fine; Trajan ap
pears with great frequency, always clearly portrayed
and slightly larger than those around him; and the
artists knowledge of the Roman army, the Dacians,
and the story of the campaigns is impressive.
Whether the reliefs were colored and how legible
they were to those viewing them from the ground are
debated questions.
The column is entered by a doorway in the south
east face of the base. From a little vestibule, a corri
dor leads back to the left to a small chamber in the
base, where Trajans ashes were deposited in an urn
of gold (Cass. Dio 6 9 .2 .3 ; Eutropius 8 .5 .2 ; Aur.
Viet., Epit. 13.11). This was lit by a tiny window. At
a later time it was walled off by a thick brick wall.
From the vestibule to the right, a staircase of 185
steps ascends in rectilinear flights inside the base,
then in a spiral cut from the heart of the drums, lead
ing to the top. It is lit by forty-three narrow slit win
dows, framed but inconspicuous in the relief band,
thanks to there being more than twenty-five hundred
figures represented in the relief.
Originally the column seems to have been designed
to be surmounted by an eagle (see B. M. Coins, R om .
Em p. 3 pi. 41.7), but then a statue of the princeps
himself was substituted. From the representations on
coins (see B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 3 pis. 16.19 and
20, 17.1 and 2, 19.11 and 12, 2 1 .1 5 , 39.4 and 5,
4 0 .1, 2 and 11, 4 1 .6 , 42.3), the column was slow in
taking shape, and eagles that had in a second design
been intended to flank the base were ultimately omit
ted. We have no authoritative representation of the
statue of Trajan on the summit. The inscription on
the base (CIL 6 .9 6 0 = IL S 294) makes it clear that
the column was a present to Trajan from the senate
and the Roman people. It was dedicated 18 May a . d .
113 (N Sc 1932, 201 [G. Calza]; A. Degrassi, Inscrip-
tiones Italiae 13.1 p. 203). The theory that the relief
spiral had its origin as a book roll, a theory first pro
pounded by Birt and endorsed repeatedly by others,
ignores the excellence of the overall design, in which
patterns are worked out vertically, as well as in se
quence. And such continuous narrative is at least as
old as the Odyssey Landscapes from the Esquiline,
which seem hardly likely to have been derived from
F O R U M T R A IA N I
a book roll. The precision of the carving and the lack
of damage at joints are such that many authorities
have asserted that the reliefs could only have been
carved once the column was in place, but this also is
an assertion that will not bear scrutiny. The sugges
tion that the column was originally intended to stand
in the northeast hemicycle of the forum square, and
if the dedication in 113 is correct must once have
stood there, could be proved by excavation under
the floor of that hemicycle. If true, there must be a
concrete footing of the dimensions of that under the
column in its present location hidden beneath the
pavement.
The tiny church of S. Nicola de Columna at the
base of the column is recorded as early as 1 0 2 9 -
1032 (HCh 3 9 4 -9 6 ) and was deconsecrated some
time between 1560 and 1570. It has left the outline
of a roof over the door to the columns interior,
somewhat defacing the reliefs. In 1588 Pope Sixtus
V had the present bronze statue of Saint Peter by
Giacomo della Porta erected in place of that of Tra
jan, long lost.
To either side of the column is a library (Biblio-
theca Divi Traiani), a small rectangular building, one
for Greek authors, one for Latin, in the usual fash
ion. The libraries were originally handsome build
ings with extraordinarily fine brickwork facing the
concrete core. Down the sides and across the end, the
walls were broken into bays by Corinthian columns
set opposite responsive pilasters that framed large
rectangular niches, in which the cabinets for books
must have been housed. One mounted three steps be
tween columns to reach a continuous walk in front
of the niches, and the proportions of surviving frag
ments of architecture suggest that there was a
slightly lower second storey above this, but access to
this is a problem. Stairs behind the libraries in the
corners between library and basilica do not appear
to have been for public use. A larger semicircular
niche in the center of the end wall seems to have been
for the statue of a tutelary divinity, and statues of
celebrated authors also embellished the interiors
(Sid. A p oll, Epist. 9 .1 6 .2 5 -2 8 ). The notion that a
gallery over the colonnades in front of the libraries
and connecting them provided a vantage point from
which to examine more of the reliefs of the column
than could be seen from the ground does not
strongly recommend itself, because the advantage
would be only slight. Everything suggests that once
the column had been installed in this location the
narrative value of the reliefs was considered unim
portant.
The Temple of Divus Traianus, and later perhaps
Plotina (C IL 6 .9 6 6 = 3 1 2 1 5 = IL S 306), was added
by Hadrian (S.H.A. H adr. 19.9), to whom we should
perhaps ascribe everything northwest of the Basilica
177
FO R U M T R A N SITO RIU M
Ulpia, because his brick-stamps were found in great
quantity in the area (Bloch 5761). A likely candi
date for the temple is shown on coins as octastyle
with a stair of approach across the whole of the prin
cipal faade and a massive altar in front of this. Frag
ments of gray granite columns 2 m in diameter and
others 1.80 m in diameter have been found, together
with corresponding Corinthian capitals of white
marble. On coins the temple is shown flanked by col
onnades, and the design of these and connection of
them with the complex of libraries and column is a
great problem. The great size of the temple elements
and sumptuousness of material suggest that it was
designed to complement the column, and the play
with scale between this and the libraries may well
have been extended to the subsidiary colonnades.
The purpose of this enormous complex was espe
cially to provide a suitable place for the much-
expanded business of the courts of Rome. State ar
chives, such as the Libri Lintei recording the acts of
the emperors (S.H.A. A urelian. 1.7, Tacitus 8.12)
and the edicts of the praetors (A. Gellius 11.17.1),
were kept here. Here the consuls held court (A. Gel
lius 13.2 5 .2 ), and Hadrian burned the records of de
linquent debtors to the government (S.H.A. Hadr.
7.6). Here Marcus Aurelius auctioned off the trea
sures of the imperial palace to pay for the Marco-
mannic War (S.H.A. M. Aurel. 1 7 .4 -5 , 2 1 .9 ; Eutro-
pius 8 .1 3 .2 ; Aur. Viet., Epit. 16.9). Here Aurelian
burned public records (S.H.A. A urelian. 39 .3 ), and
here laws inscribed on bronze were frequently dis
played (cf. C od. T h eo d o s. 1 4 .2 .1 ; L eg es N ov ellae
Divi Valentiniani passim). The last may be in con
tinuance of the functions of the Atrium Libertatis
(q.v.), as may also be the continued manumission of
slaves here (Sid. Apoll., Carm . 2 .5 4 4 -4 5 ) .
From unspecified parts of the Forum Traiani come
a number of decorative panels and figures, including
reliefs now in the Vatican, Villa Medici, the Louvre,
and elsewhere (PBSR 4 [1907]: 2 2 9 57 [A. J. B.
Wace]; M on P iot 18 [1 9 0 9 -1 0 ]: 2 0 6 -1 2 [E. Mi-
chon]); the colossal protomes of horses, rhinocer
oses, elephants, and other animals in the cloister of
the Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme; the fa
miliar relief of an eagle with spread wings mounted
in a wreath now in the church of SS. Apostoli; and
possibly four large relief panels, once part of a single
frieze, now employed in the decoration of the Arch
of Constantine.
The destruction of the forum began in the fourth
century, when parts of its decoration were taken to
embellish the Arch of Constantine. It was still one of
the most impressive buildings in Rome, and Ammi-
anus Marcellinus (16.10.15) records the astonish
ment of Emperor Constantius before it when he vis
ited Rome in a . d . 3 5 6 . Throughout the Middle Ages
178
it was plundered for building material and decora
tions for the churches and palaces of Rome. The col
umn and central third of the Basilica Ulpia were first
excavated by the French in 1 8 1 2 -1 8 1 4 , with some
additions, hardly more than soundings, in 1824 and
1 8 6 6 -1 8 6 7 . The hemicycle on the northeast side of
the forum square was partially excavated in the early
part of this century (NSc 1907, 4 1 4 - 2 7 [G. Boni]).
A major clearance was undertaken in connection
with the construction of the Via dei Fori Imperiali in
1 9 2 8 -1 9 3 4 , and this completed what is known to
day: the northeast colonnade of the forum square
with its hemicycle, the central part of the Basilica Ul
pia with the Columna Traiani behind and the south
west library flanking the column, and the southwest
hemicycle of the Basilica Ulpia, the last two parts
now largely hidden in a crypt under the modern
street. The excavations have all been only summarily
published, but the column and parts of the architec
ture have been objects of special studies in recent
years.
Lugli 1946, 2 7 8 - 9 9 ; Nash 1 .2 8 3 -8 6 , 4 5 0 -5 6 ;
BdA 53 (1968): 6 3 -7 1 (G. Gullini); AA 1970, 4 9 9 -
5 4 4 (R Znker); L. Rossi, T rajans C olum n an d the
D acian Wars (London 1971); C. H. Leon, Die
B au orn am en tik d es T rajansforum s und ihre Stellung
in d er frh- und m ittelkaiserzeitlichen A rchitektur
d ek o ra tio n R om s (Vienna, Cologne, and Graz
1971); R m M itt 83 (1976): 1 6 5 -7 4 (A. Malissard);
A rchN 6.4 (1977): 1 0 1 -7 (L. Richardson); W.
Gauer, Untersuchungen zur Trajansule, 1 Teil: D ar
stellungsprogram m un d k n stlerischer E n tw u rf (Ber
lin 1977); R m M itt 87 (1981): 3 0 1 - 6 (G. Koeppel);
P rospettiva 26 (1981): 2 - 9 (V. Farinella); C. M.
Amici, F oro d i T raiano: B asilica Ulpia e b ib lio tech e
(Rome 19 8 2 ); I. A. Richmond, T rajans A rm y on
Trajans C olum n (London 19 8 2 ); Anderson 14177:
R. Brilliant, Visual N arratives: Story-telling in Etrus
can an d R om an A rt (Ithaca, N.Y. 1984), 9 0 -1 2 3 :
AJA 89 (1985): 6 4 1 -5 3 (M. Waelkens); Boatwright
7 4 - 9 4 ; S. Settis, A. La Regina, G. Agosti, and V. Far
inella, L a colon n a traiana (Turin 1988); L. Lepper
and S. Frere, T rajans C olum n, A N ew E dition o f the
C ichoriu s P lates (Gloucester 19 8 8 ); A rchC l 41
(1989): 2 7 -2 8 6 (P. Pensabene et al.), 2 3 7 -9 2 (S.
Stucchi); JR A 3 (1990): 2 9 0 - 3 0 9 (J. C. N. Coul-
ston); J. Packer, B asilica Ulpia (forthcoming).
Forum Transitorium: see Forum Nervae.
Forum Ulpium: see Forum Traiani.
Forum Vespasiani: see Pax, Templum.
Forum Vinarium: known only from inscriptions
that mention argentarii and a c o a c to r vinarius de

Foro Vinario (C IL 6 .9 1 8 1 , 9 1 8 2 = IL S "502), but
probably to be connected with the Portus Vinarius
q.v.). The Ciconiae (q.v.) on the Tiber was a landing
place for wine, or near one, and the Portus Vinarius
may have been adjacent to this. The forum would
presumably have been a small square in the vicinity.
Fossae Quiritium: a popular name attested in the
L ib er d e viris illustribus of pseudo-Victor for the
Cloaca M axim a (q.v.), because in its construction
Tarquinius Superbus employed the whole work force
of Rome. But the name is used by no one else.
Fregellae: said by Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 80L) to be
a place in the city where visitors from the city of Fre
gellae lived, perhaps following its destruction by
FU RRIN A
Opimius in 124 B .C . Because Fregellae was on the
Via Latina near the southern end of the Flernican
valley, we might expect such a settlement to be on
the eastern reaches of the Esquiline, but there is no
evidence.
Frigianum: see Phrygianum.
Furca: a place designation found in one inscription:
C asarus a fu rca (C IL 6.9 2 3 8 ). Because fu rca might
be either throat (as in the Furcae, or Furculae,
Caudinae) or gallows, the possibilities seem many,
but none is especially attractive.
Furrina: see Lucus Furrinae.
179
 Gaia: In the Fasti Antiates Maiores for 8 December
is the note T iberin o/G aiae, whereas the Fasti Amiter-
nini give T iberin o in insula (Degrassi 5 3 4 -3 5 ) . Ac
cording to the ancient sources, there were two Gaiae:
(1) Gaia Taracia, also known as Fufetia, a Vestal Vir
gin who presented the Roman people with the Cam
pus Tiberinus (q.v.), another name for the Campus
Martius, or part thereof, in return for which she was
accorded special privileges and honors, including a
statue (Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 5 ; A. Gellius 7 .7 .1 -4 ; Plu
tarch, Public. 8 .4 ); and (2) the admirable wife of
Tarquinius Priscus, Gaia Caecilia, earlier called Ta-
naquil, whose distaff and spindle were preserved in
the Temple of Semo Sancus, and a toga of whose
making that had belonged to Servius Tullius was
kept in the Temple of Fortuna. Brides called upon her
name for a good omen at their wedding (Pliny, H N
8 .1 9 4 ; Paulus ex Fest. 85L; Plutarch, Q uaest. R om .
30). These two are understandably confused, and
Taracia is suspected of being a corruption of the
name Tanaquil. The points of contact are too many
to be accidental, and the threads are too intertwined
to disentangle. However, we may conclude that Gaia
was worshiped, probably in conjunction with Tiber
inus at a small shrine of unknown location on the
Tiber island, and that she was regarded as a patron
ess of the Roman people who had also perhaps had
a hand in the formation of the Tiber island.
Gaianum: an area in the Transtiberim, listed in the
regionary catalogues in Regio XIV, where Caligula
was fond of holding chariot races (Cass. Dio
5 9 .1 4 .6 7). It lay south of the Naumachia Traiani
(q.v.) and east of Via Triumphalis (B u llC om 24
[1896]: 2 4 8 4 9 [R. Lanciani]). Inscriptions some
times supposed to come from its area (C IL 6 .1 0 0 5 2 -
10054, 10057, 1 0 0 5 8 , 10067, 3 3 9 3 7 , 3 3 9 5 3 ; ILS
5 2 8 9 , 5 2 9 6 , 52 9 8 ) that have been taken to indicate
that it was extensively adorned with statues of vic
tors seem to have belonged to statues originally in
the Circus Gaii et Neronis (q.v.) that were reused,
and nothing can be argued from them. The Gaianum
was probably simply a track and is not to be con
fused with the circus. In the regionary catalogues it
is linked with the Frigianum (Phrygianum, q.v.), a
shrine of the Magna M ater in Vaticano, but this is
probably fortuitous. A note in Filocalus for 28
M arch, Initium Caiani, has been taken to mean the
beginning of a festival in honor of the Magna Mater
(cf. Degrassi 4 3 2 3 3 ; the Ludi Megalenses ran tra
ditionally 4 - 1 0 April) or else to a race meeting in the
Gaianum. But chariot racing had no special season
and seems to have continued throughout the year.
Because 28 M arch was the day on which Caligula
entered Rome in a . d . 37 and was acclaimed princeps
(C IL 6. 2 0 2 8 e; Suetonius, Calig. 14.1), there may
well be allusion to this.
CAR 1-E, 2 p. 20.
Gallinae Albae: a place designation in Regio VI
listed in the regionary catalogues and in the fourth
ecclesiastical region, which seems to have been much
the same as the fourth Augustan region (Gregor.
M ag., Epist. 3 .1 7 [M G H Epist. 1.175]; Jordan
2 .1 2 2 , 319), on the southeast slope of the Viminal
near its western end, between the churches of S. Lo
renzo in Panisperna and S. Lorenzo in Fontana,
where the name is preserved in the church of S. Six
tus in Gallina Alba (Jordan 2 .1 2 2 , 3 1 9 ; HCh 471).
It was more likely a crossroads than a street; Greg
ory describes it as a locus. This is not to be confused
with the part of the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta also
known as Ad Gallinas (Albas).
Ad Gemellos: a place designation cited twice by
Frontinus (Aq. 1.5, 65), located infra Spem Veterem

s e e Spes Vetus), where there was a juncture of the
Aqua Appia with a branch of the Aqua Augusta,
added by Augustus to supplement the Appia. Parker
proposed that the twins were two great reservoirs
just outside the boundary wall of the Sessorium
iq.v.) close to the line of the Aqua Appia, but in that
case Frontinus would probably have been more spe
cific. If infra means just below, then it should be
somewhere on the Esquiline, where the Aqua Appia
runs at approximately right angles to the other aque
ducts entering ad Spem Veterem. Features that ap
pear in pairs are so common that any attempt to pin
these down seems futile.
Gemoniae: see Scalae Gemoniae.
Genius Castrorum , Sacellum: a shrine of the Cas-
tra Peregrina (q.v.) on the Caelian, known from in
scriptions of the time of Alexander Severus (C IL
6 .2 3 0 -3 1 = ILS 2 2 1 5 -1 6 ).
Genius Populi Rom ani: (1) a shrine near the
Temple of Concordia mentioned by Dio in connec
tion with a prodigy of vultures in 43 B.C . and a prod
igy of an owl in 32 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 7 .2 .3 , 50.8.2)
and recorded in a late inscription (C IL 6.248 = ILS
3678) found between the Basilica Iulia and Clivus
Capitolinus. Aurelian is said to have dedicated a gold
image of the genius on the Rostra (Chron. 148), and
the regionary catalogues list the genius immediately
after rostra I I I and before the Equus Constantini and
senatus (Curia). One would be inclined to think of
this as a sacellum that was destroyed to make way
for the Temple of Divus Vespasianus, possibly even
rebuilt as the so-called Aedicula Faustinae (see Faus
tina, Aedicula). Granted the Romans fondness for
dedicating statues on the rostra, there is no difficulty
with Aurelians gesture, except for its isolation and
the existence of a proper temple of this divinity
nearby. But Aurelian might have wished to give fresh
prominence to a neglected divinity and resorted to
this expedient.
R om M itt 97 (1990): 1 3 4 -3 6 (F. S. Kleiner).
(2) On 9 October, according to the fasti, sacrifices
were offered to the Genius Populi Romani, Fausta
Felicitas, and Venus Victrix on the Capitoline (De-
grassi 518). This is a puzzling triad, and it has been
supposed that either a single altar or a triad of altars
is all that is meant. But Servius (ad Aen. 2.351) tells
of a shield dedicated on the Capitoline inscribed:
G en io urbis R o m a e sive m as sive fem in a, and, be
cause the idea of a Genius urbis is paradoxical (the
Urbs as feminine should have a Iuno), one might see
this triad as mysterious agents of victory, and their
association is too close to be fortuitous. See also Ve
nus Victrix.
GRADUS AURELII
Gens Flavia, Templum (also Templa in Martial
9 .3 .1 2 ; S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 3 3 .6 ; Claudius G otbicu s
3 .6 ; Statius, Silv. 4 .3 .1 9 -2 0 , 5 .1 .2 4 0 -4 1 ) : a shrine
that Domitian established on the site of the house
where he was born (Suetonius, D om . 1.1; Chron.
146). M artial speaks as though the house were lev
eled to make space for the temple (9 .2 0 .1 -2 ) and re
peatedly lauds its size and splendor (9.1.89; 9 .3 .1 2 ;
9.34). It was struck by lightning in a . d . 96 (Sueton
ius, D om . 15.2), but was still standing in the fourth
century and is listed in the N otitia in Regio VI. It was
at least in part intended as a mausoleum, and we
know that Julias ashes were deposited there, as were
Domitians (Suetonius, D om . 17.3). Probably Ves
pasians and Tituss ashes had also been transferred
to it.
There is a strong suggestion that the temple was
round and domed, the ceiling decorated to represent
the heavens (Martial 9 .3 .1 8 -1 9 , 9 .3 4 ; Statius, Silv.
4 .3 .1 9 , 5 .1 .2 4 0 -4 1 ) , and it was regarded as a sym
bol of Romes eternity (Martial 9 .1 .8 ; Statius, Silv.
4 .3 .1 8 -1 9 ). It stood on the Quirinal on the street
called Ad Malum Punicum, presumably on the south
side of Alta Semita and not far from it in the vicinity
of Via delle Quattro Fontane, but no identifiable ele
ment of it has ever come to light (B u llC om 17
[1889]: 3 8 3 - 8 9 [R. Lanciani]). The Templum Mi-
nervae described by Pirro Ligorio and Vacca (ibid.,
3 8 3 -8 4 ) seems too small to have been the Templum
Gentis Flaviae. Perhaps it was, as Ligorio describes
it, simply an elaborate house shrine.
Gens Iulia, A ra: an altar in the Area Capitolina
near the statue of Numa Pompilius (JRS 16 [1926]:
9 5 -1 0 1 [A. H. Smith]). The statues of the kings of
Rome stood at a secondary entrance to the Area
Capitolina via a stair above the Fornix Calpurnianus
(Appian, BellC iv 1 .1 6 -1 7 ; Orosius 5 .9 .2 ), very likely
the Centum Gradus (q.v.), perhaps a stair on the
southwest flank of the hill and, if so, near the Temple
of Fides. This would explain why it was regarded as
an appropriate place for the posting of diplomata of
honorably discharged soldiers in the years a . d . 68-
71 (cf. C IL 1 6 .7 -1 7 ).
Gnomon: see Obeliscus Augusti.
Gradus Aurelii: mentioned only by Cicero, once in
connection with the trial of C. Iunius in 74 B .C . (Clu.
93) and once in 59 B .C ., again with reference to a
trial (Flac. 66). In 74 the steps were new, presumably
the work of M . Aurelius Cotta, who was consul in
that year, or his brother Gaius, consul in the preced
ing year. The trial of Iunius was for misconduct of a
q u aestio over which he had presided, and the tribune
Quinctius brought the charge before the praetor ur-
181
GRADUS G E M IT U R II
banus, whose court regularly sat in the Comitium.
Cicero says the Gradus Aurelii were thronged by a
con tio of supporters of the accusation, so they
seemed a theater built for the trial. Flaccus was
brought to trial on a charge of repetu n dae in the old
est of the qu aestion es p erp etu ae, probably also held
in the Comitium. So the Gradus Aurelii were prob
ably a sector of the stepping of the Comitium re
stored by Aurelius, hence Ciceros description of
them qu asi p ro theatro.
R om M itt 80 (1973): 225 (L. Richardson).
Gradus Gemiturii: see Scalae Gemoniae.
Gradus Heliogabali: mentioned in medieval docu
ments, described as in introitu Palatii (M irabilia: Jo r
dan 2 .6 1 6 ; VZ 3.2 4 ). They figured in the Acta S. Se-
bastiani (20 January, p. 642), where the martyr,
whose passion is set in the Circus Maximus, ad
dressed the emperor: stans su per G radus H eliog a
bali. They are also linked to the Septizodium (HCh
305, 595). The combined evidence indicates that
they were a monumental stair, perhaps leading from
the Templum Elagabali (see Elagabalus, Templum
[1]) on the east side of the Palatine near the south
corner down in the direction of the Circus Maximus.
Gradus M onetae: a stair mentioned by Ovid (Fast.
1.638) as leading from the Temple of Concordia, so
an approach from the Forum Romanum to the
Temple of Iuno M oneta on the northwest crest of the
Capitoline. Under the northeast end of the cella of
Tiberiuss Temple of Concordia was found part of a
stair in continuation of the line of the Sacra Via, but
this was interrupted by Tiberiuss enlargement of the
temple, which was dedicated 16 January a . d . 10.
The stair was then moved to the northeast side of the
temple, between it and the Career, and became the
Scalae Gemoniae (q.v.). While Ovid may be remem
bering the earlier stair and using the name by which
it was known, he is probably thinking of the new
stair now splendidly rebuilt. The earliest use of the
name Scalae Gemoniae comes in the time of Tiberius
(Val. M ax. 6.3.3 and 9.13).
Gradus Sanctae Sabinae: mentioned only by Pope
Gregory the Great (Epist. 2 .1 0 [M G H Epist. 1 p.
109]) and presumably short-lived, a stair leading
from the church of S. Sabina to the Tiber down the
northwest side of the Aventine. On Bufalinis map of
Rome of 1551, a stair is shown leading down the
slope of the Aventine just north of the church of S.
M aria in Aventino (S. M aria del Priorato) labeled
Scalae G em on ie. PA takes this to be the Gradus
Sanctae Sabinae, but it is more likely simply an in
vention of Bufalini.
182
Graecostadium: listed in the regionary catalogues
in Regio VIII, between the Vicus Iugarius et Unguen-
tarius and Porticus Margaritarius in the N otitia, and
between the Vicus Iugarius and Basilica Iulia in the
C uriosum . It was apparently shown in part on a lost
fragment of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 21e, labeled
] r e c o s t [ ; Rodriguez pi. 13). The fragment was
small, and it is not clear that the drawing and in
scription belong to the same building; very likely
they do not. The drawing shows a temple front with
a broad stair of approach and an octastyle or larger
faade, but the pronaos, if such it be, was shallow,
only two bays deep.
The Graecostadium was restored by Antoninus
Pius after a fire (S.H.A. Ant. Pius 8.2) and burned
again in the fire of Carinus in 283 (Chron. 148). It
otherwise figures in history only perhaps as Plu
tarchs Agora of the Greeks (D e Soil. An. 10). The
indications then are that it was located close to the
Basilica Iulia and Temple of Saturn, just southwest
of one or the other, more likely the former, if the
fragment of the Marble Plan is correctly identified.
But the Graecostadium cannot have been a temple;
rather than anything else, one expects it to be a race
course or exercise field, laid out in Greek fashion and
consequently unlikely to have been anywhere near
the forum. To resolve the implicit contradictions,
topographers have supposed that it was an open
square surrounded by combustible buildings. The
large temple shown in conjunction with it might be
the Temple of Divus Augustus (see Augustus, Divus,
Templum) and the Graecostadium might be its
temenos (see Plutarch, D e Soil. An. 10), but why this
name should have been given it is puzzling, unless it
be in reference to its dimensions. This is perhaps the
best one can say at present.
On 2 4 August, according to the Fasti Pinciani of
the early imperial period, sacrifice was offered in
G raecost. (Degrassi 50 2 ), but no other source men
tions this. This might be either the Graecostasis or
the Graecostadium, more likely the latter. See also
Graecostasis.
Graecostasis: the shoulder of the Capitoline Hill
from the Lautumiae to the Area Concordiae, tradi
tionally the place assigned for embassies from for
eign states to station themselves in order to show
their strength and numbers to the Romans in the
Comitium and to the senate and to await being sum
moned to address the senate (Varro, Ling. 5.155).
Varro says it was a locus substructus to the right of
the Rostra Comitii, which implies terracing, but of
this there is no trace. Pliny (H N 33.19) implies that
it had ceased to exist in his day, and, with the dis
mantling of the Comitium and building of the Curia
Iulia, the relation of things had changed so much

that the Graecostasis could no longer serve its origi
nal purpose. In 304 B .C . C. Flavius erected a bronze
aedicula to Concordia in G raecostasi (Pliny, H N
3 3 .1 9 ); Livy then located this in A rea Volcani (Livy
9.4 6.6). This was a forerunner of the Temple of Con
cordia of later times.
A further statement of Plinys complicates matters,
namely, that until the time of the First Punic War the
accensus consulum announced noon when from the
Curia he sighted the sun between the Rostra and
the Graecostasis (HN 7.212). Because at such time
he should have been looking due south, and would
himself have been standing behind the midpoint of
the Rostra Comitii, it is impossible to make this
square with our other information. However, if we
take the rostra in question to be the Rostra Antiana
in the middle of the forum, then we must look for a
Graecostasis south of .the Curia (cf. R om M itt 80
[1973]: 223 [L. Richardson]). This might be either a
forerunner of the Graecostadium or a Graecostasis
connected with the Rostra Antiana, but not only is
evidence for such a platform lacking but also even
the rationale for it. As long as the Comitium and
Curia kept their original form and place, the Grae
costasis at the base of the Capitoline was adequate,
however much its original area may have been re
duced by the encroachment of other buildings. Once
the Comitium was demolished there was no reason
to preserve the Graecostasis, and it seems to have dis
appeared. So unless Pliny, who can have seen neither
of the original monuments in question, is mistaken,
or the text corrupt, this Graecostasis must be a fore
runner of the Graecostadium south of the Tabernae
Veteres and toward the east end of these.
The Graecostasis at the base of the Capitoline was
several times the site of prodigies, a flow of blood in
137 B.C . (Obsequens 24), and rains of milk in 130
(Obsequens 28) and 124 (Obsequens 31).
G Y M N A SIU M N ER O N IS
G y m nasiu m N ero n is (Fig. 8 7 ): part of the Ther
mae Neronianae (q.v.), together with which it is said
to have been dedicated in a . d . 60 (Suetonius, N ero
12.3; Cass. Dio 62.21.1) or 62 (Tacitus, Ann.
14.47.3). The former is more likely to be correct, as
in 62 the gymnasium burned after being struck by
lightning, and the statue of Nero there melted (Taci
tus, Ann. 15.22), after which it must have been re
dedicated. Along with the dedication went the estab
lishment of the Neronia, quinquennial games with
contests in music, gymnastics, and horse-racing, and
for the dedication there was a distribution of oil to
the senators and equites. Philostratus (Vit. A pol.
4.42) considered it the most wonderful building of
its type in Rome.
The passage in Philostratus makes it clear that
baths and gymnasium were parts of a single com
plex. Nero, so far as we know, was the first Roman
builder to combine the two harmoniously. Cassius
Dio (5 3 .2 7 .1 , 5 4 .2 9 .4 ) calls the Baths of Agrippa
balan eion and lacon icon , while those of Nero, Tra
jan, and Sura he calls gym n asion (68.15, 6 9.4.1). Vi
truvius (5.10) gives specifications for baths separate
from those for palaestrae (5.11) and says palaestrae
are not italicae consuetudinis. His specifications for
palaestrae include baths, but these are described only
very briefly. So N eros complex as a public institution
was probably innovative. Palladios plan of these
baths (Zorzi fig. 96) shows a complex in which the
genesis of later bath complexes is very plain. Al
though this was rebuilt by Alexander Severus and
probably much changed and modernized at that
time, the central core is probably Neronian. Bathing
seems to have been confined to the central block on
the south front and the rest given over to other activ
ities, as in the palaestra Vitruvius describes.
183
Divus H adrianus, Templum
(also Hadrianeum): a temple to the deified Hadrian,
built by Antoninus Pius and dedicated in a . d . 145
(S.H.A. Ant. Pius 8.2, L . Verus 3.1). It is listed in the
N otitia in Regio IX between the Column of Marcus
Aurelius and the Baths of Alexander Severus and
Agrippa. It is now universally recognized to be the
temple converted into the stock exchange of Rome,
of which substantial remains are visible in Piazza di
Pietra and to which reliefs in a number of museums
belong. This was formerly erroneously called the Ba
silica of Neptune (see Basilica Neptuni).
Eleven fluted columns of white Proconnesian mar
ble with Corinthian bases and capitals belonging to
the north flank are still standing. These carried a
richly carved entablature with a frieze of convex
profile and deeply projecting cornice carried on
modillions. At present the entablature is much
repaired in stucco, and the cornice is so badly
restored that three versions appear, of which only the
central one resembles the original. The columns are
1.44 m in diameter and 15 m high, and the capitals
seem large and deep. The cella wall behind the
colonnade is of blocks of peperino left rough, which
must have been covered with marble revetment. The
traces of clamps suggest that pilasters responded to
the colonnade. The existing ceiling is an ancient
concrete vault that shows clearly the settings for a
lining in plates of marble, presumably richly
coffered. The temple is presumed to have been
octastyle, peripteral, with fifteen columns on the
long sides. It stood on a podium and probably had a
stair of approach covering the whole eastern end and
a deep pronaos of three bays.
The interior of the squarish cella was barrel-
vaulted over a vaulted cellar. The vaulting was of
concrete with deep coffering, presumably finished
with stucco. An anonymous drawing, in conjunction
with a few fragments preserved on the site, shows
that the wall crown under the vault was like the en
tablature of the exterior but was more richly deco
rated, the architrave being worked with garlands
hung in swags and the convex frieze with a serpen
tine design of acanthus candelabra between reversing
S-spirals. Indeed, almost every available surface
seems to have been decorated. Presumably there was
an engaged order or pilasters mounted on a contin
uous podium around the interior of the cella.
The face of the temple podium (?) was broken into
panels, vertical plinths under the columns bearing al
legorical figures of the provinces of the empire in
high relief and framed panels under the intercolum-
niations with simple trophies of armor and weapons
at larger scale. Twenty-one of the figures of prov
inces and nine trophy panels are known; twenty-
three survive whole or in part. Sixteen that are well
preserved are divided among five collections in Rome
and Naples; those most familiar are in the courtyard
of the Palazzo dei Conservatori. Identification of the
provinces is in some cases disputed; it is conjectured
that originally there were twenty-five of these, cor
responding to the number of such personifications
appearing on the coinage of Antoninus Pius, to
which one turns for identification of the attributes
and iconography. They are identified especially by
costume and weapons; ethnic traits do not appear.
The temple stood in a generous precinct sur
rounded by a colonnade, parts of which Lanciani
discovered in his excavations. The columns were
fluted, at least some of them of giallo antico, the or
der Corinthian, with an entablature related to that
of the exterior of the temple. Whether there was a
monumental entrance is unknown but seems likely.
If the Temple of Matidia (see Matidia, Templum)

stood just west of the Temple of Divus Hadrianus,
then one might expect monumental entrances at
both ends.
J. M. C. Toynbee, T h e H adrian ic S ch o o l (Cam
bridge 1934), 1 5 2 -5 9 ; PBSR 21 (1953): 1 2 3 -2 6 (D.
Strong); Nash 1 .4 5 7 -6 1 ; A. M . Pais, 11 p od iu m "
d el tem p io d el D ivo A drian o a p iazza di Pietra in
R om a (Rome 1979); L. Cozza, T em pio di A driano
(Rome 1982).
Hecatostylon: a portico of one hundred columns
linked by Martial (2 .1 4 .9 -1 0 ) with the Theatrum
Pompeii and shown on the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 32;
Rodriguez pis. 3 1 -3 2 ) to lie along the north side of
the Porticus Pompeii and Area Sacra di Largo Argen
tina. It appears to have been a double colonnade fac
ing north, the inner aisle raised a step above the
outer and with more numerous columns, but not
twice as many. In the outer aisle the columns seem to
have stood in the middle of the aisle, with a canti-
levered roof projecting beyond them. Along the back
wall opened occasional large semicircular exedras
with lines of columns separating them from the por
tico. Although conjoined with the Porticus Pompeii,
it did not function together with these and was prob
ably entirely separate (as Martial implies). If any
thing, it belonged rather with the Thermae Agrippae
(q.v.), but the relationship is not clear. It burned in
a.d . 2 4 7 (Hieron. a. Abr. 2263).
Hiilsens (HJ 5 3 2 -3 3 ) likening of this to the so-
called Pecile of Villa Adriana at Tivoli is mistaken,
because were the central line a wall rather than a
step, the southern half would become a cryptoporti-
cus, and the colonnade on this side would cease to
have any function.
Martial (3 .1 9 .1 -2 ) associated the Hecatostylon
with a plantation of plane trees in which bronze an
imals, including a bear, were displayed. This might
be the Porticus Pompeii, where we know there were
plane trees (Propertius 2 .3 2 .1 1 13), but the impli
cation is rather that it was a park north of the He
catostylon, a nem us surrounding the Stagnum Agrip
pae (q.v.).
B u llC om 82 (1 9 7 0 71): 79 (G. Marchetti Lon-
ghi).
Hercules (Signum): a statue on the Capitoline,
near the Temple of Isis and Serapis (see Isis et Serapis
in Capitolio). See Cass. Dio 4 2 .2 6 .2 .
Hercules, Templum (1): a temple of Hercules out
side the Porta Collina, the farthest point to which
Hannibal advanced in his march on Rome in 211
(Livy 2 6 .1 0 .3 ). Two inscriptions (C1L 6 .2 8 4 = 1LS
H ERC U LES CUBANS
11, 3 0 8 9 9 = IL S 34 2 3 ), one found near Via Tibur-
tina, the other from an uncertain place on the Esqui-
line, have been associated with this temple, but with
out sufficient reason. Because Hannibal had made
camp by the Anio 3 miles from the city, the Temple
of Hercules must have been relatively close to the
gate, but nothing further is known about it.
Hercules, Templum (2): found on the site later oc
cupied by Teatro Apollo on the left bank of the Tiber
near Ponte SantAngelo (Pons Aelius), remains of a
small round columnar building with two capitals in
the form of an animals skin (B ullC om 20 [1892]:
175-78 [F. Azzurri]; A. Giuliani, M useo N azion ale
R o m a n o: h e sculture, 1.1 [Rome 1979], nos. 197,
198), while a third capital is in the Musei del Vati-
cano (Galleria dei Candelabri no. 100). With these
was found a base beautifully decorated with bu-
crania and plane-tree branches, fine work of the Au
gustan period (A. Giuliani, M u seo N azion ale R o
m a n o : L e sculture, 1.1 [Rome 1979], no. 162). The
identification of this as a temple of Hercules is
doubtful, and some authorities have preferred to as
cribe it to Liber.
E. La Rocca, L a riva a m ezzaluna (Rome 1984),
6 3 -6 4 .
Hercules Cubans: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio XIV. The C uriosum adds the unusual
note in an interpolation: H erculem sub terram m e
dium cu ban tem sub qu em plurtm um auri positum
est. In 1889 just east of the Viale di Trastevere, a
little more than halfway from the line of the Aurelian
Walls to the Stazione di Trastevere, was found the
ruin of a sanctuary of Hercules arranged in a gallery
of an ancient quarry, the roof of which had col
lapsed. The focus of the shrine was a niche sur
mounted by a pediment hewn in the tufa. The tym
panum was decorated with a club between skyphoi,
and in the niche were parts of at least two statuettes
of Hercules, one a rough tufa carving showing him
reclining on a couch with a tripod table in front of
him, on which he rests a cup. This has been generally
accepted as showing Hercules Cubans. Before the
niche was a table of brick, its front decorated with
reliefs in stucco, perhaps representing dancers. Be
fore this were two small altars, one of tufa and one
of travertine. The lintel of the niche and the altars
bore inscriptions showing that L. Domitius Permis-
sus had dedicated them (C/L 6 .3 0 8 9 1 , 30 8 9 2 ). A
quantity of material belonging to the sanctuary was
recovered, notably seven fine marble busts of chari
oteers mounted on herms.
NSc 1889, 2 4 3 - 4 7 (R. Lanciani); Nash 1 .4 6 2 -7 0
185
H E R C U L E S (M A G N U S) C U S T O S , AEDES
and earlier literature cited there. The material from
the sanctuary is preserved in the Museo Nazionale
Romano (Museo Nazionale delle Terme).
Hercules (Magnus) Custos, Aedes: a temple at or
near the west end of the Circus Flaminius built in
accordance with instruction from the Sibylline Books
and dedicated on 4 June (Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 0 9 12; De-
grassi 465 ). Filocalus and Polemius Silvius add that
on this day there were L u d i in M inucia. Because the
Porticus Minucia Vetus (q.v.) is now known to lie at
some distance from the Circus Flaminius, between
the Corso Vittorio Emanuele and Via delle Botteghe
Oscure, this is puzzling. Ovid ascribes the temple
to Sulla; this is often held to be mistaken and that
Sullas work on it must have been only a restoration.
In 218 B .C . a su p p licatio was decreed a d a ed em Her-
culis (Livy 2 1 .6 2 .9 ), and in 189 a statue of the god
was installed in his temple by decree of the decemvirs
(Livy 3 8 .3 5 .4 ), and these are thought to have been in
this temple. But the association of Hercules with the
Ara M axim a (see Herculis Invicti Ara Maxima) is so
strong that it is difficult to imagine that there was no
temple in its vicinity older than this one in C irco
Flam inio. The Forum Boarium was always the chief
seat of his worship. See also Hercules Musarum.
Although most buildings on the Circus Flaminius
seem to have been first built in the second century,
Domitius Ahenobarbus was able to add the Temple
of Neptune (see Neptunus, Aedes) in the time of the
triumvirate, and there is nothing inherently improb
able in the notion that Sulla might have built a
temple of Hercules (see Hercules Sullanus), but that
it should have been built following consultation of
the Sibylline Books and with the epithet Custos im
plies that it was built in response to a crisis, and
about such an occasion we have no information. If
Coarellis identification of the Temple of Bellona (see
Bellona, Aedes) as that just east of the Temple of
Apollo Medicus is correct, as seems almost certain,
we must look for that of Hercules Custos at altera
pars Circi under M onte deCenci. About the architec
tural form of the temple and the cult nothing is
known.
Hercules Fundan(i)us, Templum: a temple the lo
cation of which in Rome rests on a single inscription
(C IL 6.311 = IL S 3449) of uncertain provenience.
The inscription is on the base of a small bronze ded
ication. In the literary record we have a note of
Porphyrion on Horace, Epist. 1.1.4, mentioning a
gladiators dedication of his weapons to Hercules
Fundanus and occurrence in the life of Emperor Tac
itus (S.H.A. Tacitus 17.2) of a miraculous change of
the color of wine in a libation in tem p lo H erculis
Fundani. These combined seem good evidence for
186
the existence of at least a modest temple, but the
meaning of the epithet is obscure. We know of no
important cult of Hercules at the Auruncan town of
Fundi in southern Latium (cf. Roscher 1 .3 0 0 7 [R.
Peter]), and there was a Lacus Fundani (q.v.) in
Rome.
Herculis Invicti A ra M axim a: an altar in the
Forum Boarium, the oldest and most venerable cult
center of Hercules in Rome. It was supposed to have
been built following the heros victory over Cacus
and is in one version ascribed to Evander in recog
nition of the divinity of Hercules (Servius a d Aen.
8 .2 6 9 ; Macrobius, Sat. 3 .1 1 .7 , 12.4; Tacitus, Ann.
1 5 .4 1 ; Strabo 5 .3 .3 . [230]), in a second to Hercules
himself (Livy 1 .7 .1 0 11; Ovid, Fast. 1 .5 8 1 ; Proper
tius 4 .9 .6 7 -6 8 ; Solinus 1.10), and in yet a third to
companions of Hercules left behind in Italy (M acro
bius, Sat. 3 .6 .1 7 ). Its site is given most precisely by
Servius a d Aen. 8 .2 6 9 : p o st ianuas Circi M axim i (be
hind the carceres). It was within the pomerium of
Romulus and was one of the turning points for that
(Tacitus, Ann. 12.24), from which the line ran to the
altar of Consus. Despite our precise knowledge, no
remains of it have been certainly identified, and our
sources stress that the epithet M axim a alluded to its
importance rather than to its size. If a picture in
Pompeii (VI xvi 15; NSc 1908, 78 fig. 8 [A. Sogli-
ano]) is correctly identified as showing Hercules tak
ing leave of Evander and depicts the altar at all ac
curately, it was rather small, and Tacituss inclusion
of it {Ann. 15.41) in the list of monuments utterly
destroyed in the fire of Nero is probably correct. It
must have stood between the Temple of Hercules
Victor (see Hercules Victor, Aedes [1]) and the car
ceres of the circus, but nearer the latter.
After the fire of Nero it was restored, for Festus
(270L) and Servius (ad Aen. 8.271) speak of it as
existing in their time. A series of inscriptions on al
tars to Hercules Invictus offered by praetores urbani
in the second to fourth centuries (C IL 6 .3 1 2
19 = /LS 3 4 0 2 9) was discovered near the round
temple identified as that of Hercules Victor when it
was excavated and destroyed during the pontificate
of Pope Sixtus IV. These may have belonged to either
the temple or the altar, or even to one of several
other shrines of Hercules nearby (cf. Varro, Ling.
6.54). Strabo (5.3.3. [230]) speaks of a tem en os, So
linus (1.10) of a con saep tu m sacellum , and Plutarch
(Q u aest. R om . 90) of p erib o lo i, so an area around
the altar was marked off in some way. A statue of
Hercules Triumphalis in the Forum Boarium as
cribed to Evander (Pliny, H N 34.33) probably stood
in the open air, but not within the precinct of the
altar.
Remains of a large platform of large blocks of

Anio tufa under the rear half of the church of S.
Maria in Cosmedin and extending for a considerable
distance beyond the church have repeatedly been as
sociated with the Ara M axim a, most recently by
Coarelli. These show no architectural form, but
reached the considerable height of 3 .2 8 -4 .1 7 m. The
overall measurements of the platform exceeded
2 1 .7 0 m in length and 3 1 .5 0 m in width. It is clearly
not temple foundations but a solid mass. But attrac
tive as the notion that this is the base of the Ara
Maxima may be, it is poorly located to be a turning
point in the pomerium of Romulus; that seems to
call for a location toward the middle of Piazza Bocca
della Verita. And the construction in large blocks of
Anio tufa seems to suit neither the original construc
tion nor a rebuilding in the second half of the first
century after Christ.
R. Krautheimer, W. Frankl, and S. Corbett, Cor-
pus B asilicarum Christianarum R om ae, 2.2 (Rome
1962), 2 8 8 - 8 9 ; Coarelli 1988, 6 1 -7 7 .
Hercules Invictus (H)esychianus, Aedes: known
from an inscription and dedicated by Hierus and
Asylus, slaves of Ti. Claudius Livianus, praefectus
praetorio under Trajan (RendP ontA cc 1 [1 9 2 1 -2 3 ]:
8 9 -9 4 [O. Marucchi]; N Sc 1924, 6 7 -6 9 [O. Maruc-
chi]). The epithet may be explained by another in
scription, a dedication to Hercules by M. Claudius
Hesychus, possibly a freedman of Livianus. It was
probably a small affair, and its location is entirely
unknown.
Hercules M usarum , Aedes: a temple listed in the
N otitia in Regio IX and located precisely by frag
ments of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi.
23). It fronted southwest on the Circus Flaminius
and lay just northwest of the Porticus Octaviae. M.
Fulvius Nobilior created it after his campaigns in
Ambracia in 189 B .C . and probably after his triumph
in 187. He is said to have made the choice of the
divinity after learning in Greece of Hercules Musa-
getes, the hero as companion and leader of the
Muses (Panegyrici L atin i 9[4].78 = Eumenius, Pro
lnstaur. Scholis 78). Cicero (Arch. 27) says Fulvius
Nobilior devoted his m an u b iae to the construction,
but Eumenius says it was built ex pecu n ia censoria.
In the temple were statues of the nine Muses from
Ambracia by an unknown artist and one of Hercules
playing the lyre (Pliny, H N 3 5 .6 6 ; Ovid, Fast.
6 .7 9 7 -8 1 2 ). These are believed to have been the
models for the Muses and Hercules that Q. Pompon-
ius Musa put on his coins (B. M. Coins, R om . Rep.
pi. 4 5 .1 3 -2 3 ; Crawford 410/1-10). An inscription
found in the vicinity (C IL 6 .1 3 0 7 = IL S 16) may
have come from the pedestal of one of the statues:
M. Fulvius M. f. Ser. n. N o b ilio r cos. A m bracia cepit.
H E RC U LE S P O M P E IA N U S, AEDES
In the temple Fulvius Nobilior also put a small
bronze shrine of the Muses supposed to have dated
from the time of Numa, which had been housed in
the Temple of Honos et Virtus after having been
struck by lightning (Servius a d Aen. 1.8), and set up
a copy of the fasti with explanatory commentary
(Macrobius, Sat. 1 .1 2 .1 6 ; cf. Varro, Ling. 6.33).
The temple was restored by L. Marcius Philippus,
the stepfather of Octavian, in 29 B.C . and enclosed
in the Porticus Philippi (Suetonius, Aug. 29.5). The
day of dedication was 30 June (Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 9 7 -
812; Degrassi 47 5 ). The temple is regularly called
Herculis Musarum Aedes, but Servius (ad Aen. 1.8)
has Aedes Herculis et Musarum. Servius also says
that the temple first existed as a temple of Hercules
and only became the Temple of Hercules Musarum
after Fulvius transferred Numas bronze aedicula to
it, in which case it might be the temple of Hercules
of Livy 2 1 .6 2 .9 and 3 8 .3 5 .4 . However, it is certainly
not the same as the Temple of Hercules Custos (see
Hercules Custos, Aedes).
The temple appears to have been round, like many
temples of Hercules, raised on a podium with frontal
approach and projecting pronaos. Other particulars
of the architecture are not clear.
Nash 1 .4 7 1 ; AJA 81 (1977): 3 5 5 -6 1 (L. Richard
son); BdA 66 (1981): 1 -5 8 (M. T. Marabini Moevs);
A n alR om , suppl. 10 (1983): 9 3 104 (F. Castagnoli);
R om a, a rch eolo g ia n el cen tro (1985), 2 .3 7 6 84 (R.
A. Gianfrotta).
Hercules Olivarius: a mysterious monument listed
by the regionary catalogues in Regio X I. An inscrip
tion found in 1895 on a base that seems designed for
a recumbent figure reads: ]o Olivarius opu s S copae
M inoris (C IL 6 .3 3 9 3 6 = IL S 54 8 3 ). This was discov
ered near the round temple in the Forum Boarium.
The epithet Olivarius is not easy to explain; oil deal
ers would more naturally look to Minerva as their
patron divinity. The evidence is insufficient to make
the connection that Coarelli would like: Hercules
Victor (called Olivarius) ad Portam Trigeminam,
which he would then identify as the round temple by
the Tiber (Coarelli 1988, 9 2 -1 0 3 ). See also Roscher
1.2960 (R. Peter).
Hercules Pompeianus, Aedes: a temple of Her
cules in archaic style, araeostyle with a spreading
wooden roof decorated with terracotta or bronze
sculptures (Vitruvius 3.3.5). It stood a d Circum
M axim um and contained a statue of Hercules by
Myron (Pliny, H N 34 .5 7 ). The temple was built, or
restored, by Pompey the Great, and his name was
then attached to it. The dedication day has been sup
posed to be 12 August, but the notice in the fasti is
for Hercules Invictus ad Circum Maximum without
187
H ERC U LES PRIM IG E N IU S
any additional epithet, so it must be rather a celebra
tion at the Ara M axim a that is meant (Degrassi 4 9 3 -
94). In view of the multiplication of temples of Her
cules in this vicinity, one would like to be able to
combine this with another, but the evidence is
against it.
No remains of this temple have been identified. It
has been supposed that remains of a temple of the
republican period that survived in ruined state under
the eastern part of the church of S. M aria in Cosme-
din but were completely destroyed in the time of
Hadrian I, when he rebuilt and enlarged the church
(HCh 32728 with bibliography), might belong to
this temple, but this is very uncertain. It is natural to
suppose that the temple was near the Ara M axim a,
but it could have stood anywhere in the vicinity of
the circus.
Coarelli 1988, 7 7 -8 4 .
Hercules Primigenius: a place designation in two
sepulchral inscriptions (C IL 6 .7 6 5 5 = ILS 7 7 0 7 and
C IL 6.9645) and a cippus found in situ in Piazza
Fiume (C IL 6 .3 0 9 0 7 = IL S 3433) evidently a compi-
tal shrine (CAR 3-A, 2 2 -2 3 p. 23). The epithet is
proper to the Fortuna of Praeneste, and its applica
tion to Hercules is curious (cf. Roscher 1 .2 9 6 8 69
[R. Peter]). The epitaph of an ivory worker from the
same locale is especially interesting (S. Panciera, L a
collezion e epigrafica d ei M usei C apitolin i [Rome
1987], no. 32). It is probably a compital shrine that
is in question, but one cannot go further.
Hercules Sullanus: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio V, after the second cohort of the Vi
giles and before the Horti Pallantiani in the N otitia,
therefore possibly on the ancient Via Labicana. Be
cause the Forum Esquilinum (q.v.) was the scene of
a major battle between Sulla and the Marians in 88
B .C ., Sulla may have erected some sort of memorial
of that occasion, stopping short of a victory monu
ment (cf. Hercules Custos), but as there is no other
record of this, its nature is uncertain, and it may have
been no more than a statue. However, because the
Rivus Herculaneus of the Aqua Marcia (q.v.)
branches from the main conduit southeast of Porta
Tiburtina (p o st H o rtos Pallantianos) and then runs
across the plateau of the Esquiline, first southwest
and then south, there may be a connection between
that and Hercules Sullanus. The name has no other
obvious explanation. Cf. Roscher 1 .2 9 2 1 -2 2 (R. Pe
ter).
Hercules Triumphalis: a statue of the divinity in
the Forum Boarium, ascribed by tradition to Evander
(Pliny, H N 3 4 .3 3 ), which on the occasion of a
triumph was dressed in triumphal costume. One pre
188
sumes the figure was primitive and essentially nude,
because it seems incongruous to drape an archaic
Hercules wearing a tunic and a lions skin in a toga.
We do not know where the statue stood, but it must
have been somewhere along the route of the tri
umph.
Hercules Victor, Aedes (1): a temple of Hercules
in the Forum Boarium distinguished from another
temple of Hercules Victor ad Portam Trigeminam
(Macrobius, Sat. 3.6 .1 0 ). It is therefore believed to
be the same as the round temple of Hercules in the
Forum Boarium (Livy 10.23.3). In Festus (282L) we
find the corrupt note: Pudicitiae signum in F oro Bov-
ario est, u bi fam ilian a aed isset H erculis, for which
Scaliger proposed the correction: u bi A em iliana ae-
dis est H erculis, and Mommsen: u bi fam ilia edisset
(i.e., sedisset) H erculis, and now Palmer: u bi Flam i-
nini aed is est H erculis. This has been presumed to be
a rebuilding of the temple that Masurius Sabinus (ap.
M acrob. Sat. 3.6 .1 1 ) reported was founded by the
merchant Octavius Hersennus following a dream (cf.
Servius a d Aen. 8 .3 6 3 ; Panegyrici L atin i 10.13.5). In
this temple was a painting by the poet Pacuvius
(Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 9 ), and neither flies nor dogs would
enter it (Pliny, H N 1 0 .7 9 ; Solinus 1 .1 0 -1 1 ; cf. Plu
tarch, Q uaest. R om . 90). Solinus gives the explana
tion that it was because of the lingering scent of the
heros club, which he left in the entrance when pre
paring to make an offering. This would, of course,
not suit the temple of Hersennus but would be ap
propriate to the Temple of Hercules Victor ad Por
tam Trigeminam. However, it is clearly a fantastic
invention and told of the temple in F oro B oario .
Because there were two temples of Hercules Victor
in Rome, one ad Portam Trigeminam, the other ad
Forum Boarium, they must have been repeatedly
confused. Because the temple ad Portam Trigeminam
had claim to a place in the state religion, however
tenuous, that ad Forum Boarium is more likely that
which the merchant M . Octavius Hersennus built.
It was probably in this temple that the cult image
appeared cap ite o p er to ; that is, with the mask of the
lions skin pulled over his head in a cap, giving rise
to the explanation that Hercules was worshiped in
the Greek fashion with the head uncovered because
no one should copy the gods dress (Servius a d Aen.
3 .4 0 7 and 8 .2 8 8 ; Macrobius, Sat. 3 .6 .1 7 ). Because
this custom was of great antiquity, we can presume
that this was a late archaic statue and Hercules was
shown wearing the lions skin belted at the waist
with the paws along the thighs like a tail coat, as in
the group of Hercules and Minerva from the Area
Sacra di SantOmobono.
Under Pope Sixtus IV (14711484), a round
temple near the church of S. M aria in Cosmedin, be

tween Piazza Bocca della Verita and Via dellAra
Massima, was excavated and dismantled, but later
(1 5 0 3 -1 5 1 3 ) Baldassare Peruzzi made a reconstruc
tion drawing of it (Nash 1.473). This shows a tholus
with a peripteral colonnade of Tuscan order and
cella of ashlar masonry with a tall door with heavy
lintel flanked by a small window with similar lintel.
It stands on a platform of two steps running all
around and is roofed with a low dome in part
stepped like the lower portion of the dome of the
Pantheon. The roofing can be presumed to be in
vented. At the same time a gilded bronze statue of
Hercules, nude, with the apples of the Hesperides,
was found. This is now dated to the second century
after Christ and displayed in the Palazzo dei Conser-
vatori (Helbig4 2 .1 8 0 4 ). And together with this were
found the inscriptions of the praetors on dedications
to Hercules Invictus (C IL 3 .3 1 2 19 = ILS 3 4 0 2 9).
Although technically this temple stood well within
the Forum Boarium, it might also be described as in
Circo M axim o but not, given two temples and a
choice, ad Portam Trigeminam; it does not fit clearly
any one of the place designations we are given. How
ever, if the medallion of Antoninus Pius shown in
Roscher 1.2289 ( = Banti II3, 79 no. 94) is the
temple ad Portam Trigeminam, it is certainly not that
temple, nor is it the araeostyle Hercules Pompeianus.
This leaves only the temple in Foro Boario as a pos
sibility. If it were the only round temple available, we
could accept it, although perhaps with reservations.
But the existence of the round marble temple by the
Tiber complicates the question, because it is a temple
near which was found a dedication almost certainly
to Hercules. These factors combine to make it the
more attractive choice for the temple in question.
On the problems surrounding the worship of Her
cules in the Forum Boarium and ad Circum M a x i
mum, see Roscher 1 .2 9 0 1 -2 0 (R. Peter); Jordan
1 .2 .4 7 7 -8 3 ; Lugli 1946, 5 7 4 - 8 9 ; Nash 1 .4 7 2 -7 4 ;
F. Rakob and W. D. Heilmeyer, D er R u n dtem pel am
T iber in R om (Mainz 1973); Coarelli 1988, 6 0 -1 0 3 ;
JR A 3 (1990): 2 3 4 - 4 0 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Hercules Victor (also called Invictus), Aedes (2):
a temple of Hercules ad Portam Trigeminam (Macro-
bius, Sat. 3 .6 .1 0 ; Servius a d Aen. 8.363). The epithet
is Invictus in the Fasti Allifani, but Victor in the Fasti
Antiates Maiores and our other sources. The day of
dedication was 13 August, the day after celebrations
to Hercules Invictus, presumably at the Ara
M axim a, because it is specified ad Circum M axi
mum (cf. Degrassi 4 9 3 -9 6 ). Probably the temple
was associated with the altar of Iuppiter Inventor
(see Iuppiter Inventor, Ara), also located ad Portam
Trigeminam and supposed to have been consecrated
by Hercules on his recovery of the cattle of Geryon
HON O S, AEDES
stolen by Cacus. W hat the physical relationship may
have been we are not told. A medallion of Antoninus
Pius (Roscher 1 .2 2 8 9 = Band II3, 79 no. 94) seems
to show Hercules sacrificing on the altar of Iuppiter
Inventor in front of a tetrastyle temple faade that
might be the temple in question.
Hercules Victor, Aedes (3): according to an in
scription in Saturnians, a temple vowed by L. Mum-
mius in 145 B .C . and dedicated in 142 following his
triumph over the Achaeans (C IL 6.331 = IL S 20).
The inscription was found on the Caelian used as
building material in a wall behind the Lateran hos
pital (S. Salvatore), and another found near SS.
Quattro Coronati (C IL 6 .3 0 8 8 8 = IL S 6081) may re
fer to the same temple, which would seem to have
been in this vicinity. Nothing further is known about
it, but it seems to have been the most important of
Mummiuss monuments.
P h oen ix 4 2 (1988): 3 0 9 -3 3 (A. Ziolkowski).
H ermaeum: the name given to a diaeta to which
Claudius withdrew in the confusion attending the as
sassination of Caligula, and from which he made his
way to a balcony next-door (solarium : Suetonius,
Claud. 10.1). It is mentioned only on this one occa
sion and possibly in two inscriptions (C IL 6 .8 6 6 3 ,
9949). A diaeta in this period seems to have been
especially a room or building for use in summer (cf.
Pliny, Epist. 2 .1 7 .1 5 ). This one might have received
its name from the use of herms in its decoration. It
was somewhere in the Domus Tiberiana, at this time
much enlarged by additions, but greater precision is
impossible.
Hippodromus Palatii: see Domus Augustiana.
Holovitreum, Templum: known only from the
M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 4 2 ; V Z 3.63), the palatium
(palace) of Chromatius, probably Agrestius Chro-
matius, praefectus urbi ca. a . d . 2 4 8 , a d Sanctum Ste
p han u m in Piscina, remains of which, especially
some columns of verde antico, were found in 1741
when that church was rebuilt (Armellini 3 9 3 ; HCh
482). It was destroyed shortly before 1870. It was on
Via dei Banchi Vecchi, almost opposite S. Lucia del
Gonfalone, and appears on N ollis map of Rome, no.
660. According to the M irabilia, it got its name from
mosaics of glass and gold in which there was an as
tronomy with all the constellations of the heavens
depicted.
H onos, Aedes: probably the oldest temple of
Honos in Rome, extra Portam C ollinam . Cicero
(Leg. 2.58) relates that there was a tradition that
there was an altar there and when, near this, a metal
189
H O N O S ET V IRTU S, AEDES
plate was discovered on which was written d o m i n a
h o n o r i s , on that account a temple was built on the
site. Because there were many burials in the vicinity,
these were removed on the grounds that a locus
pu blicus could not be bound by religio privata. An
archaic inscription with a dedication to Honos
(C1L 6 .3 6 9 2 = 3 0 9 1 3 = IL S 3 7 9 4 = IL L R P 157) was
found under the east wing of the Ministero delle Fin-
anze, evidently in its original location, and another
to Virtus may have belonged with it (C IL 6.3735
= 31061).
Honos et Virtus, Aedes (1 ): a double temple said
by Cicero (Nat. D. 2.61) to have been founded by Q.
Maximus during the Ligurian War as a single temple
dedicated to Honos; the dedication day was 17 July
(Degrassi 4 8 3 84). The builder seems to have been
Q. Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, afterward Cuncta-
tor, and the date 2 3 4 B.C . But Cicero also says that
it was built many years before M . Claudius Marcel-
lus attempted to rededicate the temple in 2 0 8 . So
perhaps Cicero is mistaken about the Ligurian War,
and the Fabius meant is Q. Fabius Maximus Rulli-
anus (or Rullus), great-grandfather of Verrucosus,
who triumphed twice over the Samnites and once
over the Etruscans in 3 2 2 -2 9 6 B .C . (cf. [Aur. Viet.,]
D e Vir. III. 32, who records that when Rullianus in
augurated the Transvectio Equitum he made it start
from this temple). In 2 2 2 B .C ., after the Battle of
Clastidium, M . Claudius Marcellus vowed a temple
to Honos et Virtus and renewed his vow after the
capture of Syracuse. He then attempted to fulfill this
by refurbishing M axim uss temple and rededicating
it to Honos et Virtus in 2 0 8, but the pontifices for
bade this on the grounds that the two could not oc
cupy the same cella. Marcellus then restored the
Temple of Honos and added a new cella for Virtus,
making it a double shrine, which his son dedicated
in 205 (Livy 2 5 .4 0 .1 -3 , 2 7 .2 5 .7 -9 , 2 9 .1 1 .1 3 ; Val.
M ax. 1.1 .8 ; Plutarch, M arcel. 28 .1 ). It stood in Re-
gio I a d Portam C apen am , just inside the gate (Livy
2 6 .3 2 .4 : in vestibu lo urbis), and originally contained
many works of art dedicated by Marcellus out of the
spoils of Syracuse (Cicero, R ep. 1.21, Verr. 2 .4 .1 2 1 ;
Livy 2 6 .3 2 .4 ; Asconius a d Cic. Pis. 4 4 [Stangl 18]),
many of which had disappeared by Livys day
(25.40.3). It also for a time sheltered the bronze ae-
dicula of the Muses, supposed to date from the time
of Numa, after this was struck by lightning (Servius
ad Aen. 1.8). This had earlier probably stood above
the spring of the Camenae. In ca. 187 B .C . M . Fulvius
Nobilior removed it to the Temple of Hercules Mu-
sarum (see Hercules Musarum, Aedes).
According to Asconius (ad Cic. Pis. 4 4 [Stangl
190
18]), M. Claudius Marcellus (cos. 166, 155 and 152)
erected statues of himself, his father (cos. 194), and
his grandfather (cos. 2 2 2 , 2 1 5 , 2 1 4 , 2 1 0 , 208) in
scribed h i m a r c e l l i n o v i e s c o s s in the precinct of
the temple. In 19 B .C . an altar of Fortuna Redux
commemorating Augustuss return from the East was
dedicated near the temple, probably in the precinct
(Augustus, R G 29). Vespasian restored the temple,
perhaps after damage or destruction in the fire of
Nero, and at that time the artists Cornelius Pinus
and Attius Priscus decorated it (Pliny, H N 35.120).
It is last mentioned in the regionary catalogues of the
fourth century.
AJA 82 (1978): 2 4 0 - 4 6 (L. Richardson).
Honos et Virtus (M ariana, Vitruvius and Val.
M ax.), Aedes (2): a temple that C. Marius built
from the spoils of the Cimbri and Teutones. The ar
chitect was C. Mucius (Scaevola?, the father of M ar
iuss daughter-in-law), whose work Vitruvius (
praef. 17) praises for the refinements of its design,
while he deplores that it was not of marble. It was
peripteral sine postico (Vitruvius 3.2.5) and subm is-
sior aliis (Festus 4 6 6 -6 8 L ) lest it interfere in the tak
ing of public auspices and the augurs oblige Marius
to demolish it. It stood on the lower slopes of the
Velia near the house of Marius on the Sacra Via (cf.
Plutarch, M arius 3 2 .1 ); together these were known
as the Monumenta Mariana (Val. M ax. 1.7.5).
AJA 82 (1978): 2 4 0 - 4 6 (L. Richardson).
H ora Quirini: the consort of Quirinus, to whom
special honor was paid on 23 August (Degrassi 5 0 0 -
50 2 ), presumably in the precinct of Quirinus (see
Quirinus, Aedes).
Horologium Solare Augusti (Fig. 4 2 ): a large sun
dial of double-axe design laid out in the Campus
Martius west of Via Flaminia.
This covered an area about 160 m wide by 75 m
deep in a zone bounded by Piazza del Parlamento
and Via dei Prefetti on the south, Via del Giardino
Theodoli on the east, Piazza S. Lorenzo in Lucina on
the north, and Via della Lupa on the west. It was
thus loosely connected with the Mausoleum Augusti
and the park surrounding this, and more closely con
nected with the Ara Pacis Augustae, which was al
most immediately adjacent to it on the east. For its
gnomon a red granite obelisk of Psammetichus II of
the sixth century B .C . was brought from Heliopolis
in 10 B .C ., the first obelisk brought to Rome (see Ob-
eliscus Augusti). It was surmounted by a gilded
bronze sphere, presumably, like others, crowned
with a short spire. The inscription on the base (CIL

6.702 = ILS 91) describes it as a dedication to Sol.
Pliny (H N 3 6 .7 2 -7 3 ) says that the design of the sun
dial was the work of the mathematician Novius Fa-
cundus, so worked out that the length of the shadow
at noon on the winter solstice corresponded exactly
to the width of the pavement. Pliny also says that for
thirty years before he wrote the readings had been
inaccurate, due either to a shift of the obelisk in an
earthquake or flood, or a settling of the base, al
though the footing was supposed to be as deep as the
obelisk was high.
Soundings at strategic points in 1 9 7 9 -1 9 8 1
brought to light under the building at Via del Campo
Marzio no. 48 a portion of the western half of the
meridian strip of the dial, preserving the Greek in
scriptions parth[en os] and [kri\os, [le\on and
taur[os\, and the notations etesio i p au on tai before
p arth[en os] and therous arch e in the middle of
taur[os\. On the other side of a central channel may
have been inscribed S ep tem ber and Aprilis, Augustus
and M aius, etesiae cessant and aestatis initium. The
letters are of bronze, large and handsome, with serifs
and a broken-barred A, inlaid in blocks of travertine
about 0.40 m thick. They lie on either side of a line
marked by crossbars to show the lengthening and
shortening of the shadow on individual days. This
was discovered at a height of 1.60 m above the level
of the Augustan pavement, known from the Ara Pa
ds Augustae and confirmed by soundings that found
its rudus at various points in the area. They must
belong to a Domitianic remodeling of the dial to
restore it to accuracy, but the letters appear to have
been reused from the original Augustan installation.
Later, perhaps not before the beginning of the third
century, a basin or euripus lined with excellent opus
signinum was installed over the meridian strip of the
Dom itianic dial, using it as a foundation and so
preserving it. This is mysterious and requires further
investigation.
R om M itt 83 (1976): 3 1 9 - 6 5 (E. Buchner), 87
(1981): 3 5 5 73 (E. Buchner); R endP ontA cc 5 1 -5 2
H O R R E U M , CELLA, PORTUS
Figure 4 2
F lorologium A ugusti,
B ird s-eye View,
Show ing R elation to
Ara Pad s Augustae and
V ia L a ta (Flam inia)
(1 9 7 8 -8 0 ): 1 9 5 -2 1 2 (E. Rodriquez Almeida), 5 3 -
54 (1 9 8 0 -8 2 ): 3 3 1 -4 5 (E. Buchner); E. Buchner,
D ie Sonnenuhr d es Augustus (Mainz 1982); CEFR
98 (1987): 6 8 7 -7 1 2 (F. Rakob).
H o rre u m , C e lia , P o rtu s: A borreu m was a store
room in a warehouse, originally and always espe
cially for grain, but increasingly used for any sort of
goods, and the complexes of horrea in Rome served
as great bazaars (cf, e.g., C IL 6 .9 9 7 2 , 10026,
1 4.3958). The earliest of them that we hear of are
the Horrea Sulpicia (Horace, Car. 4 .1 2 .1 8 ), which
belonged to G albas family and were rebuilt by him
as the vast Horrea Galbae close to the Emporium;
presumably they were first constructed soon after the
Emporium moved to this stretch of the riverbank
about the beginning of the first century B . C . In their
present form they are entirely imperial and show the
characteristics of this type of building. They are ar
ranged in long narrow rectangles around large ar
caded or colonnaded courtyards, banks of uniform
barrel-vaulted chambers opening only on the por
tico, although sometimes there are banks back-to-
back that open in opposite directions. There is often
a single entrance to the courtyard, although there
may be more, and there are usually several storeys
that repeat the same plan exactly. An earlier version
of a horrea complex is probably offered by the so-
called Porticus Aemilia between the Horrea Galbae
and the river. Horrea tend to be plastered, but not
painted, and the architecture of the courtyards,
while often pleasantly finished, emphasizes strength,
security, and utility. There were horrea in every part
of the city; the regionary catalogues provide a count
of them for each regio, but the small numbers, usu
ally about twenty, are not informative.
C ellae seem to have been warehouses much like
horrea complexes, but they are not listed in the re
gionary catalogues. We hear of seven of these in
Rome, all only from inscriptions, three of them in the
Transtiberim. Like horrea they are known by the
191
H O R R E A AGRIPPIANA
name of their builder or owner and do not inform us
about what was dealt in, except in the case of the
Cellae Vinariae Nova et Arruntiana and the Celia Vi-
naria Massae. Here the use of the singular for a com
plex as large as a horrea complex, plus the fact that
for the Celia Nigriana the inscription is for a dispen-
sator who puts a dolium to either side of his inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .3 1 0 6 5 ), while for the Celia Saeniana the
inscription is for a dedication to Liber Pater (AE
1971.38), suggests that cellae were all warehouses
exclusively for wine. The architecture of the one
that has come to light seems to have been very much
like that of horrea; it was in the Transtiberim
on the bank of the Tiber in the gardens of Villa
Farnesina, a long rectangular courtyard with Doric
colonnades of travertine surrounded by barrel-vaulted
chambers. A schola of the negotiantes here was
adjacent.
A p ortu s was an unroofed yard, simply an en
closed place to which goods were brought and from
which they were taken (Ulpian, Dig. 5 0 .1 6 .5 9 ), the
term being related to angiportus. Consequently most
of those we hear about were brickyards, but we do
hear of a portus vinarius, also called portus vinarius
lagonaris (C IL 6 .9 1 8 9 , 9 0 9 0 , 3 7 8 0 7 ), which also
had negotiantes, and presumably such goods as
marble and lumber were sold from portus rather
than anything else. The term must be very old, and it
is surprising that one does not hear more about
these.
G. Rickman, R om an G ranaries an d Store B u ild
ings (Cambridge 1971); C EFR 98 (1987) 2 3 549
(R. Etienne).
H orrea Agrippiana: listed in Regio VIII by the re-
gionary catalogues and discovered under the north
west slope of the Palatine between the Clivus Victo-
riae and Vicus Tuscus, a trapezoidal complex
narrowing as the streets flanking it approached one
another, with a series of shoplike chambers around
the periphery opening inward toward a courtyard. It
lay immediately behind Domitians vestibule com
plex of the Domus Tiberiana (sometimes called
Templum Novum Divi Augusti). The identifica
tion is assured by the discovery in the center of the
courtyard of a sacellum with an altar with an in
scription recording the erection of a statue of the Ge
nius Horreorum Agrippianorum. In front of this was
a fountain. The original Agrippan construction was
in opus quadratum of tufa with pavements in flags
of travertine. Above this a Domitianic rebuilding
was faced with brick and opus mixtum vittatum. The
courtyard seems to have combined columns and ar-
cading with an engaged order, the order being sim
plified Corinthian in travertine. Presumably the
192
building was multistoreyed from the beginning. At a
later date the courtyard was surrounded by small
shops of lighter construction than the outer ring,
which also faced inward. The sacellum of the Genius
is second century, and other construction is still later.
Inscriptions of vestiarii d e H orreis A grippianis (C IL
6 .9 9 7 2 , 1 0 0 2 6 , 1 4 .3 9 5 8 ; IL S 7 5 7 1 , 7572) give a
clue to the sort of goods sold here.
For many years it was believed that the Horrea
Agrippiana were shown on fragment no. 4 2 of the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 3 ; Rodriguez pi. 33), despite
discrepancies between the building shown and the
actual remains. This was chiefly because a street la
beled Clivus Victoriae also appears in roughly cor
rect relationship to the horrea. G. Gatti (FUR 1.110)
first expressed doubts about the assignment, and
Rodriguez was able to relocate the fragment cor
rectly on the Caelian between the Temple of Divus
Claudius and Porta Capena (Rodriguez 1 .6 5 -6 9 ); he
has now renumbered it 5 A.
Nash 1 .4 7 5 -8 0 ; G. Rickman, R om an Granaries
an d Store Buildings (Cambridge 1971), 8 9 -9 7 ;
A rcbC l 30 (1978): 1 3 2 -4 6 (F. Astolfi, F. Guidaboldi,
et al.).
H orrea Agrippiniana: known only from an in
scription of a vestiarius found at Nomentum (C IL
1 4.3958 = IL S 7572) and very likely a mistake for
the Horrea Agrippiana (q.v.), but possibly a complex
of unknown location built by one of the two Agrip
pinas.
H orrea Aniciana (N ot.) Anicetiana (Cur.)-, listed
in the regionary catalogues in Regio XIII along with
the Horrea Galbes (B u llC om 85 [1 9 7 6 77]: 159 [R.
E. A. Palmer]).
H orrea Caesaris: known only from C IL 6.33747
= IL S 5 9 1 4 and Dig. 2 0 .4 .2 1 .1 , so probably an
other name for the Horrea Galbae.
H orrea Candelaria: known only from a fragment
of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 3 ; Rodriguez pi. 34),
which is very uninformative about the architecture
of the complex, showing a large rectangular building
or enclosure, otherwise featureless. The name sug
gests wax tapers, and tallow candles may have been
sold there, but it does not seem especially suited for
this.
G. Rickman, R om an G ranaries an d Store B u ild
ings (Cambridge 1971), 1 1 9 20.
H orrea C hartaria: listed by the N otitia in Regio IV
after Templum Telluris, which was in Carinis, and
evidently a center of the trade in paper.

H orrea Cornificia: known from a single sepulchral
inscription of a n eg otiator (AE 1946.230) and of un
known location.
H orrea Faeniana: known from one inscription,
C IL 6 .3 7 7 9 6 ; possibly named for L. Faenius Rufus,
praefectus annonae in a . d . 55.
H orrea Galbae (Figs. 35, 4 3 ): extensive ware
houses in the district known as Praedia Galbana
(C IL 6.309 83 = IL S 38 4 0 ), between the southwest
slope of the Aventine and Monte Testaccio, possibly
extending as far east as Porta Ostiensis and as far
west as the so-called Porticus Aemilia. This was
probably part of a suburban villa that had belonged
to the family of the Sulpicii Galbae from at least the
early first century B .C ., when the tomb of Ser. Sulpi-
cius Galba, more likely the consul of 108 B .C . than
his father of the same name (cos. 144 B .C .), was
erected beside the road in front of the area covered
by the complex. These warehouses were probably
originally known as Horrea Sulpicia (Horace, Carm.
4 .1 2 .1 8 ; cf. Porphyrion ad loc.) but seem to have got
the name Galbae, or a variant of this, after the acces
sion of the princeps (cf. C IL 6 .3 0 8 5 5 = IL S 1621).
Many variations on the name are known from in
scriptions: Galbae (C IL 6.9801 = IL S 7500), Gal
bana (C IL 6.30983 = ILS 38 4 0 ), Galbiana (C IL
6 .3 0855 = ILS 1621, C IL 6 .3 3 9 0 6 = IL S 7584),
Galbes (C IL 6 .3 3 8 8 6 = ILS 75 3 9 ), Galbeses (C IL
6 .3 0901 = ILS 1622), Galbienses (C IL 6 .7 1 0 = 30 8 1 7
= ILS 4337). Evidently the princeps Galba sacrificed
what was left of the property to enlarge the ware
houses (Chron. 146) and may also have restored
them. There is no date given for their foundation;
presumably it will have been well after the building
of the tomb, which lies close to the middle of the
front of the complex along the road, as it was later
developed.
W hat has come to light in the area and what was
shown on the M arble Plan (FUR pi. 2 4 ; Rodriguez
pis. 1 6 -1 7 ) indicates that there were three parallel
courtyards, long rectangles, each entered by a single
principal entrance on axis at a short end, and each
surrounded by a bank of uniform chambers, again
long rectangles, opening on a travertine colonnade.
The courtyard of the northeast unit has a series of
other divisions down the middle, which are difficult
to read, but Rodriguez suggests a great lavacrum .
Later the colonnade seems to have been replaced
with arcading, if the discrepancy is not simply care
lessness on the part of the cutters of the Marble Plan.
Another single bank of tabernae tapering at the west
ern end filled the space between the main building
and the road and was separated from the main build
H O R R E A LO LLIANA
ing by an ample passageway. There may also have
been other units. Inscriptions indicate that the per
sonnel of the horrea were organized in three cohortes
(Ruggiero, Diz. Epigr. 3.979).
These horrea came under imperial control after
the principate of Galba. They provided storage for
not only the an n on a p u blica (public grain supply)
but also oil and wine and a great variety of food
stuffs, clothing, even marble (C IL 6 .3 3 8 8 6 = ILS
7539). The remains that have come to light are walls
faced with reticulate and brickwork with sills and
similar members of travertine. This work can hardly
be older than the middle of the first century after
Christ, and large lead pipes bearing inscriptions of
Hadrian have also been found.
Nash 1 .4 8 1 -8 4 ; G. Rickman, R om an G ranaries
an d Store Buildings (Cambridge 1971), 9 7 -1 0 4 ;
R endP ontA cc 50 (1 9 7 7 -7 8 ): 9 - 2 6 (E. Rodriguez Al
meida); Rodriguez 1 .1 0 2 -5 .
H orrea Germaniciana: listed by the N otitia in Re-
gio VIII, together with the Horrea Agrippiana (q.v.),
but omitted by the C uriosum . If they were a separate
complex, as seems likely, their whereabouts is un
known, but presumably they lay between the Forum
Romanum and the Tiber.
H orrea G ram inaria: known from a recomposed
fragment of the Marble Plan (FUR pis. 49, 5 0 , frags.
4 3 2 , 4 8 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 34). The fragment cannot
be located in the city, and too little is shown to give
any real indication of the architecture, which may
have been very simple. Presumably these were ware
houses for fodder for animals, but they cannot have
been the only such complex in Rome, although the
scale of the inscription suggests they were as large as
the Horrea Candelaria (q.v.).
H orrea Leoniana: known from a single inscription
(C IL 6 .2 3 7 = IL S 3664) and of entirely uncertain lo
cation.
H orrea Lolliana: known from a large fragment of
the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 5 ; Rodriguez pi. 18). The
precise location of this is determined by a large blank
area and what appear to be quays along one side of
the fragment, which must be the riverfront, and by
parts of three finished edges of the plate on which it
appears. The complex lay near the lower margin of
the map, downstream from the Horrea Galbae and
just upstream from modern Ponte Testaccio in an
area now covered by the old slaughterhouses. Down
stream of it in antiquity were buildings that seem to
have been relatively small horrea and a bath complex
laid out together with it in an orderly grid, but this
193
 H O R R E A NERVAE
i-riHa'iz
.ma#
Figure 4 3 grid did not mesh with those in the neighborhood of
H orrea G alb ae and the Horrea Galbae. It seems to have been determined
Porticus A em ilia,
by a major artery running roughly parallel to the
R epresen tation on the
M arb le Plan river but laid out in straight segments.
The Horrea Lolliana consisted of two large peri
styles, the one nearer the river being twice the size of
the other. Each is surrounded by banks of chambers,
which seem to have varied in size from bank to bank,
and a single broad passage connected the two peri
styles. The larger peristyle had entrances at the four
corners, two to the front and two to the rear, and an
extra bank of small chambers opening away from
the peristyle onto a passage along the front of the
complex. Along the side of this half is a very broad
quay with two relatively small stairs down to the
river, which does not seem to have communicated
directly with the interior. The inner, smaller peristyle
194
is not shown completely on what survives but seems
to have been provided with larger chambers than its
companion, those on the front opening both in to the
peristyle and out to the exterior, and to have had an
extra bank opening to the street behind the horrea.
As preserved, there is a single entrance passage from
the front to one corner of the peristyle and a stair to
an upper storey off another corner. No stair appears
connected with the larger peristyle.
The horrea are mentioned in inscriptions: C IL
6 .4 2 2 6 , 4 2 2 6 a , 4 2 3 9 , 9 4 6 7 ; IL S 1620). From these
it appears that they were imperial property in the
time of Claudius.
G. Rickman, R om an G ranaries an d Store B u ild
ings (Cambridge 1971), 10912.
H orrea N ervae: known from a single sepulchral in
scription (C IL 6 .8 6 8 1 = 3 3 7 4 4 = IL S 1627); perhaps
the same as the Horrea Caesaris (q.v.) of the lex hor-
reorum found inside the Porta Salaria, not in situ
(CIL 6 .3 3 7 4 7 = /LS 5914).
H orrea Peduceiana: a hypothetical building pro
posed for reconstruction of a fragmentary inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .3 3 7 4 5 ) by Henzen and Dessau (ILS
1626). An Ager Peduceianus is mentioned in C IL
1 0 .6 7 0 6 = IL S 8 2 1 7 , which seems to have lain out
side the city but not far from it, near, if not on, the
Via Latina. Cf. Horti Peduceiani.
H orrea Petroniana: known only from two sepul
chral inscriptions, one of a slave of Nero (C IL
6.3971 = IL S 1625), the other of M . Aurelius Xe-
nonianus Aquila, a Bithynian who had a statio in
these horrea and describes himself as foremost of
the stone merchants (IG U R 2.4 1 3 ). He must have
been a dealer in marble, probably especially Pro-
connesian marble. The horrea in question must
therefore be presumed to be in the neighborhood of
the Emporium or M armorata (qq.v.).
H orrea Piperataria: a market that Domitian built
in the porticoes north of the Neronian Sacra Via that
formed part of the grand approach to the Domus
Aurea (Chron. 146). These had been built over an
area earlier occupied by rows of shops and a traver
tine portico, so Domitian may only have been restor
ing it to its earlier function. Domitians complex
burned in the fire of Commodus, a . d . 191, and after
restoration burned again in the fire of Carinus, a . d .
2 8 4 , after which Maxentius built the Basilica Nova
(Basilica Constantini), completed by Constantine
after 3 1 3 , over its ruins. In 1899 the Sacra Via along
the Basilica Constantini was excavated to pre-
Neronian levels, and the sequence of construction
was uncovered. In 1935 excavations under the nave

of the Basilica Constantini laid bare more of the
Horrea Piperataria.
The complex seems to have followed the typical
plan of such markets, with parallel courts, or naves,
flanked by banks of chambers of uniform size and
plan opening to them. It follows the general orien
tation of the Templum Pacis and, from the evidence
of the Marble Plan, seems to have extended as far as
its eastern flank (FUR pi. 2 0 ; Rodriguez pi. 12). In
reporting the fire of Commodus, Dio (7 2 .2 4 .1 -
2 = Epit. 73) calls it the storehouse of Egyptian and
Arabian goods; others have called it the spice mar
ket. But the Sacra Via was traditionally a center of
traffic in luxuries of every sort, and we should prob
ably think of it as offering a very wide range of such
merchandise.
Nash 1 .4 8 5 -8 7 ; G. Rickman, R om an G ranaries
an d Store Buildings (Cambridge 1971), 1 0 4 -6 .
H orrea Postumiana: known from the inscriptions
on two bricks (C IL 15.4 = ILS 8667a), one of which
was found at Ostia, so it is even uncertain that these
horrea were in Rome.
H orrea Seiana: known from inscriptions (C IL
6.238 = /LS 3 6 6 5 , 9 4 7 1 , 3 6 7 7 8 , 36786) that show
these to have been prominent and extensive. They
are not the complex long so identified (see, e.g., PA
26 3 ), because the join of another fragment of the
Marble Plan now shows the name of that building to
have ended ] l i a (FUR pi. 2 4 ; Rodriguez pi. 16).
However, they are almost certainly somewhere in the
neighborhood of the Emporium.
H orrea Sempronia: mentioned by Festus (370L) as
a place where by Gracchan legislation there were
storehouses for keeping the public grain supply.
These must have been among the oldest such com
plexes in Rome, older than the Horrea Galbae and
probably located somewhere along the river.
H orrea Severiana (?): horrea (?) found under the
Ministero della Difesa on the Quirinal, where an am
phora with an address painted on the neck seems to
have read: usibus cellari Severi (C IL 15.4807).
H orrea Sulpicia: see H orrea Galbae.
H orrea Q . Tinei Sacerdotis: known from an in
scription from the church of S. M artino ai M onti on
the Esquiline (Oppius) northwest of the Porticus Liv-
iae. Tineus was consul in a . d . 158.
H orrea Umm(idiana): known from an inscription
(C IL 6.3779 5) found in excavations at the church of
S. Saba on the Aventinus Minor.
H O RTI A C ILIO RU M
H orrea Vespasiani: mentioned by the Chronogra-
pher of 3 5 4 (Chron. 146) as among the buildings of
Domitian, but otherwise unknown.
H or(rea) Volusiana: mentioned in one inscription
(C IL 6.9973 = IL S 75 7 3 ), the gravestone of a vestiar-
ius d e h o r Volusianis, so the reference might be to
either horrea or horti, but cf. C IL 6.7289.
H orta, N aos: a temple of a divinity mentioned by
Plutarch (Q u aest. R om . 46) as in earlier times having
been always kept open. Because this divinity is oth
erwise unknown and Plutarch admits to there being
some doubt and confusion as to whether the name
was Horta or Hora, it seems likely that Hora Quirini
(q.v.) is meant and the temple in question was a sa-
cellum in the precinct of Quirinus on the Quirinal.
H orti: see Domus, Insula, Atrium, etc.
H orti Aciliorum: a villa on the Pincian, the succes
sor to the Horti Luculliani, extending from the vicin
ity of the church of S. Trinita deM onti possibly as
far as S. M aria del Popolo and back over the crown
of the hill into Villa Borghese. To the east it may have
extended to Porta Pinciana. The boundaries are in
many places uncertain and perhaps varied with time.
The Acilii Glabriones bought the villa during the sec
ond century after Christ (an Acilius Glabrio was con
sul in a . d . 91). In the fourth century it belonged to
Anicia Faltonia Proba and her husband, Petronius
Probus (C IL 6 .1 7 5 1 , 1 7 5 4 ; IL S 1265, 1269), and in
the fifth it passed to the Gens Pincia. Thereafter, it
became imperial property, known as the Domus Pin
ciana (q.v.). It was unquestionably one of the finest
estates in Rome in every way. On the north, west,
and east it was bounded by massive works of terrac
ing along the slope of the hill, the line to the east and
north being incorporated by Aurelian as part of his
defenses of the city and then in part rebuilt. The orig
inal structure is faced with opus reticulatum, a series
of buttresses connected by arches in two storeys, the
piers massive and the whole work admirable for its
engineering and construction. The famous Muro
Torto is a lower buttress at the north corner faced
with opus reticulatum with quoins of tufa blocks
(CAR 2-A, 16 p. 13). Within the gardens were vari
ous buildings and amenities. Just north of S. Trinita
deMonti was a gently curving terrace flanked by
straight arcades with large chambers behind them at
the top of a series of terraces connected by monu
mental stairs descending to the plain below. Pirro Li-
gorio has left a plan of this suggesting that it owed
much to the design of the Temple of Fortuna Primi-
genia at Praeneste and, like it, was crowned by a
small round temple (CAR 2-E, 2 4 25 p. 1 0 7; Nash
195
H O R T I A GRIPPA E
1.488 fig. 599). Excavation has shown this to be
largely his invention. A pair of unusual capitals from
this complex adorn the stairs to S. Trinita deMonti.
Beneath the modern Casina Valadier was a fishpond
divided into two sections and connected with a res
ervoir created by carving an elaborate series of tun
nels in the rock some 80 m long. The belvedere of
Villa Medici is built over the ruins of an octagonal
pavilion or nymphaeum (called Parnassus). Other re
mains are scattered along the brow of the hill from
the church of the Trinita to S. M aria del Popolo.
Nash 1 .4 8 8 -9 0 ; Lugli 1975, 4 7 8 - 7 9 ; CEFR 98
(1987): 7 4 7 -6 1 (H. Broise and V. Jolivet).
H orti Agrippae: a villa in the Campus Martius that
Agrippa left in his will to the people of Rome, to
gether with the Thermae Agrippae (q.v.), and pro
vided for their maintenance by giving Augustus cer
tain real estate (Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 9 .4 ). This tantalizing
information requires further explanation. A substan
tial part of the baths appears to have been built at
the same time as the Pantheon, which was finished in
25 B.C . (Cass. Dio 5 3 .2 7 .1 ); they followed comple
tion of the Saepta Iulia (q.v.), begun twenty years
earlier by Julius Caesar, and lay along the Saepta,
just to the west of it. Both must have been intended
for the use of the public from the beginning. But the
Aqua Virgo (q.v.), which was built to supply the
Campus Martius and the baths with water, was not
completed until 19 B .C ., so the baths must have func
tioned on only a limited scale, perhaps almost en
tirely as a dry sweat bath, as Dio implies, until that
time, and Agrippa may have gone on adding to their
refinement and beautification for a number of years
(cf. Pliny, H N 3 4 .6 2 , 3 5 .2 6 ), during which time they
remained in his possession and were maintained at
his expense. The Stagnum Agrippae and Euripus
would have been such embellishments, while be
tween these was a park in which was displayed the
famous lion of Lysippus, which Agrippa brought
from Lampsacus (Strabo 13.1.19 [590]). Strabos
word, alsos, is usually translated as nem us, the word
used by Tacitus (Ann. 15.37) in describing the revels
of Nero at the Stagnum (qu antum iuxta nem oris),
but might equally well be rendered horti. The area
available is bounded by the baths and Pantheon on
the east, Hecatostylon on the south, and Thermae
Neronianae on the north. On the west the Stadium
Domitiani eventually provided a boundary, and
probably the nemus never extended into its area. The
Hecatostylon (q.v.) was probably another work of
Agrippas and gives the measurement of this side of
the complex, while the p latan on of M artial (3.19.2)
adorned with statuary of animals may be the same
as the nem us.
The word h o rti is, however, usually reserved for a
196
private residence with extensive gardens within the
confines of a city, although not necessarily within the
pomerium, and the Nemus Thermarum would not
suit that definition, because there was, so far as we
know, no residence and certainly not likely to have
been any. In this case we should look for the Horti
Agrippae along the Tiber, where an inscription (C IL
6 .3 9 0 8 7 ) puts the Euripus and a piscin a between the
Pons Agrippae and the Trigarium. With this location
one should probably associate C IL 6 .29781 = IL S
60 0 3 : m . a g r i p p a e p r i v a t . i t e r , found in the Tiber
near Ponte Garibaldi. See also Euripus Virginis.
M EFRA 89 (1977): 8 0 7 -4 6 , especially 8 1 5 -2 0 (F.
Coarelli).
H orti Agrippinae: the estate of Agrippina the Elder
on the right bank of the Tiber, subsequently inher
ited by Caligula and then presumably by Nero. Sen
eca (Ira 3.18) records that it came down to the Tiber
and was separated from the river by a portico behind
which lay a xystus, or tree-lined promenade. Long
Christian tradition has it that the martyrs who suf
fered under Nero for presumed responsibility for the
fire of Rome of a . d . 64 were put to death where the
basilica of S. Pietro rose over the ruins of the Circus
Gaii et Neronis, and this would accord with Tacituss
comment that for their punishment Nero offered his
horti and a circense ludicrum of singular cruelty
(Ann. 1 5 .4 4 ; cf. 39). Because the Circus Maximus
and Domus Transitoria were destroyed in the fire,
the Circus Gaii et Neronis and Horti Agrippinae
must be intended. It therefore appears that these
were very extensive horti, but it is difficult to bound
them. The Via Cornelia giving access to the circus
may be presumed to have been the northern border
and the Tiber and Via Triumphalis the eastern. The
others are impossible to fix, and conceivably the
whole minor eminence at the northern end of
the Janiculan hill as far as the church of S. Onofrio
was included.
H orti Alii Faletiani: known only from mention in
a single inscription, C IL 6 .9 2 4 0 .
H orti Anniani: known only from a fifteenth-
century copy of an inscription, C IL 6.8666.
H orti Antoniani: neighboring, probably contig
uous with, the Horti Caesaris on the right bank of
the Tiber and bordering on the river (Cass. Dio
4 7 .4 0 .2 ). C IL 6 .9 9 9 1 = IL S 7 3 7 4 (cf. C IL 6.9990a)
may refer to this property. It is uncertain precisely
where these horti were located.
H orti Antonii: see H orti Pompeiani (1 ) and
H orti Scipionis.

H orti Aquilii Reguli: the estate of the notorious
delator, elder contemporary of Pliny the Younger,
who describes it (E p ist . 4.2.5) as being in the Trans-
tiberim, of a very broad extent with vast porticoes
and adorned with statues of Regulus himself along
the riverbank. Its location is unknown.
H orti Aroniani: in the Transtiberim (NSc 1901,
356; cf. C IL 6.671 = ILS 3543 of the time of Cara-
calla, C IL 6.30808).
H orti Asiatici: see H orti Luculliani.
H orti Asiniani: gardens mentioned by Frontinus
(Aq. 1.21) as being at the end of the Specus Octavi-
anus, the branch of the Anio Vetus constructed by
Augustus, which arrived in region em Viae N ovae.
The Specus Octavianus branched to the south from
the main line and can be traced as far as Porta La
tina. It is impossible that Frontinus, writing in the
time of Trajan, should mean the Via Nova con
structed by Caracalla to serve his baths, although
clearly he must mean a street in the same general
neighborhood. No solution to the confusion suggests
itself.
H orti Atticiani: known from a single inscription,
C IL 6.8667 = IL S 1618. The location of these is un
known.
H orti Caesaris (1): an estate of Julius Caesar a d
P ortam C ollin am , mentioned by Obsequens (71) in
recounting prodigies of 17 B .C ., and possibly the
property meant by Dio (42.26.3) in recounting prod
igies of 47 B.C . It seems very probable that these
horti were absorbed into the great Horti Sallustiani
(q.v.), but pseudo-Cicero (in Sail. Crisp, orat. 19)
cannot be adduced as evidence for this. That the
property is designated ad Portam Collinam suggests
that it was inside the line of the Servian Walls, but,
because these were by this time obsolete and in many
places dismantled, it may well have run over the line
of the wall. In either case it would have lain on the
northwest side of Alta Semita.
H orti Caesaris (2 ): a villa on the right bank of the
Tiber along the river (Suetonius, lul. 83.2; Cass. Dio
44.35.3) that Caesar left by will, together with its
appointments and statuary, to the Roman people
(Cicero, Phil. 2.109; Appian, B ellC iv 2.143). It was
a considerable distance from the city (Horace, Sat.
1.9.18), and the Temple of Fors Fortuna (see Fors
Fortuna, Fanum), at the first milestone on the Via
Campana/Portuensis, appeared to be within its limits
(Tacitus, Ann. 2.41). Apparently there was no con
nection between this and the Nemus Caesarum
H O R T I CO PON IA N I
(see Naumachia Augusti). It was here that Julius
Caesar entertained Cleopatra in 44 B .C . (Cicero, Att.
15.15.2). It is impossible to bound the property pre
cisely, but it must have lain between the Via Cam
pana/Portuensis and the river from the vicinity of the
Porta Portuensis for a kilometer or more down
stream of it. It was probably adjacent to the Horti
Antoniani (q.v.), which may have lain upstream
of it.
H orti Calyclani: gardens on the Esquiline, known
from inscriptions on two boundary stones found in
1874 beyond the line of the Servian Agger (C IL
6.29771 = IL S 5998) that separated the Horti Caly
clani from the Horti Tauriani. These were in situ
near the church of S. Eusebio, but there is no indi
cation of which gardens lay to which side of the
boundary. In view of the association of the Forum
Tauri (q.v.) with the church of S. Bibiana, it seems
likely that the Horti Tauriani lay to the east, the
Horti Calyclani to the west. The origin of the name
of the latter is completely mysterious.
H orti Cassiani: mentioned only by Cicero (Att.
12.21.2), third in a series with the Horti Drusi and
Horti Lamiani, on the right bank of the Tiber (cf.
Cicero, Att. 12.19.1, 22.3, 23.3).
H orti Ceioniae Fabiae: identified on fragments of
the Marble Plan of uncertain location (FUR pi. 34
frag. 45; Rodriguez pi. 34). Shown are what appear
to be two spacious parterres connected by a broad
stair, together with a portion of a building of gener
ous scale but obscure plan. The owner was presum
ably the sister of Lucius Verus. The reading of the
manuscript drawing of the fragment (FUR pi. 9.1)
h o r t i c e l o n i a e f a b i a [ was first corrected by Klebs
in 1897.
H orti Clodiae: a property a d Tiberim (Cicero,
C ael. 36) on the right bank of the Tiber, evidently
approximately opposite that part of the Campus
Martius laid out in sports fields. Cicero repeatedly
mentioned these horti when he was trying to find a
place for the projected temple to Tullia (Cicero, Att.
1 2 .3 8 .4 ,4 1 .3 ,4 3 .2 , 4 7 .1 ,5 2 .2 ).
H orti Comm odiani: a property in which in porticu
curva was a mosaic decoration showing a procession
in honor of Isis in which, among the closest friends
of Commodus, Pescennius Niger appeared carrying
ritual objects (S.H.A. Pescennius 6.8). Its location is
unknown.
H orti Coponiani: a property probably on the Via
Ostiensis (Cicero, Att. 12.31.2; cf. 12.23.3 and
197
H O R TI COTTAE
27.1). Cicero describes it as villam et veterem {et)
non m agn am . . . silvam n obilem . It is almost cer
tainly the same as the Horti Siliani (q.v.), because
Velleius Paterculus (2.83.3), in relating the events
leading to Actium, mentions a remark of a Copon-
ius, whom he identifies as father-in-law to P. Silius
(cf. Cicero [ed. Shackleton Bailey], Att. 5 .4 0 8 9).
The Silius in question is probably P. Silius Nerva
(cos. 20 B .C .), who may have acquired the property
as part of his wifes dowry.
H orti C ottae: on the Via Ostiensis, beyond the
Horti Siliani (Cicero, Att. 1 2 .2 3 .3 , 27.1). Cicero de
scribes the property as villula sord id a et valde pus-
illa, nil agri, but in a very prominent location. Cicero
never uses the term h o rti of it, so it may have been
too far from Rome to be properly so called. Shack
leton Bailey (Cicero, Att. 5.407) wishes to identify
the owner as L. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 65 B .C .), but
that seems questionable, because Aurelius Cotta
seems to have been a man of wealth and taste.
H orti Crassipedis: a property belonging to Furius
Crassipes, the second husband of Ciceros daughter
Tullia. They were married in 56 B .C . and divorced
sometime before her marriage to Dolabella in 50.
The property was beyond the city limits, near, or on,
Via Appia, not far from the Temple of Mars (Cicero,
Att. 4 .1 2 , QFr. 3 .7 .1 , Fam . 1.9.20).
H orti Cusinii: a property that had belonged to a
Publicius, but at the time Cicero was writing in 45
B.C . had passed into the possession of a certain Tre-
bonius and Cusinius (Cicero, Att. 1 2 .3 8 .4 , 41.3).
From the context, it is likely that it was on the right
bank of the Tiber.
H orti Damasippi: a property on the Tiber, presum
ably on the right bank, subdivided into parcels with
an eye to a profitable sale at the time Cicero was
looking for such a place in 45 B .C . (Cicero, Att.
12.29.2, 33.1).
H orti Demetriou: gardens in the suburbium of
Rome belonging to the freedman of Pompey (Plu
tarch, P om p. 4 0 .5 ), proverbial for their beauty and
costliness, but of entirely unknown location.
H orti Dolabellae: a property of Cn. Dolabella,
near which the cohort of German soldiers who were
the imperial bodyguard were encamped in a . d . 69
(Suetonius, G a lb a 12.2). This must be the Dolabella
relegated by Otho to Aquinum and ordered killed by
Vitellius (Tacitus, Hist. 1.88, 2.6 3 ), and his horti
were probably on the outskirts of the city, because
198
the troops in the city were sine castris (Suetonius,
Aug. 49 .1 ), but one cannot be more specific.
H orti Domitiae: a villa on the right bank of the
Tiber listed in Regio X IV by the regionary cata
logues, perhaps originally belonging to Domitia Lon-
gina, the daughter of Corbulo and wife of Domitian
(C IL 6 .1 6 9 8 3 ), in which Hadrian constructed his
mausoleum (S.H.A. Ant. Pius 5.1). It continued to
exist into the fourth century and is said to have been
a favorite residence of Aurelian when he was in
Rome (S.H.A. A urelian. 49 .1 ). It probably lay
largely to the east of the Mausoleum Hadriani and
along the river, because the Campus Neronis seems
to have begun not far west of the mausoleum.
H orti Domitiae Calvillae: the property of the
mother of Marcus Aurelius on the Caelian, inherited
from her father, P. Calvisius Tullius Ruso (S.H.A. M.
Aurel. 1.3 and 5 ; C IL 15 p. 26 7 ), where Marcus was
born and raised. Her name is given as both Domitia
Calvilla and Domitia Lucilla; the former seems cor
rect.
R endP ontA cc 41 (1 9 6 8 -6 9 ): 1 6 7 -8 9 (V. Santa
M aria Scrinari).
H orti Domitiorum: see Sepulcrum
Domitiorum.
H orti Drusi: a property on the right bank of the
Tiber that was for sale when Cicero was considering
buying a suburban place in 45 B .C . It figures repeat
edly in his correspondence with Atticus, but Drusus
wanted too high a price, and there were various de
fects and drawbacks about the place. Consequently
Cicero did not buy it. Shackleton Bailey (Cicero, Att.
5.407) identifies Drusus as M . Livius Drusus Clau-
dianus, the father of Livia Augusta. See Cicero, Att.
1 2 .2 1 .2 , 2 2 .3 , 2 3 .3 , 2 5 .2 , 3 1 .2 , 3 3 .1 , 3 7 .2 , 38.4.
4 1 .3 .4 4 .2 .
H orti Epaphroditiani: a property in the vicinity of
which the Aqua Tepula received a supplement of 163
quinariae from the Anio Novus (Frontinus, Aq.
2.68). PA would put this just beyond the terminal
castellum of the Anio Novus and Claudia, southwest
of the building called Minerva Medica, where the
distance between the two lines is about 100 m. How
ever, in that case it does not seem likely that Fron
tinus would have specified that the Anio Novus
alone was the source of the supplement. Because the
two lines run more or less parallel and close to each
other for a considerable distance, it seems more
likely that the connector lay farther to the southeast,
somewhere outside Porta Maggiore. Among those

known who bore the name Epaphroditus, it seems
impossible to determine which might have been like
liest to have been the owner of these horti.
H orti Frontonis: a property of Fronto, the teacher
of Marcus Aurelius, that he calls M aecen atian os hor-
tos (Fronto 1.8.5), with the implication that they be
longed to Maecenas, but whether they were part of
the famous Horti Maecenatis on the Esquiline (see
Horti Maecenatiani) or an entirely different property
is unknown.
Horti Galbae: on the Via Aurelia not far from
Rome, where the body of Galba was buried by his
servants after his murder in the Forum Romanum
(Suetonius, G a lb a 2 0 .2 ; Eutropius 7 .16.3).
Horti Getae: a villa mentioned only in the region-
ary catalogues, listed in Regio XIV. In the Middle
Ages the area along the river between the Aurelian
Walls and the Porta S. Spirito bore the name Septim-
ianum, but, because this could be accounted for by
the Coriaria Septimiana and other works of Septim-
ius Severus in the neighborhood, there is no reason
to locate the Horti Getae in this vicinity.
H orti Lamiani (1 ): gardens near those of Maecenas
on the Esquiline just outside the city limits of Rome
(Philo, Leg. 2 .5 9 7 ). L. Aelius Lamia (cos. a . d . 3)
may have created them and left them to Tiberius, for
they became imperial property (C IL 6.8668), and the
place where Caligulas body was partially cremated
and buried (Suetonius, Calig. 59). They were prob
ably adjacent to the Horti Maiani, because at one
time the same man was procu rator of both (C IL
6.8668). The Horti Maiani were evidently more fa
mous (C IL 6 .6 1 5 2 , 8669 = IL S 16 1 7 ); Pliny (H N
35.51) tells of a portrait of Nero on canvas 120 R o
man feet long that he had painted there, which was
destroyed, together with the better part of the horti,
in a fire started by lightning. That the painting was
of the same dimension as the Colossus Neronis (see
Colossus Solis [Neronis]) must be significant, but it
is not clear how these were related. The origin of the
name of these horti is obscure.
M ost topographers put both properties on the Es
quiline south of Piazza Vittorio Emanuele in an area
including Piazza Dante, where a number of interest
ing structures and notable sculptures, including the
Esquiline Venus and the thirteen Niobids of the Uffizi
in Florence, have been discovered (HJ 354n .31). The
identification is attractive, but not certain. The struc
tures discovered in the area include a large crypto-
porticus with apsidal ends, from the ends of which
annexes of very complex plan develop and in which
H O R T I LOLLIAN I
the finds of sculpture and colored marble were espe
cially rich, a large hemicycle with radiating vaulted
chambers behind, a broad portico running through
Piazza Dante, and numerous smaller features, in
cluding baths, nymphaea, and cisterns, thickly scat
tered in close proximity to one another. These date
from the first half of the first century after Christ to
the middle of the third century. The sculptures found
here in the later part of the nineteenth century are
kept together and displayed in the Galleria degli Orti
Lamiani of the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4
2 .3 0 0 3 0 9 ); they include the so-called Esquiline Ve
nus and the famous bust of Commodus with the at
tributes of Hercules.
M . Cima and E. La Rocca, L e tranquille d im ore
degli d ei: L a residen ze im periale degli b orti L am ian i
(Venice 1986).
H orti Lamiani (2 ): gardens on the right bank of the
Tiber that Cicero contemplated buying when he was
looking for such a place in 45 B.C . (Cicero, Att.
1 2 .2 1 .2 , 2 2 .3 ; cf. 19.1). Presumably they belonged
to Ciceros friend and supporter L. Aelius Lamia, a
rich eques Romanus.
H orti Largiani: listed only in the N otitia, in Regio
VII, the only horti listed there and otherwise com
pletely unknown.
H orti Liciniani: a property of Emperor Licinius Eg-
natius Gallienus (S.H.A. G allien. 17.8), but the lo
cation is not given. By their association with a colos
sus projected to be larger than that of Nero and to
stand in su m m o E squiliarum m on te (S.H.A. G allien.
18.3) and with the Arcus Gallieni (q.v.) at the Porta
Esquilina, it has been conjectured that these horti
were on the eastern Esquiline, not far from ad Spem
Veterem (see Spes Vetus). The building known as the
Tempio di Minerva Medica is often alleged to belong
to these horti, but there is no proof. There seems no
adequate reason to try to connect these horti with
the Horti Volusiani (q.v.) that belonged to Ferox Li-
cinianus. There is better reason to believe that the
medieval Palatium Licinianum (q.v.) near the church
of S. Bibiana preserved a memory of them, in which
case they belong near the Porta Tiburtina, roughly
where the Lugli and Gismondi map puts the Horti
Pallantiani.
Lugli 1938, 4 7 8 -8 0 .
H orti Lolliani: a property on the Esquiline on the
boundary between Augustan Regiones IV and VI, as
is shown by a boundary stone found at the corner of
Via Principe Amedeo and Piazza dei Cinquecento
(C IL 6 .3 1 2 8 4 ). M . Lollius was consul in 21 B.C . and
199
H O R T I L U C U L L IA N I
his granddaughter Lollia Paulina was a contender
with Agrippina for marriage with Claudius.
H orti Luculliani: the first great horti of Rome that
then continued to be famous throughout the Julio-
Claudian period, second only in glory and magnifi
cence to the Horti Sallustiani (q.v.). They were the
creation of the great shaper of style L. Licinius Lu-
cullus, who retired from public life after his triumph
in 63 B .C . and devoted himself to the cultivation of
art and literature and to gratifying his taste for lux
ury of every sort. His horti were on the Pincian cov
ering the summit of the hill and descending the
slopes to the Campus Martius. The arches of the
Aqua Virgo began sub H ortis Lucullianis (Frontinus,
Aq. 1.22). Plutarch (L u cu l. 39.2) has left only a gen
eral estimate of their splendor, and unfortunately ex
cavation has brought to light only stretches of terrac
ing and fragments of building, from which it is
impossible to form any satisfactory notion of what
the whole was like. But Plutarch (Lucul. 4 1 .5 6)
also tells us that each of the dining rooms was named
and had a fixed budget for the dinner to be served
there, one of the more costly being named Apollo.
And Luculluss libraries, which were exceptional for
the number and quality of the books, were opened
for public use (Plutarch, Lucul. 4 2 .1 -4 ).
In a . d . 4 6 the horti had passed into the hands of
Valerius Asiaticus and seem then sometimes to have
been called Horti Asiatici (Cass. Dio 60 [61].31.5).
Messallina coveted them and forced Asiaticus to sui
cide to obtain them (Tacitus, Ann. 11.1) and later
was herself killed there (Tacitus, Ann. 11.32, 37).
Thereafter, they seem to have been an imperial prop
erty (Plutarch, Lucul. 39.2). They were evidently
put up for sale and sold to the Acilii Glabriones
in the course of the second century (see Horti Acil-
iorum).
In 1913 and 1 9 6 9 -1 9 7 0 were found under Pal
azzo Zuccari and the building next door to it, Via
Sistina no. 60, important remains of garden architec
ture belonging to these horti. They consist of parts
of a series of semicircular niches, believed originally
to have been fifteen in number, crowned with half
domes. At first they seem to have been simply a ter
race wall; with the introduction of the Aqua Virgo
they were piped for water and turned into a cascade,
every niche and every pillar between niches showing
piping. Still in the Augustan period the niches were
partially filled with masonry and revetted with
marble as frames for fountain figures that were now
added in alternate niches. And finally, perhaps to
ward the middle of the first century after Christ, all
but three niches were completely walled up, and the
whole wall was covered with a decoration in glass
mosaic, shells, and rustication that included architec
200
ture and figures at large scale. Behind this faade ap
pears to have been a cryptoporticus. These are the
most substantial remains of the Horti Luculliani
known, although some topographers would like to
include the great hemicycle of the Horti Aciliorum
(q.v.) to the north.
G. Kaster, D ie G arten d es Lucullus (Munich
197 3); CEFR 98 (1987): 7 4 7 -6 1 (H. Broise and V.
Joli vet); R om M itt 95 (1988): 1 5 9 -8 6 (K. Parlasca);
Q ITA 10 (1988): 4 5 - 5 7 (C. Fiorini).
H orti M aecenatiani: on the Esquiline, covering
much of the cemetery of the poor that lay beyond the
ancient Agger south of the Porta Esquilina (Horace,
Sat. 1 .8.7, with the scholia of Acron and Porphy-
rion). The scholia locate the horti entirely in the area
of the cemetery but are unreliable. Horace (Sat.
1 .8 .1 4 -1 6 ) says that the Agger itself was at least in
part, perhaps only north of the Porta Esquilina,
made into a promenade for the public. The Agger
adjacent to the horti seems to have been absorbed
into them. Their attractions and amenities are barely
sketched in our sources, but Maecenas was said to
be the first to have a swimming pool of heated water
in the city (Cass. Dio 5 5 .7 .6 ), which was almost cer
tainly part of the horti, and they included a lofty
tower of some sort from which Nero is supposed to
have watched the progress of the great fire of 64
(Horace, C arm . 3 .2 9 .1 0 [?]; Suetonius, N ero 38.2).
After Maecenass death they became an imperial
property, and Tiberius lived there after his return to
Rome from Rhodes in a . d . 2 (Suetonius, Tib. 15.1).
Eventually Nero built the Domus Transitoria (q.v.
with the express purpose of connecting the Horti
Maecenatis to the Palatine, but without including the
horti in the domus. Probably the Horti Maecenatiani
of Fronto (1.8.5) included at least some part of the
original complex, but they are not included in the
regionary catalogues (cf., however, LPD 1.182
[Silvester (3 1 4 35) 25]).
The extent of the horti in the time of Maecenas
was probably not enormous; they were remarkable
chiefly for their luxury and refinements. The so-
called Auditorium Maecenatis (q.v.), a sunken nym-
phaeum and dining pavilion built across the line of
the Servian Walls, almost certainly belonged to them,
and we can otherwise bound them by the Porta Es
quilina and the line of the Via Tiburtina Vetus on the
north and a street running due south from the junc
ture of Via Tiburtina and Via Labicana on the east.
It seems impossible to bound them on the west or
south.
O f the works of art discovered in the area, the
most remarkable is the painting known as the Aldo-
brandini Wedding (discovered under Pope Clement
VIII, 1 5 9 2 -1 6 0 5 ), which is now in the Biblioteca Va-

ticana (Helbig4 1 .3 6 0 66 no. 466). It is of the Third
Pompeian Style and may come from a tomb.
Lugli 1938, 4 5 6 - 6 0 ; R endL in c, ser. 8.34 (1979):
2 3 9 50 (A. M . Colini); R om a cap itale 1 8 7 0 1911,
Ia rch eolog ia in R om a capitale tra sterro e scavo
(show catalogue, Venice 1983), 2 0 4 - 2 2 (C.
Hauber).
H orti M aiani: see H orti Lamiani (1).
H orti M arsiani: known from an inscribed bound
ary stone separating them from the Horti Volusiani
(q.v.) now in the American Academy in Rome
(no. 169). At the time the stone was set up (ca. a . d .
8 0 -1 2 0 ) the Horti Marsiani belonged to Aithalis
Aug. lib. (cf. A JP 48 [1927]: 2 7 -2 8 [A. W. Van
Buren]).
H orti Messallae Corvini: known from an inscrip
tion found in Villa Medici (C IL 6 .2 9 7 8 9 = ILS
5990). He is believed to have been briefly the owner
of the Horti Luculliani.
H orti N eronis: see H orti Agrippinae.
H orti Othonis: see H orti Scapulani.
H orti Pallantiani: gardens on the Esquiline men
tioned three times by Frontinus (Aq. 1.19,20, 2.69)
and listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio V,
supposed to have been laid out by Pallas, the pow
erful freedman of Claudius. According to Frontinus,
the Rivus Herculaneus branched from the Aqua
M arcia post Hortos Pallantianos, and the terminal
castellum of the Anio Novus and Claudia was post
Hortos Pallantianos. This suggests that they were
large, if not enormous, because the Rivus Hercula
neus branches from the M arcia about 175 m south
east of Porta Tiburtina, while the castellum is about
2 5 0 m northwest of Porta Praenestina. The pre
sumed existence of the Horti Liciniani in this area
complicates matters. Although these might not have
been in existence in Frontinuss day, their name
shows that they were in the possession of the family
of the princeps Gallienus before his accession to the
purple and may have been long in the family. The
evidence suggests that the Horti Pallantiani belong in
the neighborhood of the building known as the Tem-
pio di Minerva Medica (see Nymphaeum), where
many topographers have located the Horti Liciniani,
although without adequate reason.
H orti C. Passieni Crispi: known only from a lead
pipe bearing his name found under the Palazzo di
Giustizia on the right bank of the Tiber (C IL
1 5.7508). Passienus was the husband of Agrippina,
HORTI REGULI
stepfather of Nero, and consul for the second time in
a .d. 4 4 . He had been adopted by C. Sallustius Cris-
pus, grandnephew of the historian and creator of the
Horti Sallustiani, which he may have inherited,
along with enormous wealth. After Passienuss
murder, ca. a . d . 48 , his property passed to Agrip
pina.
H orti Peduceiani: gardens known only from an in
scription (C IL 6 .2 7 6 ; cf. 6 .3 3 7 4 5 = IL S 1626). C IL
10 .6 7 0 6 ( = IL S 8217) mentions an Ager Peducei-
anus on, or near, Via Latina that may have been con
nected with the horti, but no more precise location is
possible. They may have belonged to M . Peducaeus
Priscinus, cos. a . d . 110, or his son M . Peducaeus
Stloga Priscinus, cos. a . d . 141.
H orti Pompeiani (1): gardens apparently con
nected with the Domus Rostrata (see Domus, Cn.
Pompeius Magnus [1]) on the Carinae, because after
Pompeys death Caesar gave them to Antony (Ap-
pian, B ellC iv 3 .1 4 ; Cicero, Phil. 2.1 09 ). These were
sometimes called su periores to distinguish them from
his residence adjacent to his theater, which also
seems to have been provided with handsome
grounds (Asconius a d Cic. M ilon. 3 2 ; cf. 29 and 45
[Stangl 3 2 , 34, 43]).
M EFRA 95 (1983): 1 1 5 -3 5 (V. Jolivet).
H orti Pompeiani (2): in the Campus Martius, evi
dently connected with Pompeys house adjacent to
his theater, though known only by implication, the
gardens of the Domus Rostrata on the Carinae being
described as su periores. Because Plutarch is explicit
(Pom p. 40.5) that Pompey lived very modestly in
Rome, having only one house down to the time of
his third triumph, by which the Domus Rostrata
must be meant, it is clear that the terms d om u s and
horti were often interchangeable. The sepulchral in
scription of Eros insularius ex H ortis Pom peia(nis)
(C IL 6 .6 2 99 = IL S 7442c) of the early empire is puz
zling. He must belong to the horti in the Campus
Martius, because the Domus Rostrata passed into
the imperial properties, but whether we should think
that Horti Pompeiani in the Campus Martius had be
come simply a place designation, or whether the
house of Pompey was so large that after passing into
public ownership it could be described as an insula
(one presumes the superintendents of the theater
complex lived there) cannot be decided.
H orti P. Pomponii Secundi: gardens of unknown
location belonging to the consul of a . d . 44 (Tacitus,
Ann. 5.8 [6.3]).
H orti Reguli: see H orti Aquilii Reguli.
201
 H O R T I SALLUSTIAN I
Figure 44 H orti Sallustiani: probably the most famous estate
H orti S allu stian i, of its kind in Rome. The gardens were originally cre
Pavilion ( Palazzo di
ated by the historian, possibly using at the beginning
S allu stio ), Plans of
G round Level and
the gardens of Caesar ad Portam Collinam (see Horti
U pper Level Caesaris [1]) ([Cicero,] R esp. in Sail. 19; cf. Anth.
Pal. 16.40). Sallust spent much of the wealth he had
amassed in Numidia in embellishing his property,
and the work was continued by his grandnephew
and heir of the same name {Anth. Pal. 16.40 by Crin-
agoras). A sepulchral inscription (C/L 6.9005 = ILS
1795) indicates that they had become imperial prop
erty before a . d . 4 3 , but because it is unique and
Agrippina, the mother of Nero, married C. Passienus
Crispus, the heir of the younger Sallust, in 4 4 , one
202
may ask whether these gardens did not enter the im
perial possessions through her after Passienuss mur
der and her inheritance of his wealth. Thereafter,
they were a favorite residence of the imperial house.
Vespasian seems to have preferred them to the Do-
mus Aurea (Cass. Dio 6 5 .1 0 .4 ); Nerva died there
(Chron. 146); and Aurelian embellished them with a
mile-long portico (S.H.A. Aurelian. 49.2). They were
still an important residence in the fourth century
(.Panegyrici L atin i 12[IX ].14.4) and were sacked in
4 1 0 by the Goths and left in ruins by them (Proco
pius, B ellV and 1.2.24).
The features of this vast property included a con-
ditorium , or sepulchral vault, in which were pre
served the bodies of two giants, Pusio and Secun-
dilla, 10 feet, 3 inches tall, who lived in the time of
Augustus (Pliny, H N 7 .7 5 ); a Temple of Venus Hor-
torum Sallustianorum (C/L 6 .1 2 2 = IL S 3 1 8 4 , C/L
6 .3 2 4 5 1 , 3 2 4 6 8 ), possibly the same as the Temple of
Venus Erucina extra Portam C ollin am (see Venus Er-
ucina, Aedes [2]); and a p orticu s m iliarensis built bv
Aurelian (S.H.A. A urelian. 49.2) in which he dailv
exercised his horses. Such a portico should be a mile
long, and it is difficult to see where in the horti it can
have been located. The difficulty has led to the sup
position that this is an invention, but without ade
quate grounds. In the Acta Martyrorum are refer
ences to therm ae, palatium , foru m , tribunal, and
pyram is Sallusti (Jordan 2 .1 2 4 -2 5 ) . The palatium
will have been the main residence, the foru m a court
in front of it, and the baths an annex (iuxta). The
tribunal is located only extra p o rta m q u a e nuncupa-
tur Salaria and might well be on the so-called forum
for ceremonial occasions. The pyram is is the obelisk
(Amm. M arc. 17.4.16) brought to Rome sometime
later than Augustus (cf. Obeliscus Hortorum Sallus
tianorum). These can have been only the central core
of the complex, while other pavilions and pleasances
were scattered through the park.
The boundaries of the horti can be set at the Via
Salaria on the east and the Aurelian Walls on the
north (cf. Tacitus, Hist. 3.8 2 ). On the south the
boundary may have followed the line of the Servian
Walls along the brow of the Quirinal, possibly cross
ing it in places (cf. Fortunae Tres and Anth. Pal.
16.40). The boundary on the west is hardest to set:
the horti would probably not have extended beyond
Piazza Barberini and very likely not beyond Via Bis-
solati.
Within this area have been found many works of
art and recognizable remains of a number of build
ings, notably a hippodrome, probably a garden one,
along the north side of the valley between the Quir
inal and Pincian hills, a nymphaeum near the north
east angle of the Servian Walls, and three piscinae.
The only remains visible today are a complex at the
 H O R T I SCIPIO N IS

end of Via Sallustiana including a structure of four

storeys built into the hillside (Figs. 44, 45!. This has
a very interesting domed room, the dome segmental
with sections alternately flat and bowed. On Via Lu-
cullo are remains of a massive terrace wall scalloped
into curved niches, and at right angles to this along
Via Friuli is part of a vaulted cryptoporticus with
remains of painting (now in the garage of the United
States embassy).
The brook that ran down the valley between Quir-
inal and Pincian must always have been an impor
tant feature of the horti, but we do not know what
it was called. The name Aqua Sallustiana has been
given it in modern times for convenience; possibly it
was the Spino or Nodinus of Cicero (Nat. D. 3.52).
Its importance seems to have been enhanced by elab
orate terracing, probably with monumental stairs to
connect the various levels after the pattern of the
Horti Luculliani and Horti Aciliorum. The surviving
pavilion is set so as to look obliquely down the valley
to the brook and consists of a domed rotunda pre
ceded by a deep vestibule and opening to a lobby
symmetrical with the vestibule between the rotunda
and a lofty vaulted oecus. All these rooms are pro
vided with large niches, some rectangular, others
semicircular, presumably for statuary. North of the
rotunda is a group of spacious rooms in two storeys,
essentially a separate apartment, while to the south
a honeycomb of rooms built into the hillside was sur
mounted by yet further structures opening on a can-
tilevered balcony. The function of this balcony and
the architectural development behind and above it and to bid among themselves for the horti (Cicero, Figure 45
H orti Sallustian i,
are not clear. The date of the building is not earlier Att. 12.28.4). O tho, who was one of the heirs and a
Pavilion ( Palazzo
than mid-second century. rich man, was eager to acquire the property for him
di Sallu stio ),
Among the works of art found in the area of the self (Cicero, Att. 12.43.2). From the sequence of Ci C ross Sections,
horti should be mentioned the Ludovisi Throne ceros letters, we gather that the question of whether F ro n t and R ear
(Helbig4 3.2340) and its counterpart now in the M u the horti would come up for public auction was still
seum of Fine Arts, Boston, the Ludovisi Gaul open in early July 45 (Att. 13.33.4) when Cicero
(Helbig4 3 .2 3 3 7 ); the falling Niobid (Helbig4 learned of Caesars scheme to divert the Tiber into a
3.22 79), believed by many to be a Greek original, new channel, which would either have ruined the
now in the Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme; property or have gravely reduced its value. There
and the Silenus holding the infant Bacchus, now in after, Cicero does not bring up the subject again (cf.
the Louvre. For the obelisk, see Obeliscus Hortorum also Att. 12.37.2, 4 0 .4 , 4 1 .3 , 5 2 .2 , 13.12.4).
Sallustianorum. The disposition of these and the ex Whether Otho ever came into possession of the
tent to which they may be regarded as parts of a dis property is not clear.
tinguished collection are uncertain.
Lugli 1938, 3 2 0 - 3 7 ; Nash 1 .4 9 1 -9 9 ; CAR 2-F, H orti Scatoniani: known only from a single sepul
50 pp. 1282 9 ; I. M anotti, ed., C. Sallusti Crispi chral inscription (C IL 6.6281 = IL S 7442a) from the
O pera (Rome 1972), Appendix (F. Castagnoli); G. tomb of the Statilii (see Sep. Staliliorum).
Cipriani, H orti Sallustiani2 (Rome 1982), 1367;
BdA 4 9 (1988): 5 3 - 6 2 (M. Castelli). H orti Scipionis: a property presumably of P. Cor
nelius Scipio Africanus, the elder son of the great Af-
H orti Scapulani: a property on the right bank of ricanus, because it is first recorded in 163 B.C .
the Tiber that Cicero was eager to buy when he was (Broughton, M RR 1 .4 4 0 -4 2 ). It was in the Campus
looking for such a place in 45 B .C . The heirs of Sca Martius outside the pomerium (Cicero, N at. D.
pula proposed to divide his property into four shares 2 .4 .1 1 ), probably west of the Ovile, but at any rate

203
H O R T I SENECAE
near it. Cicero (Phil. 2.1 0 9 ) indicates that this had
passed into the possession of M ark Antony by 44
B .C . but was still known as Horti Scipionis.
H orti Senecae: a property of the philosopher, evi
dently of great luxury, presented to him by Nero
(Tacitus, Ann. 1 4 .5 2 -5 5 ). Its location is entirely un
known, but Juvenal (10.16) ranks it with the house
of the Laterani (q.v.).
H orti Serviliani: an imperial property in the last
years of N eros reign (Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .5 5 ; Sueton
ius, N ero 4 7 .1 ), possibly having earlier belonged to
M . Servilius Nonianus, cos. a . d . 35, one of the most
celebrated orators and historians of his day (cf. Tac
itus, Ann. 14.19). Pliny lists among its embellish
ments the Ceres of Praxiteles, the boxers of Dercy-
lides, and the portrait of the historian Callimachus
by Amphistratus (H N 3 6 .2 3 , 25, 36). Pliny ranks the
house with the Atrium Libertatis, Temple of Apollo
Sosianus, and Porticus Octaviae as a repository of
art. It is also mentioned in two inscriptions (C IL
6 .8 6 7 3 , 8674) and probably in a papyrus (P B erol
511). It is often placed in the southwest quarter of
the city, but for this there is no real evidence.
H orti Siliani: one of the properties Cicero was in
terested in when he was looking for a suitable loca
tion for the temple to Tullia. It was on the Via Os-
tiensis (Cicero, Att. 1 2 .2 7 .1 ; cf. 12.23.3). During his
attempt to purchase this property, Cicero mentions
it frequently in his letters to Atticus dated from
March to M ay 45 B.C . (Att. 1 2 .2 2 -5 2 ), but ulti
mately judged it inadequate (Att. 1 2 .4 4 .2 : non satis
o ik o d esp o tik a ).
H orti Spei Veteris: mentioned only once as a re
treat to which Elagabalus retired (S.H.A. H eliogab.
13.5), therefore probably the site of the Circus Vari-
anus (q.v.), Elagabaluss family name being Varius,
and the Temple of Elagabalus to which the god was
ceremonially taken at midsummer (see Elagabalus).
These cannot be the same as the Horti Variani men
tioned in S.H.A. Aurelian. 1.2. See also Sessorium.
H orti Tauriani: a property of M . Statilius Taurus,
cos. a . d . 44 , whose suicide Agrippina procured in 53
in her machinations to get possession of it (Tacitus,
Ann. 12.59). These gardens were on the Esquiline
adjacent to the Horti Calyclani (C IL 6 .2 9 7 7 1 = IL S
5998) and probably also the Forum Tauri and Caput
Tauri (see Forum Tauri).
H orti Terentii: a property of the comic poet of
twenty iugera in extent on the Via Appia near the
204
Temple of M ars (Suetonius, Terent. 5). Suetoniui
calls it bortuli.
H orti Thraseae Paeti: mentioned only once (Taci
tus, Ann. 16.34.1) and of unknown location.
H orti Torquatiani: mentioned only once (Fron
tinus, A q. 1.5), where the juncture of the Aqua Ap
pia and the Aqua Augusta is said to fall on th(
boundary between these and other horti of uncertair
name in the general area Ad Spem Veterem. Th<
place was also called Ad Gemellos (q.v.) and was in
fra Spem Veterem. These gardens were therefor*
west of Spes Vetus and south of the Via Labicana.
H orti Trebonii: mentioned by Cicero during hi;
prolonged search for suitable horti in 45 B .C ., de
scribed as locu s Publicianus (Att. 12.38.4) and spo
ken of disparagingly as a mere threshing floor. Th(
property had earlier belonged to a Rebilus and wa;
being offered for sale by Trebonius and Cusinius (Ci
cero, Att. 12.41.3). If Publicianus means that it wa:
on an extension of the Clivus Publicius, it was on oi
beyond the Aventine.
H orti Variani: mentioned only once (S.H.A. Aure
lian. 1.2). A journey by carriage from the Palatine tc
the Horti Variani took one past Aurelians Temple o
Sol (see Sol, Templum) in Regio VII, probably on th<
Via Flaminia. Because by this time the Pincian Hil
had been entirely taken up by such well-knowr
estates as the Horti Aciliorum, the Horti Varian
should lie either in the northern Campus Martius o:
farther out Via Flaminia. They were probably no
created by Elagabalus, whose family name was Va
rius, because he had a very extensive estate ad Spen
Veterem (see Sessorium).
H orti Vettiani: see Domus, Vettius Agorius
Praetextatus.
H orti Volusiani: known only from an inscribec
boundary stone now in the American Academy it
Rome (no. 169) from the line between this propert;
and the Horti Marsiani (q.v.). The Horti Volusian
belonged to Ferox Licianus, who is probably C
Pompeius Ferox Licianus, a courtier of Domitiai
(Juvenal 4 .1 0 9 10), which would tend to date thi
inscription a . d . 8 0 -1 0 0 . Cf. C IL 6 .9 9 7 3 and Horre;
Volusiana. The location of the horti is unknown, un
less through inheritance these became the Horti Li
ciniani on the Esquiline.
A rch eolog ia, m ateriali e p ro b lem i 6: I Volusii Sa
turnini (Bari 1982), 3738 (F. Coarelli).
Ianiculum: the name now given to the whole ridge
on the right bank of the Tiber from just south of the
Vatican City on the north to the Stazione di Traste-
vere on the south, divided from the plateau beyond
by the Vallis Fornacum, down which ran the Via Pos-
terula and now runs the Vatican railway line. In an
tiquity the Ianiculum proper was probably much
more restricted, because Numa is said to have been
buried simply a d lanicu lum or sub Ian icu lo. The
suffix -iculus, -icula is regularly diminutive in Latin,
but the Janiculum is the highest of the hills of mod
ern Rome and from much of the city the most con
spicuous. Here during the holding of the Comitia
Centuriata in the Campus Martius a red flag was
raised and a detachment of the army was stationed
to guard the approach to Rome against possible
enemy attacks during the proceedings (Cass. Dio
3 7 .2 7 .3 2 8 .1 ). The area of this guard post can only
have been the point where the later Via Aurelia
crested the hill and ran out along a narrow ridge to
the west into Etruscan territory. This was a vulner
able point, the natural approach to Rome from the
west, from which an enemy force could survey the
situation of the city and move to seize the Pons Sub-
licius before the body of the Roman army could
mount an adequate defense of this bridge. But the
guard would have required a station of some sort, a
watchtower or small fort, to avoid a surprise assault
of disastrous consequences, such as occurred in the
attack of Lars Porsenna (Livy 2.1 0 .3 ). This outpost
might have been named Ianiculum in consideration
of its general geographical character, but probably it
stood athwart the road, and its architectural char
acter was akin to that of the Ianus Geminus (q.v.),
as this is shown on coins of Nero (Nash 1.503). A
Vicus Ianuclensis (Ianiculensis) is listed on the Capi-
toline Base (CIL 6.975 = IL S 60 7 3 ), and there was a
Pagus Ianiculensis (q.v.), further indication that it
was limited in area.
Ianus: a passageway, probably well down into im
perial times, always allowing for closure at either
end, and originally a bridge or crossing of the pom-
erium, a permanently inaugurated templum. Cicero
is explicit (Nat. D. 2 .6 7 ): transitiones p erv iae iani
. . . nom inantur. Later the word came to be applied
to gateways, but perhaps always those that had clos
ings at either end. Thus Livy (2.49.8), in describing
the departure of the Fabii for Veii, speaks of their
leaving: d ex tro ian o P ortae C arm entalis, the gate
that thereafter was called the Porta Scelerata. Such
gateways must have been relatively common in
Rome, not only as gates in fortifications but also as
entrances to sacred precincts and even houses, which
would account for Ovids cum to t sint iani cur stas
sacratus in uno (Fast. 1.257). Whether all iani were
regarded as in some sense sacred is not known.
O f the important iani in Rome, one was known as
the Ianus Primus (C IL 6 .1 2 8 1 6 ); its site is unknown
and, because it is known only from this inscription,
might have been anywhere. Another was the Ianus
Medius, which was where bankers and investors
congregated (Cicero, O ff. 2 .8 7 ; Horace, Sat. 2 .3 .1 8 ;
cf. Ovid, R em . A m. 5 6 1 62). The scholia on the pas
sage in Horace are clearly largely guesswork and
contradictory. Porphyrion would explain it as a ia
nus in a basilica; Acron would have it that there were
three statues of Ianus, the middle one mounted on
the Rostra, or else have the Ianus Medius that by the
Basilica Paulli, i.e., the Ianus Geminus. This has con
fused the issue. No one would be apt to call the fa
miliar Ianus Geminus by the name Ianus Medius, un
less it were clearly in a middle position, like the
Rostra. Probably the scholia preserve a remnant of
real information in that comment, and the Ianus M e
dius was actually in front of the Rostra, the middle
of the Forum Romanum, where we should have ex
pected bankers and share-sellers to have congregated
from a very early period. In Plautuss catalogue of
IANUS, T E M P L U M
the types of men in the forum, it is these he means by
in m ed io p ro p ter can alem , ibi osten tatores m eri
(Cure. 47 6 ). There would have been a bridge there,
and, after the Cloaca was culverted, the place desig
nation, possibly even still marked out in some way,
would have continued in use.
The Ianus Geminus, a d infim um A rgiletum (Livy
1.19.2) or eirca im um A rgiletum (Servius a d Aen.
7.6 0 7 ), leaves little room for question about its lo
cation, although no trace of it has ever been found,
doubtless because, as Servius tells us, after the con
struction of the Forum Transitorium the worship
was removed to a new position in that forum, where
it would still have been in a position spanning the
Cloaca. There might well have been another ianus
here earlier, and probably the Ianus Geminus of Livy
was not in the location established for it by Numa
Pompilius, because the Cloaca and Argiletum seem
to have been diverted to a course around the north
west end of the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia at the time
of the construction of that basilica in 179 B .C ., but it
was always intended to carry the Sacra Via across the
Cloaca to the Comitium. As the name suggests, this
ianus was almost certainly double in the days when
it still functioned as a bridge, so that one-half could
continue to be used when the other had to be closed
for religious reasons. As shown on coins of Nero,
however, it is single (Nash 1.503).
Another passage in Horace (Epist. 1 .1 .5 3 -5 4 ) has
produced further confusion: o cives cives qua-
eren da pecu n ia prim um est; virtus p o st n u m m o s:
haec ianus sum m us a b im o seems clearly a catch
phrase, meaning something like the forum from end
to end, or the whole length of the Cloaca. The
latter is particularly attractive, but the suggestion
that has been advanced that there must have been
three iani in the Forum Romanum, if one was the
Ianus Medius, an argument bolstered by reference to
Livy 4 1 .2 7 .1 2 , where mention is made of the con
struction of three iani, possibly in connection with
the laying out of a forum, rests on poor foundations.
Probably there were iani at frequent intervals along
the Cloaca from its mouth on the Tiber in the Forum
Boarium to high on its course along the Clivus Sub-
uranus, and business of one sort and another was
brisk all along its length, while the position of the
Ianus Medius in the middle of the Forum Romanum
explains that name adequately.
The scholia on yet a third passage in Horace
(Epist. 1.20.1) roused Porphyrion to further flights
of the imagination and the invention of a Vicus Ianus
that derived its name from the Ianus Geminus.
Whether Porphyrion thought of this as a stretch of
the Sacra Via or as the end of the Argiletum does not
206
matter in the absence of any other evidence for its
existence.
When it became first permissible and then regular
to substitute arches for post-and-lintel doors at the
ends of a ianus, no one tells us, nor when one was
first vaulted. On N eros coins the Ianus Geminus still
has the traditional architectural form, although the
lintel shown is arched, and an ash urn from Chiusi
shows a ianus with arched doors at either end under
a gable roof, which may have been added simply to
make a cover. Probably as soon as the defensive ad
vantages of arched fortification gates were appre
ciated in the early third century, that variation began
to be accepted, but vaulting with its introduction of
a perilous barrier between the sacred passage and the
open heaven did not appear before the invention of
the ianus qu ad rifron s, perhaps not before the time of
Domitian.
L. A. Holland, Jan u s a n d the B ridge (Rome 1961:.
Ianus, Templum: a temple in the Forum Boarium
built by C. Duilius after the naval victory at Mylae
in 2 6 0 B .C . (Tacitus, Ann. 2.4 9 ). The dedication day
was the Portunalia, 17 August (Degrassi 4 9 7 ), and
the temple stood a d T heatru m M arcelli (Fast. Vail,
and Allif.) or extra P ortam C arm en talem (Festus
358L). The evidence of Festus is suspect, because he
says the ill-fated Fabii were instructed to proceed to
Veii by a senatus consultum voted in the Aedes Iani
here, not only a patent anachronism but also a gross
error in assigning an aedes to a god who never re
ceived one. Augustus began restoration of this ianus.
and Tiberius completed it in a . d . 17, when the dedi
cation day was 18 O ctober (Degrassi 523). Accord
ing to Pliny (H N 3 6 .2 8 ), Augustus put in this temple
(or just possibly in the Ianus Geminus) a Ianus Pater
brought from Egypt, the work of either Scopas or
Praxiteles, which in the course of time was gilded.
Presumably this was a herm. The area around the
Theater of Marcellus has been extensively explored
without revealing any remains that we can identifv
as this temple.
Attempts to identify the Temple of Janus with one
of the three temples of the Forum Holitorium incor
porated in the church of S. Nicola in Carcere are un
convincing, and better attributions for these are
available. For many years the presence of four quad-
rifrontal herms of marble, the posts of a low square,
or rectangular, enclosure, gave the name Contrada
Quattro Capi to the area at the head of the Pons Fa-
bricius on the left bank; two of these were mounted
in the parapet of the bridge in 1849 and are there
today. These herms are ancient, and two of the heads
that crown them, although much battered, are

clearly bearded, while two are beardless. Because the
set of four herms was still complete as late as 1697,
beside the church of S. Gregorio at the bridgehead,
they are not apt to have strayed far from their origi
nal location, and they may well be the remains of an
imperial restoration of this templum. Remains of a
temple platform just northeast of the Temple of
Apollo Medicus and earlier frequently identified
as Duiliuss Temple of Janus are now recognized
to be probably the Temple of Bellona (see Bellona,
Aedes).
Duiliuss choice of Janus to honor with a temple
after the victory at Mylae can be explained by the
close association of the god with water, as well as
beginnings. Why Augustuss restoration of the tem
plum should have taken several years to complete is
less clear.
Holland 2 0 0 -2 2 3 .
Ianus, Concordia, Salus, Pax, Statuae: Accord
ing to Ovid (Fast. 3 .8 8 1 -8 2 ), on 30 March these
four divinities were worshiped, but he does not elab
orate on this. Cassius Dio (54.35.2) says that in 11
b . c . Augustus set up statues to Salus Publica, Con
cordia, and Pax, but says nothing of Janus, who
would in any case sort ill with the others, and does
not say where the statues were located. It has been
supposed that there were only three statues and they
stood in or on a ianus, but Ovid speaks explicitly of
an altar for Pax, which could hardly have been set
up in a ianus. Unless one should think of two entirely
separate ceremonies (despite Ovids cu m qu e h oc),
the conjunction is obscure (cf. Degrassi 433).
Ianus Curiatius, A ra: one of two altars at the ends
of the Tigillum Sororium (q.v.), the other being to
Iuno Sororia (Festus 38 0 L ; Dion. Hal. 3 .2 2 .7 ; Schol.
B ob. in Cic. M ilon. 7 [Stangl 113]). As the story
came to be told, these were to the Juno of the sister
killed by the Horatius who emerged victorious from
the contest of the Horatii and Curiatii and to the Ia
nus (Genius) of the Curiatius to whom she was be
trothed. The story seems to have been invented to
account for the Tigillum. The association of Janus
and Juno in public worship on the Kalends of each
month is well known, and a Janus who received sac
rifice from the cu riae, which supposedly got their
names from the Sabine women carried off by the men
of Romulus, might well have been balanced by a
Iuno Sororia, a counterpart perhaps not very differ
ent from the Iuno Curitis of the Sabines (cf. Ianus
Geminus).
Holland 7 7 -9 1 ; R. Altheim-Stickel and M . Rosen-
bach, eds., B eitrge zur altitalischen G eistesge
IA N U S G E M I N U S
sch ich te: F estschrift G erh ard R a d k e (Aschendorff
Mnster 1986), 2 5 7 -6 8 (E. Simon).
Ianus Geminus: the most important shrine of Janus
in Rome, usually called Ianus Geminus or Ianus
Quirinus, but described variously as a sacellum
(Ovid, Fast. 1.275), a sacrarium (Servius a d Aen.
7.6 0 7 ), and a twin-doored shrine (Plutarch, N um a
20.1). It was also described by a number of poetical
equivalents; e.g., gem in ae belli p o rta e (Vergil, Aen.
7.6 0 7 ). It stood between two fora, the Forum Ro-
manum and Forum Iulium (Ovid, Fast. 1.25758),
a d infim um A rgiletum (Livy 1.1 9 .2 ), or circa im um
Argiletum (Servius a d Aen. 7 .6 0 7 ), close to the point
where the Argiletum (q.v.) entered the Forum Ro-
manum, until Domitian moved it to the Forum Tran-
sitorium (Servius a d A en. 7.607).
There are various accounts of its foundation. By
one tradition the Sabines under Titus Tatius were
checked in a successful attack on the Romans by
floods of hot water issuing from an Aedes Iani and
pouring through a gate sub radicibu s C ollis Vinti-
nalis, a gate that was thereafter called Porta Ianualis
(Macrobius, Sat. 1 .9 .1 7 -1 8 ). But the Porta Ianualis
was one of the three gates of the Romulean settle
ment on the Palatine and, as such, can have been no
where near the Viminal, and Janus, so far as we
know, did not have an aedes, let alone one at so early
a date. A variant of this tradition would make the
Ianus Geminus a monument to the gods intercession
and have the hot water issue from that point (Ovid,
Fast. 1 .2 6 3 -7 6 ; Servius a d A en. 1.291, 8.361). Yet
another would have the ianus a monument built by
Romulus and Titus Tatius jointly to show the union
of the two communities (Servius a d Aen. 1.291).
However, most people seem to have thought of it as
a foundation of Numa Pompilius, in dex pacts bel-
liqu e (Livy 1 .1 9 .2 ; Pliny, H N 3 4 .3 3 ); Rome was at
war when the gates were open and at peace when
they were closed. The gates were closed throughout
the reign of Numa, but not again until after the First
Punic War. They were closed in 235 B .C . (Varro,
Ling. 5.1 6 5 ), in 30 B .C . after Actium (Livy 1.19.2),
and ordered shut by the senate twice more in the
time of Augustus (R G 4 2 - 4 5 ; Suetonius, Aug. 22).
Thereafter through the imperial period, they were
closed at more frequent intervals.
Although there is no mention of any rebuilding of
this temple, it must have been moved at the time of
the construction of the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia in
179 B .C ., when the Argiletum and the Cloaca, which
ran in a channel beside it, were diverted and moved
west to make room for the basilica. The ianus had
always been a permanently inaugurated bridge car
207
IANUS G E R M A N IC I
rying the Sacra Via over the Cloaca to the Comitium
and, to judge from its name, a double bridge, so,
when the doors had to be closed for religious rea
sons, the bridge could continue to function. If the
forum stretch of the Cloaca was culverted at the time
of the move, as seems likely, because the so-called
Braccio M orto under the basilica must have been
culverted then, the ianus as rebuilt may well have ap
peared single. It is so shown on coins of Nero (Nash
1.503) but in a form that can hardly be older than
the late republic, because the door is arched and the
palmette and serpentine vine motifs in the decoration
of the attic become common only after the Second
Punic War. It appears to have been a small rectan
gular structure of two long walls of ashlar masonry
under a long window covered by grating set rela
tively high, and with a deep, richly decorated attic
above. At one end are shown double doors framed
by engaged (?) columns and an arched head rising
into the attic. Presumably there were similar doors at
the opposite end. There is no indication of a roof,
and one presumes there was none. When Domitian
moved the ianus to the Forum Transitorium, he re
built the Curia Iulia and repaved the Argiletum, cov
ering the place of the old Ianus Geminus. Later a new
temple of Janus was built in front of the Curia, a
small square shrine entirely of bronze. It is this that
Procopius describes in some detail (B ellG oth
1 .2 5 .1 8 -2 3 ). He does not tell us when it was built,
but from Cassius Dio (74.14) it is clear this was be
fore A .D . 193. Traces of a small square enclosure sur
viving on the pavement in front of the Curia, some
times identified as the place of the quadriga
of Arcadius and Honorius (cf. Nash 2 .2 7 2 , where
it appears to the right of center), may be traces
of it.
The ancient bronze statue of the god believed to
have been dedicated by Numa showed him as a man,
but with two identical faces facing in opposite direc
tions (bicep s in Ovid, Fast. 1.65, b iform is in Fast.
1.89, and bifron s in Vergil, Aen. 12.198). He was
bearded (Ovid, Fast. 1.259) and held a staff in his
right hand and a key in his left {Fast. 1.99). Pliny
(H N 34 .3 3 ) says his fingers were so arranged as to
indicate the 355 days of the year. Whether this was
the same as the image that Procopius (B ellG oth
1 .2 5 .1 8 -2 3 ) says was five cubits high may be
doubted.
Holland 1 0 8 -3 7 ; Nash 1 .5 0 2 -3 ; R m M itt 85
(1978): 3 5 9 - 6 9 (L. Richardson); A rchC l 3 7 (1985):
2 8 3 - 8 9 (R. Staccioli); R. Altheim-Stickel and M.
Rosenbach, eds., B eitrge zur altitalischen G eistes
g esch ich te: F estschrift G erh ard R a d k e (Aschendorff
Mnster 1986), 2 5 7 -6 8 (E. Simon); B u llC om 92
(1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 1 1 -1 6 (F. Castagnoli).
208
Ianus Germanici: see Arcus Germanici (1).
Ianus Quadrifrons (1) (Fig. 37.17): the name com
monly given to a four-sided arch in the Forum Boar-
ium so placed that two of the four piers of the arch
are on the right bank of the Cloaca, the other two on
the left. It is entirely sheathed in white marble, and
above a high socle each pier is adorned on each ex
terior face with six rounded and round-headed
niches, the half-domes decorated with fluted shells,
in two zones of three each, forty-eight in all. These
have been presumed to be for statues, but their small
size in proportion to the arch as a whole makes this
doubtful. Sixteen of the niches on the two minor
faces are undeveloped, simply decorative panels,
only the central ones being developed as full niches.
The piers are connected by quadripartite vaulting,
the interior being relatively plain but continuing the
lines of articulation of the exterior. The arches are
10.60 m high, 5.70 m wide, and had sculptured key
stones, Minerva on the north and Roma on the east
being still discernible. The block of the arch as a
whole is 12 m square and 16 high, but the attic is
missing. Parts removed in 1830 as medieval may ac
tually have belonged to the attic, but there is no con
vincing evidence for the pyramid with which Hlsen
would finish it (see Tbelmann, R m isch e G eb lke
1.131-35).
The monument is of relatively late date, storage
jars being used to lighten the mass of the masonry,
and is commonly identified as the Arcus Divi Con-
stantini listed by the N otitia in Regio X I. It does not
appear to have been a triumphal arch. Because it
spans the Cloaca, it can be taken as a rebuilding or
an older ianus, perhaps the Ianus Primus of CIL
6.12816, on monumental scale. There is no clear
place for a cult statue here, but the original function
of a ianus would have been to carry the road from
the Clivus Victoriae and Nova Via, united just above
this point, across the Cloaca. There may be an allu
sion to a precursor of this ianus in Horace, Epist.
1.20.1: Vortumnum lan u m qu e, liber sp ectare vi-
deris.
Nash 1 .5 0 4 -5 ; Lugli 1975, 315-17.
Ianus Quadrifrons (2): a quadrifrontal ianus that
Domitian erected in the Forum Transitorium to re
place the Ianus Geminus (M artial 10.28; Servius ad
Aen. 7.607). In it he put an image of Janus with four
faces, said to have been brought to Rome from Fa-
lerii in 241 B .C . (Servius a d Aen. 7 .6 0 7 ; Macrobius.
Sat. 1.9.13). The god was said to look out on four
fora (Martial 10.28), presumably the Fora Ro-
manum, Iulium, Augustum, and Transitorium, al
though Templum Pacis may be substituted for Forum

Augustum or Forum Transitorium. It is not known
where the statue may have stood earlier, or what its
relation to the Roman Janus might have been, if any.
According to Lydus (M ens. 4.1), it was still standing
in the sixth century, but this seems very doubtful.
The ianus must have stood toward the southwest end
of the Forum Transitorium, presumably spanning the
Cloaca, and may well have replaced an earlier ianus
there. No substantial trace of it has ever been iden
tified. That it was a quadrifrontal arch, as has some
times been suggested, is unwarranted by the evidence
(see Servius a d Aen. 7 .6 0 7 : qu attu or portaru m unum
tem plum ).
Holland 9 2 -1 0 7 .
Ianus Quirinus: see Ianus Geminus.
Ilicium: see Iuppiter Elicius, Ara.
Indulgentia (?): a shrine of Euergesia on the Capi-
toline built by Marcus Aurelius in a . d . 180 (Cass.
Dio 7 2 .34.3). A statue type with the legend In du l
gentia A ugusti appears on coins of Antoninus Pius
and Lucius Verus, and a shrine at Cirta in Africa was
dedicated to this divinity (B. M. C oins, R om . Em p.
4 .3 2 0 -2 9 , 378, 6 0 9 ; C IL 8.7 0 9 5 = IL S 2933). Pre
sumably this was no more than an aedicula.
Insula: a building containing a number of apart
ments used as dwellings, together with shops and
workshops of various sorts and sizes. From the In
sula Arriana Polliana in Pompeii (Regio VI, vi), we
gather that an insula need not be more than one or
two storeys high, but in Rome and Ostia insulae reg
ularly ran to multiple storeys. And whereas the same
insula in Pompeii occupies a whole city block, an in
sula might occupy only a small fraction of a block.
Blocks of a half-dozen insulae are quite regular in
Ostia. The regionary catalogues of the fourth cen
tury regularly list the number of insulae in each re
gio, as well as the number of domus, horrea, and
balinea. The very high numbers of insulae (in all,
4 4,300) suggest that all but very few Romans lived
in such dwellings, but shops are not counted, and
some insulae are listed separately by name as land
marks. No norm of size, either for the insula or for
the individual apartment, seems possible, and it is
impossible to guess how many people might have
been housed in one. See also Domus, Insula, Atrium,
Horti, Villa.
Insula Aesculapii: see Insula Tiberina.
Insula Bolani: a building in Regio X IV west of Pons
Aemilius and north of the church of S. Cecilia,
IN SU LA T IB E R IN A
known from an inscription (C IL 6 .6 7 = IL S 3501a),
where mention is made of a statue of Bona Dea. In
conjunction with C IL 6.65 = IL S 3 5 0 0 , we learn that
this insula was the property of M . Vettius Bolanus,
consul under Nero.
Insula Q. Critoni: known from the sepulchral in
scription of a p o p a (C IL 6 .9 8 2 4 ); the owner was a
freedman.
Insula Cuminiana: a building on the Caelian, men
tioned in the Acta S. Pancratii, 12 May, p. 21 (Jordan
2 . 120 ).
Insula Eucarpiana: known from a single inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .1 0 2 5 0 ), in the suburbium on the right
bank of the Tiber, to the right (west) of Via Cam-
pana.
Insula Eutychetis: on the Quirinal, known from an
inscription from the slope below the Fortezza dei
Caetani toward the Salita del Grillo, an identifying
signboard (NSc 1933, 5 1 0 no. 2 3 7 [R. Paribeni]).
Insula Felicles: a building listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio IX , famous for its height (Tertul-
lian, A dv. Valent. 7). There is no reliable indication
of its location.
Insula Saeni: known from an inscription from Via
Marmorata now in the Galleria Lapidaria Capitolina
(AE 1 9 71.45 = R endP ontA cc 43 [1 9 7 0 -7 1 ]: 1 1 9 -2 0
[S. Panciera]).
Insula Serpentis Epidauri: see Insula Tiberina.
Insula Sertoriana: known only from an inscription
(C IL 6 .2 9 7 9 1 = IL S 6034), a dipinto on plaster
found in the Forum Boarium.
Insula Tiberina: the only island in the Tiber in the
neighborhood of Rome, opposite the Forum Holito-
rium and Circus Flaminius, but separated from them
by a narrow zone of buildings on the left bank, as
well as by the river. It is an old geological ridge, ap
proximating the pointed shape of a ship, and divides
the Tiber stream into almost equal channels. But the
diversion of the left-hand channel in an arc to the
north slows the flow of the river and creates a quiet
stretch below the island, where a ferry must have
been established in early times to take across those
using the riverbank as a highway and coming down
from the Sabine hills and ultimately the Apennines
to get salt at the river mouth. Evidence of this traffic
is the Via Salaria and its continuation through Rome
209
IN SU LA VITALIANA
as Alta Semita and the Vicus Iugarius and the ancient
salt works on the right bank of the river at its mouth.
The ferry must have departed from the mouth of the
Cloaca on the left bank and put in at a similar mouth
on the opposite side downstream from this.
There seems to have been no regular bridge to the
island before the construction of the Pons Fabricius
in 62 B .C . Presumably the Pons Cestius, connecting
the island to the right bank, was built at the same
time or soon thereafter. Prior to that time the island
was accessible only by boat, and it may have been
regarded as suspect, if not a place of ill omen. It was
put in Regio X IV of Augustan Rome, lumped with
the whole of the Transtiberim, and never had a real
name. On the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 0 ; Rodriguez
pi. 24) and in most of our other sources it is called
Inter Duos Pontes (Plutarch, Poplic. 8 .3 ; Chron.
145). Vitruvius (3.2.3) and Acron (ad H or. Sat.
2.3.36) call it Insula Tiberina, and Festus (Paulus ex
Fest. 98L) calls it Insula. Other designations seem to
be either fanciful or poetic.
At present the island is 269 m long and 6 7 m wide
at its greatest width. There was a tradition that it
was formed after the expulsion of the Tarquins when
the people of Rome threw the grain from the fields
of the Tarquins in the Campus Martius into the Tiber
(Livy 2 .5 .3 4 ; Dion. Hal. 5 .1 3 .3 -4 ) . This story
might have been invented to explain the suspicion
with which the island was viewed. In 291 B .C . the
snake of Aesculapius, which was being brought to
Rome from Epidaurus with the statue of the god, left
the ship while it was in the river and swam ashore to
the island, which was then consecrated to Aesculap
ius, whose temple was built there (see Aesculapius,
Aedes). Later other divinities also found places here:
Iuppiter Iurarius, Faunus, Semo Sancus, Tiberinus,
Vediovis (l)(qq.v.). The temenos at the southeastern
end of the island was made to resemble the stern of
a ship by the addition to the embankment below the
temple of a travertine revetment, on the north side of
which was carved the snake-wound staff of Aescu
lapius and a bust. Some of this with the carving still
remains. Below this, the end of the island seems to
have been treated as an almost featureless platform.
A small obelisk, two fragments of which are pre
served in the Museo Nazionale Archeologico in
Naples and another in Munich, stood in front of the
church of S. Bartolomeo, near the waist of the island,
until the sixteenth century. The notion that this rep
resented the mast of the ship seems unwarranted in
view of the lack of indication that the whole island
was treated similarly. The relative locations of the
Pons Fabricius and Pons Cestius indicate that there
was a thoroughfare across the island after their con
struction. This may have been the Vicus Censorius
mentioned in two inscriptions found near here (C IL
210
6.451 = ILS 3 6 1 9 and C IL 6.821) and listed on the
Capitoline Base (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073). We have al
most no information about other streets on the is
land and its organization and appearance.
Nash 1 .5 0 8 -9 ; Lugli 1975, 8 7 -9 1 ; R en dL in c, ser.
8.26 (1971): 2 6 7 -8 1 (M. Guarducci); L a nave di
pietra: Storia, architettura e a rch eo lo g ia d e llisola ti
berin a (show catalogue, 2 2 O cto b er-27 November
1983, Ente Provinciale per il Turismo di Roma), 1 2 -
2 7 ; B u llC om 92 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 3 7 2 -7 6 (M. Conticello
De Spagnolis).
Insula Vitaliana: a building on the Esquiline in Via
delle Sette Sale known only from an inscription (CIL
6 .3 3 8 9 3 = IL S 3 6 7 9 ), a dipinto on one of its walls
(NSc 1895, 80 [G. Gatti]).
Insula Volusiana: known from a cippus found in
the excavations of the Area Sacra di SantOmobono
of a . d . 48 confirming possession of a property
granted to a Volusius by Augustus in 2 7 B .C . The
insula in question lay south of the temples of Fortuna
and M ater M atuta in a busy commercial area on the
Forum Boarium.
A rch eolog ia, m ateriali e p ro b lem i 6 : I Volusii Sa-
turnini (Bari 1982), 9 0 -9 5 (S. Panciera).
Insula . . . alatiana: known from a single inscrip
tion (C IL 6.10248) giving the terms of a will and
without indication of location.
Inter Duos Lucos (1): probably not a place desig
nation but rather a description of the situation of
the Domus Tetricorum (see Domus, Tetrici) on the
Caelian (S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 25 .4 ), in which case the
groves were probably not sacred.
Inter Duos Lucos (2) (Fig. 19): the part of the Cap
itoline Hill toward the Forum Romanum where now
stands the Palazzo del Senatore. It was a locus saep-
tus in Livys day, where Romulus had established and
consecrated an asylum (Livy 1.8.5). By Dionysius s
time the groves had disappeared, but he thought of
them as adjacent to the asylum, not crowning the
heights to either side (Dion. Hal. 2.15.4). A Temple
of Vediovis (see Vediovis, Aedes [2]), in which the
cella was broader than the pronaos, was also built
there (Vitruvius 4.8.4), but it is not clear whether
this encroached on the asylum or why it should have
had its unusual plan. It was older than the Tabular-
ium (q.v.), the plan of which accommodates it.
Whether the Tabularium should also be described as
inter du os lu cos is not known. Excavations under
Piazza del Campidoglio have revealed streets and
shops of the early empire and show that the asylum,
if it still existed as a locus saeptus, must by then have

been a rather small area occupying the southern cor
ner of the piazza between the Palazzo del Senatore
and Palazzo dei Conservatori (Lugli 1946, 3 8 39).
If Dionysius is right about the groves in question,
they were not separate sacred groves, let alone groves
crowning the heights, and this seems confirmed by
occasional references to the asylum as having itself
been established in a grove (Florus 1 .1 .9 ; Schol. a d
luvenal. 8.273).
Inter Duos Pontes: a designation of the Insula Ti-
berina (q.v.) or, more particularly, the square in the
middle of the island between the Pons Fabricius and
Pons Cestius.
Inter Falcarios: a location mentioned twice in Ci
cero (Cat. 1.8, Sull. 52), where M . Porcius Laeca had
his house and the members of the Catilinarian con
spiracy met. It is not known where the scythe-makers
congregated, but presumably it was in the heart of
the city.
Inter Vtores: evidently a street on the Aventine
side of the Circus Maximus (q.v.) where basket-
makers and wicker-workers must once have had
their workshops (C IL 1 4 .4 5 3 5 ; cf. Tacitus, Ann.
6.45).
Iovis Coenatio: on the Palatine, one of the more
public apartments of the Domus Augustiana (S.H.A.
Pertinax 11.6), probably the same as the Sicilia
(q.v.).
Isis, Aedes (1) (Figs. 46, 4 7 ): always the chief
temple of Isis in Rome, in the Campus Martius, ad
jacent to the Temple of Serapis and in a single pre
cinct with it. It is often called Isis Campensis (cf.
Apuleius, M et. 11.26) and, with the Temple of Ser
apis, Iseum et Serapeum (Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ; S.H.A.
A lex. Sev. 2 6 .8 ; Chron. 146; N o t.; Cur.). It stood
next to the Saepta Iulia (Juvenal 6 .5 2 8 -2 9 ) and is
shown on fragments of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 1 ;
Rodriguez pi. 27) east of the Saepta, between it and
the Temple of Minerva Chalcidica.
As early as the time of Catullus (10.26), we find
mention of a temple of Serapis as a haunt of liber
tines and m eretrices, and Cassius Dio (47.15.4) says
that in 43 B .C . the triumvirs voted a temple to Isis
and Serapis, but repressive measures against the wor
ship of the Egyptian gods were repeatedly intro
duced, by Augustus (Cass. Dio 5 3 .2 .4 ), Agrippa
(Cass. Dio 5 4 .6 .6 ), and especially Tiberius in a . d . 19
(Tacitus, Ann. 2 .8 5 ; Suetonius, Tib. 36.1). Tiberius
is said to have destroyed the Temple of Isis and
thrown the cult image in the Tiber (Josephus, A n tlu d
18.3.4 [79]), but the story seems embroidered. By
ISIS, AEDES
Figure 4 6
Iseum C am pense and
Serapaeum , Area as
Represented on the
M arb le Plan
the time of Lucan (8.831) the cult of Isis had been
officially accepted, very likely under Caligula, and if
the temple had not been already standing for a cen
tury, it must have been built then. It burned in the
great fire of Titus in a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio 66 .2 4 .2 ) and
was rebuilt by Domitian (Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ; Chron.
146) and handsomely embellished by Alexander Se-
verus, especially with statuary (S.H.A. A lex. Sev.
26 .8 ). It is shown on coins of Vespasian commemo
rating the fact that Vespasian and Titus spent the
night before their triumph there (Josephus, B elllu d
7 .5 .4 [123]; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 .1 8 9 no.
780). As shown, it was frontal, approached by a
flight of steps, with a faade of four Corinthian col
umns surmounted by a deep lunate pediment con
taining a statue of Isis Sothis seated on a dog running
right. This statue is said to have turned its face in
ward in a . d . 2 1 9 -2 2 0 (Cass. Dio 8 0 .1 0 .1 ). The cult
statue was a standing figure and is shown before the
doors to the inner shrine, which may have been a
separate building.
As shown on the Marble Plan, the complex was
architecturally very exotic. The Serapeum lay south
of the Iseum and communicated with it by a broad
doorway divided into bays by three columns. Little
of the Iseum appears on what survives, but enough
to show a colonnade addorsed to the wall at the
south end and very widely spaced columns or, better,
trees, along the sides. The temple proper probably
stood toward the north end. Whether there were
other entrances from the north and east is not clear,
but there seems to have been none from the west.
The Serapeum was a separate building, a rectan
gular open square running east and west, probably
211
 ISIS, AEDES
Figure 4 7 with monumental entrances from both the Saepta
Iseum C am pense and and the square to the east containing the Temple of
A djacen cies, Plan, Minerva Chalcidica, the latter later known as the
as Know n
Arco di Camigliano. On the relief of the Haterii in
the Lateran collection (Nash 1.119 fig. 123) is shown
a triple arch inscribed Arcus a d Isis (q.v.), with an
armed figure of Minerva shown in the central fornix
and figures of Serapis and Isis (?) in the side arches.
F. Castagnoli (B u llC om 69 [1941]: 6 5 -6 6 ) has ar
gued that this is a representation of the Arco di Ca
migliano as built, or rebuilt, by Domitian. It seems
rather to be a triumphal arch of uncertain location
(.R om M itt 97 [1990]: 1 3 1 -3 4 [F. S. Kleiner]). Only
a single footing of the north central pier of the Arco
di Camigliano is known to survive (B ullC om 90
[1985]: 7 7 [E. Gatti and F. Scoppola]; R om a, ar-
ch eolog ia n el cen tro [1985], 2 .4 0 0 403 [M. C. Lau-
renti]).
Around the square there seem to have been scat
tered a number of small buildings or large dedica
212
tions. In the throat leading in from the Arco di Ca
migliano, four foundations suggest a tetrapylon but
are more likely aediculae. In the center of the south
side of the square, a broad door led to a colonnade
shaped like the letter D, off the curved arm of which
opens a series of four apsidal exedras with columns
in the openings. These seem to have been chapels.
The temple proper is probably the feature on axis
shown projecting into the middle of the D . South of
this colonnade, in the irregular area behind it, are
numerous annexes, including a colonnade along the
west, but with no clear pattern, that may best be read
as sacristies and housing for the priests of the cult. A
fancied resemblance of the plan of the Serapeum to
the Canopus of Hadrians villa at Tibur will not
stand up under scrutiny.
Numerous works of art, especially Egyptian sculp
tures, columns, and obelisks, have been found in the
neighborhood. Among these should be mentioned
the obelisks of Piazza della Minerva, Piazza della Ro-
tonda, and Viale delle Terme Diocletiane (see Obe-
lisci Isei Campensis), the statues of the Nile (Vati
can), Tiber (Louvre) and Oceanus (Naples), the
lifesize basalt baboon of the church of S. Stefano del
Cacco, and the colossal marble foot of an acrolith
known as the Pie di M arm o. For a partial list of the
finds, see Lanciani (LRE 5 0 2 -4 ) and the references
given by Roullet (3 4 -3 5 ). The architectural oddity
of the complex has given rise to speculation about
the possible introduction of avenues of sphinxes, en
trance pylons, and the like, but for these there is no
evidence.
Nash 1 .5 1 0 11; A. Roullet, T h e E gyptian and
Egyptianizing M onum ents o f Im p erial R o m e (Leiden
1972), 2 3 3 5 ; M . Malaise, Inventaire prlim inaire
du d ocu m en ts gyptiens d cou verts en Italie (Leiden
1972), 1 8 7 -2 1 4 ; Lugli 1975, 4 3 5 -3 6 .
Isis, Aedes (2): The third region of Augustan Rome
is given the name Isis et Serapis in the regionary cat
alogues, and in the Historia Augusta (S.H.A. Tyr.
Trig. 25.4) we find mention of an Isium Metellinum
opposite the Domus Tetricorum on the Caelian. An
inscription found in Via Labicana near the Baths of
Trajan (C IL 6 .3 0 9 1 5 ) mentions dedication of an
Anubis, an altar, and doors to Isidi Lydiae educa-
trici, and material that might have been associated
with a cult of the Egyptian gods has been found at
scattered points from Via Labicana to Via Machia-
velli. Ruins of a sacellum decorated in the Egyptian
style were discovered near the western end of the
church of SS. Pietro e Marcellino in 1653, and this is
the best candidate for the temple we are seeking (HJ
3 0 4 -5 n .4 9 ).

This would put the temple just inside the southern
and eastern boundaries of Regio III. Nothing definite
is known of the history of the shrine or why it should
have given its name to the regio, but it may have been
one of those destroyed in 48 B .C . and adjacent to the
shrine of Bellona Rufilia (cf. Cass. Dio 4 2 .2 6 .2 ; C IL
6 .2 234 = ILS 4181a).
Malaise 1 7 1 -7 7 .
Isis Athenodoria: mentioned only in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio X II, possibly a statue by
the Rhodian sculptor Athenodorus, son of Hagesan-
dros, and, if so, of the mid-first century B .C .
Malaise 2 2 2 - 2 4 ; Helbig4 2 .1 5 2 3 ; L. Avetta,
R om a, Via Im p eriale (Rome 1985), 3 2 -3 3 .
Isis Patricia: mentioned only in the regionary cata
logues, listed in Regio V. It is inconceivable that the
Vicus Patricius continued beyond the line of the Ser
vian Walls, so another explanation must be sought
for the epithet. It is unknown what sort of monu
ment is intended.
Malaise 178.
Isis Pelagia: a shrine of Isis known from a single
inscription (C IL 6 .8 7 0 7 = ILS 4 4 2 1 ), the funerary
inscription of an aedituus of the shrine. Because Isis
was very widely worshiped as a patroness of sea traf
fic, it may be that one of the better-known temples is
meant.
Ab Isis et Serapis: known from inscriptions (C IL
6 .2 2 3 4 = IL S 4 1 8 1 a ; C IL 6 .3 2 4 6 2 = /LS 4 2 8 0 ; cf.
Rostovtzeff, Sylloge no. 494). It is linked in one in
scription with the shrine of Bellona Rufilia (see Bel
lona Rufilia, Aedes), and in another with that of Dea
Suria (see Dea Suria, Templum). This makes it more
likely that Isis, Aedes (2) in Regio III is meant, rather
than Isis, Aedes (1) in Regio IX . However, one of the
inscriptions is the funerary inscription of a man de
scribed as fanaticus, and, in view of the proclivity of
Oriental and orgiastic cults to find acceptance on the
right bank of the river, we may well be dealing with
a third temple, either in Regio X IV or in the subur-
bium along Via Campana/Portuensis.
Isis et Serapis in Cam po: see Isis, Aedes (1).
Isis et Serapis in Capitolio: shrines on the Capi-
toline, near the statue of Hercules, ordered razed by
the soothsayers following an omen of a swarm of
bees in 48 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 2 .2 6 .2 ). Presumably these
were rebuilt shortly thereafter, for there was a temple
of Isis on the Capitoline in a . d . 69 (Suetonius, D om .
IU LIU S, D IV U S , AEDES
Figure 4 8
Tem ple o f Divus Iulius,
Arcus A ugusti, Tem ple
o f Vesta, R egia, and
A d jacencies, Restored
Plan, a fter R.
G am berin i-M on genet
1.2; cf. C IL 6 .2 2 4 7 = IL S 4 4 0 5 , 2248). See also Ob-
eliscus Capitolinus.
Isium Metellinum: see Isis, Aedes (2 ).
Iulius, Divus, Aedes (Figs. 48 , 4 9 ): the Temple of
the Deified Julius Caesar, begun by the triumvirs in
42 B .C . (Cass. Dio 4 7 .1 8 .4 ) in the place where the
corpse had been cremated by the people, and com
pleted by Octavian and dedicated on 18 August 29
B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 2 .2 ; Augustus, R G 19; Degrassi
49 7 ). Where the body was burned, at the east end of
the Forum Romanum in front of the Regia, an altar
and a column of giallo antico marble inscribed Pa-
renti Patriae were erected shortly after the event
(Suetonius, Iul. 8 5 ; Appian, B ellC iv 2 .1 4 8 ), but then
Dolabella removed them and obliterated all trace of
them (Cicero, Att. 1 4 .1 5 .1 ; Phil. 1.5). The dedica
tion of the temple was celebrated with great games
(Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 2 .4 -9 ) ; it had the right of asylum
(Cass. Dio 4 7 .1 9 .2 ); and the Arval Brethren met
there (C IL 6 .2 0 5 1 .5 5 ). Later it was repaired by Had
rian, a fact attested by coins, but with no change of
the architectural style.
The available space dictated to some extent the ar
chitectural form. A high platform in front, 3 .5 0 m
high, served as a rostra and was decorated with the
beaks of the ships taken at Actium (Cass. Dio
213
 IUNO C U R IT IS
Figure 4 9 5 1 .1 9 .2 ); it was known as the Rostra Aedis Divi Iuli,
Tem ple o f Divus Iu lius, or Rostra Iulia (Frontinus, A q. 2 .1 2 9 ; Cass. Dio
Plan o f 56 34 4 ) Tiberius delivered the eulogy of Augustus
x isn n g em am s fom ( S u e t o n i US) Aug_ 100.3 ), and the emperors
frequently used it for public addresses. It was ap
proached from behind by a lateral ramp on either
side, and in the center of the front a deep semicircu
lar niche walled off across the front contains the con
crete core of a small circular structure in three steps,
which has been interpreted as a restoration of the
altar first installed on the site of the pyre, but is more
likely the Puteal Libonis (q.v.). At ground level the
ramps of approach are extended along the sides of
the platform as arcades, being connected behind the
temple by an oblique cryptoporticus and continued
along the northeast side of the Regia. These covered
walks have been identified as the Porticus Iulia (q.v.).
The temple proper thus was surrounded by single
storey annexes on all sides and rose on a second plat
form 2 .3 6 m high, which was approached from the
front by a short stair passing between the columns of
the faade. It was hexastyle, prostyle, with both
pronaos and cella broad shallow rectangles of equal
depth. Little remains of the columns or superstruc
ture, except for a few fragments of the entablature,
pilasters that decorated the interior, and marble
beams of the roof, but Vitruvius (3.3.2) tells us that
the temple was pycnostyle, with columns spaced at
close intervals of one and one-half diameters, which
must have emphasized the verticality of the whole
building and repeated with significant emphasis the
214
aesthetic of the Forum Iulium and the Temple of Ve
nus Genetrix. From the fragments we learn that the
order was Corinthian (?), the frieze decorated with
floral scrollwork and archaizing winged figures.
In the cella was a colossal statue of Julius Caesar,
possibly with a star mounted on the head (Suetonius,
Iul. 8 3 ; Pliny, H N 2 .9 3 9 4 ; but cf. Cass. Dio
4 5 .7 .1 ). On coins of Augustus (Crawford 540/1;
Lugli 1946, 201 and fig. 45) the cult statue is shown
cap ite velato, holding a lituus, with a star in the ped
iment of the temple. Because Caesar is known to
have been an augur (as well as Pontifex Maximus),
this is probably correct. Here Augustus (R G 21) ded
icated offerings from the spoils of war, among which
may have been the paintings of Apelles of the Dios
curi with Victoria and Venus Anadyomene men
tioned by Pliny (H N 3 5 .2 7 , 9 1 , 93). When the latter
deteriorated and could not be restored, Nero substi
tuted for it another by Dorotheus.
Lugli 1946, 1 9 8 -2 0 1 ; Nash 1 .5 1 2 -1 4 ; S. Wein-
stock, Divus lulius (Oxford 1971), 3 8 5 401;
M onA nt 48 (1973): 2 5 7 -8 3 (M. Montagna Pasqui-
nucci); A then aeu m 5 2 (1974): 1 4 4 -5 5 (M. M on
tagna Pasquinucci); R o m a , a rch eo lo g ia n el centra
[1985], 1 .6 7 -7 2 [M. G. Cecchini); A rctos 21 (1967):
147_56 (E. M . Steinby).
Iuno Curitis: a shrine in the Campus Martius, of
which the dedication day was 7 October (Degrassi
518). This is probably the same as Iuno Curritis (or
Quiritis) of Falerii (C IL 1 1 .3 1 0 0 , 3 1 2 5 , 3 1 2 6 ; ILS
3 1 1 1 , 5 3 7 4 ), and the cult may have been brought to
Rome by evocation at the destruction of Falerii in
241 B .C . Temples A and C of the Area Sacra di Largo
Argentina have been suggested to be the shrine in
question, but there is no proof. Cf. Paulus ex Fest.
55L, where there is the strong implication that Iuno
Curritis was originally a Sabine divinity.
Iuno Iuga: an altar in the Vicus Iugarius (q.v.) from
which Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 92L) believed the vicus
derived its name. This Juno was supposed to m atn-
m on ia iungere. Because the Vicus Iugarius was cer
tainly very old and probably derived its name quite
differently, the altar is apt to have received its name
from the vicus, rather than vice versa, a punning in
vention from Ju n os role as patroness of marriage,
but the form Iuga is puzzling. There is no telling ex
actly where it was situated, but presumably it was
adjacent to neither the Forum Romanum nor the
Porta Carmentalis.
Iuno Lucina, Aedes: a temple built in 375 b .c .
(Pliny, H N 16.235) in a precinct (lucus) consecrated

to this divinity from very early times. Varro {Ling.
5 .4 9, 74) assigns the introduction of the cult to Titus
Tatius. Servius Tullius is said to have ordered a coin
for the birth of each child to be paid into the treasury
of Iuno Lucina (Dion. Hal. 4 .1 5 .5 ), so there must
have been some sort of building here from an early
date. It was on the Cispian, and the sixth shrine of
the second regio of the Argei was in, or adjacent to,
the precinct. It lay probably near the end of the Cis
pian above the Clivus Suburanus, perhaps extending
down to it. Here inscriptions relating to the cult have
been found (C IL 6.35761, 3 6 9 4 , 3 6 9 5 ; IL S 366,
3 1 0 1 -4 ; IL L R P 1 6 0 -6 4 ) . Here the feast of the
M atronalia, an occasion for widespread offering of
presents to women, was celebrated on 1 M arch, the
dedication day of the temple (Ovid, Fast. 3.2475 8 ;
Festus 131L ; Degrassi 4 1 8 -1 9 ).
In the precinct were two lotus trees of great age,
believed to antedate the temple (Pliny, H N 16.235).
In 190 B .C . the temple was struck by lightning, and
the roof and doors were damaged (Livy 37 .3 .2 ). In
41 B .C . Q. Pedius, a quaestor, contracted for building
a very expensive wall, presumably around the pre
cinct {C IL 6.358 = IL S 310 2 = IL L R P 160). The
temple continued to be frequented under the empire
but is not mentioned in the regionary catalogues.
Iuno Lucina, Lucus: see Iuno Lucina, Aedes.
Iuno M atuta: see Iuno Sospita, Aedes.
Iuno M oneta (in C IL 6 .3 6 2 : Iuno Moneta
Regina), Aedes (Fig. 19): a temple vowed by M.
Furius Camillus as dictator during a war with the
Aurunci in 345 B .C ., built by duovirs appointed by
the senate after Camillus resigned his dictatorship,
and dedicated the following year (Livy 7 .2 8 .4 -6 ) . It
was built on the site of the house of M . Manlius
Capitolinus (see Domus, M . Manlius Capitolinus),
which had been razed in 38 4 (Livy 6 .2 0 .1 3 ), which
was also the site of the house of Titus Tatius (Plu
tarch, R om ulus 2 0 .4 ; Solinus 1.21). The day of ded
ication was 1 June (Degrassi 4 6 3 ); another celebra
tion at the temple on 10 October probably
commemorated a restoration of it (Degrassi 51 9 ). In
it were kept the Libri Lintei (Livy 4 .7 .1 2 and 20.8),
annalistic records of magistrates and significant
events kept by the priests of the temple. The temple
is mentioned among the prodigies of 196 B .C .; the
points of two spears a d M on etam burst into flames
(Livy 3 3 .2 6 .8 ), which suggests that the goddess had
a warrior aspect.
The origin of the epithet Moneta is obscure. The
ancients tended to associate it with warnings {m o-
IUN O REGIN A , A EDES
nere) (cf. Cicero, Div. 1 .1 0 1 ; Suidas s.v.), but more
likely it came with the establishment of the mint
there in 273 B .C . (Suidas s.v.). It continued to be
there in the time of Augustus (Cicero, Att. 8 .7.3;
Livy 6.20.13) and was probably not moved to a
place in Regio III before the Flavian period or the
end of the first century (cf. Moneta). Thereafter,
there is no mention of the Temple of Iuno Moneta,
and no trace of it has turned up in any of the work
on the Capitoline. It is presumed to lie under the
church of Aracoeli.
This is very strange. It was a major temple occu
pying one of the most magnificent sites in Rome. In
it was kept one of the principal sets of public records.
And somewhere in the precinct all the silver coined
in Rome for nearly four hundred years was minted.
Yet not a single vestige of this venerable shrine has
been positively identified. It has been presumed that
it represented one of the two groves of the designa
tion Inter Duos Lucos (2) (q.v.), the other being the
Area Capitolina, but there could hardly have been
much open space left around a site occupied from
earliest time by houses, let alone anything that could
claim to be a grove. It is also unlikely on other
grounds. It continues to be one of the great enigmas
in the topography of ancient Rome.
Nash 1 .5 1 5 -1 7 ; B u llC om 87 (1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 7 -3 6 (G.
Giannelli).
Iuno Regina, Aedes (1): see Iuppiter Optimus
M aximus (Capitolinus), Aedes.
Iuno Regina, Aedes (2): The Temple of Iuno Re
gina on the Aventine is reported to have been built
by M . Furius Camillus immediately after the destruc
tion of Veii in 3 9 6 B .C . The temple of this goddess at
Veii had played a central role in the story of the tak
ing of this city, and according to tradition she had
been the object of an ev o ca tio by the dictator on the
eve of the final assault (Livy 5 .2 1 .1 -3 ). After the sack
of Veii was over, the goddesss image was brought to
Rome with elaborate care and solemn ritual and in
stalled on the Aventine (Livy 5 .2 2 .3 -7 ). And here in
392 was dedicated the temple Camillus had vowed
(Livy 5 .2 2 .7 , 31 .3 ). In the meantime the statue was
presumably housed in one of the neighboring
temples ascribed to Servius Tullius, either that of
Diana or that of Luna, probably the former. Camil
lus, who was a deeply religious man, seems to have
felt a special devotion to Juno, and almost fifty years
later, in 3 4 5 , his son is said to have dedicated the
temple of Iuno M oneta (Regina) on the Capitoline
(see Iuno M oneta, Aedes). Thus Juno came to claim
a place on three of the commanding heights of Rome
215
IU N O REGIN A, AEDES
and as Iuno Lucina had a grove on the Cispian from
a very early period.
The cult of Iuno Lucina seems to have been a birth
cult and the concern of women. Iuno Curitis and
Iuno Sospes, or Sospita, were warrior goddesses,
protectresses of cities, and perhaps closely related.
Iuno Regina, the consort of Iuppiter Rex and a mem
ber of the Capitoline triad, stands very close to the
heart of Roman religion. She wore the diadem and
veil of a queen and carried a long scepter and a pa
tera; her bird was the peacock. She could command
the lightning bolt (Servius a d Aen. 1.42, 8.430). Her
sacrificial animal was the aurata iuvenca.
In the cult on the Aventine Dionysius (13.3) de
scribes the cult image brought from Veii as a xoanon,
an ancient wooden figure, and in the expiation of
fered in 2 0 7 B .C . two images of the goddess made of
cypress wood, as well as a golden vessel, were dedi
cated in this temple. We should therefore probably
reckon the image as archaic, but may be surprised
that it was not of terracotta. Iuno Regina is not
shown in full figure alone on coins, so far as we
know, though she does appear as a member of the
Capitoline triad, at which time she stands left of Ju
piter in long drapery, carrying a scepter. The head, in
the few cases where it appears on coins, shows no
sign of archaism.
The offerings known to have been made in the
temple on the Aventine are made by women, a
bronze statue in 218 B .C . (Livy 2 1 .6 2 .8 ), and a
golden basin (pelvis) in 2 0 7 (Livy 2 7 .3 7 .1 0 ). The
temple was struck by lightning in 2 0 7 (Livy 2 7 .3 7 .7 ),
and this was taken as a leading from heaven, because
at the time the Romans were in the process of pre
paring an elaborate procession and sacrifice to ex
piate the birth of a monstrous hermaphroditic child.
Thereafter, all such expiations seem to have followed
a pattern and ended at this temple (Livy 3 1 .1 2 .9 ;
Obsequens 4 6 , 4 8), and Iuno Regina took over the
offerings that had formerly been made to many gods
(cf. Livy 2 2 .1 .1 7 -1 8 ).
There must always have been some association of
Juno and Diana. Probably Diana was hostess to the
xoanon of Veii when it was first brought to Rome,
and the precincts of the two goddesses were adja
cent. Both are described as at the top of the Clivus
Publicius (q.v.). Both represented the gathering into
the Roman community of neighboring people who
had a special veneration for a particular goddess,
neither one alien to Rome, but each given an empha
sis not previously found at Rome, Diana as a goddess
of asylum, Iuno Regina as a savior and protectress.
Augustus (R G 19) restored the temple, but, de
spite its ancient importance, it is not mentioned
thereafter or listed in the regionary catalogues. Its
general location is given by two dedicatory inscrip
216
tions found near the church of S. Sabina (C IL 6.364,
365 = IL S 4321a). The dedication day was 1 Septem
ber, which Degrassi (505) thinks must also have been
the dedication day of the original building.
Iuno Regina, Aedes (3) (Figs. 70, 7 1 ): After Iup
piter Stator received a second temple built on the
Circus Flaminius sometime after the laying out of
that square in 221 B .C ., the vowing of a temple to
Iuno Regina in 187 B .C . by M . Aemilius Lepidus dur
ing the Ligurian wars (Livy 39 .2 .1 1 ) may be seen as
completion of an imperfect offering. Iuppiter Stator
had been associated with Iuno Regina for a century;
it was there that Livius Andronicus was training his
chorus of girls when the Temple of Iuno Regina on
the Aventine was struck by lightning in 2 0 7 , and pre
sumably whenever expiatory processions had to be
trained the temple was used for this purpose. Iuppi
ter Stator was unthinkable without Iuno Regina; it
was the most natural thing in the world for the pon
tfices to have postulated, or suggested, that the next
temple vowed ought to be, all things being equal, to
Iuno Regina, or for the consul to have thought of it
on his own initiative.
That was not quite the way things happened. In
the first regular battle of his campaign, Aemilius Lep
idus vowed a temple to Diana instead, perhaps be
cause he was fighting in mountainous country
against a tough and fiercely independent people.
Thus he skipped the next temple in the natural se
quence in favor of one that was closely related but
more appropriate to his circumstances. Then he rec
tified his omission a few months later, and in his final
battle against the Ligurians he vowed a temple to
Iuno Regina. The space for this had probably already
been set aside flanking Iuppiter Stator, for the
Temple of the Muses vowed by M . Fulvius Nobilior
in 189 and built soon after his triumph in 187 lav-
west of both Iuppiter Stator and Iuno Regina and
farther from the Porta Carmentalis, but probably not
on the axis of the circus square. Where the Temple
of Diana may lie is an interesting question.
The temple of Iuno Regina was dedicated by Lep
idus as censor in 179 (Livy 4 0 .5 2.1 ). Its dedication
day is given in the republican Fasti Antiates Maiores
as 23 December (Degrassi 5 4 4 4 5 ), which is prob
ably the original dedication. A portico between this
temple and that of Fortuna was struck by lightning
and several buildings severely damaged in 156 B .C .
(Obsequens 16); the Temple of Fortuna has been
thought to be that of Fortuna Equestris (see Fortuna
Equestris, Aedes), which may have stood northwest
of the Temple of Iuno Regina. Because it had disap
peared by a . d . 2 2 (Tacitus, Ann. 3 .7 1 ), its precinct
may have been divided between the Porticus Octa-
viae and the Porticus Philippi.

Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus may have re
built the Temple of Iuno Regina when he built the
Porticus Metelli (q.v.) after 146 B .C . (Veil. Pat.
1 .1 1 .3 -5 ), but it seems very unlikely in view of there
still being a Ligurian shield on the temple when it
was struck by lightning in 134 b . c . (Obsequens 27).
Octavia certainly rebuilt it as part of her rebuilding
of the Porticus Metelli to make a splendid new com
plex commemorating her son, Marcellus. It will have
been at this time that the story of the architects Sau-
rus and Batrachus and the mistake of the workmen
in installing the cult statues of Iuppiter Stator and
Iuno Regina in each others temples (Pliny, H N
3 6 .4 2 -4 3 ) got started. The cult statue of Juno was
by Dionysius (Pliny, H N 36.3 5 ). This temple burned
in the fire of Titus in a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 4 ), and
Domitian presumably rebuilt it. It burned again in
2 0 3, and Septimius Severus and Caracalla (C/L
6.1034) restored it. It is of this rebuilding that con
siderable remains, including three marble columns
with composite capitals and enough of the plan
to permit an almost complete reconstruction, sur
vives embedded in existing buildings. The temple
was prostyle, hexastyle, with a deep pronaos
and an ample cella, its floor raised four steps
above the pronaos, in which Piranesi, our best
source for the building, shows an extra aedicula for
the cult statue. It is also so shown on the Marble
Plan (FU R pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23), where it appears
almost complete.
Nash 2 .2 5 4 - 5 8 ; Lugli 1970, 2 9 8 -3 0 3 ; Q ITA 5
(1968): 7 7 -8 8 (A. M . Palchetti and L. Quilici).
Iuno Sororia, A ra: see Ianus Curiatius, Ara.
Iuno Sospita, Aedes (Figs. 3 7 .6 , 3 8): a temple
vowed in 197 B .C . by the consul C. Cornelius Ce-
thegus during the Insubrian War (Livy 32 .3 0 .1 0 ) and
dedicated by him as censor in 194 (Livy 3 4 .5 3 .3 ). It
was in the Forum Holitorium, and the dedication
day was 1 February (Degrassi 4 0 5 6). The consul L.
Iulius Caesar restored it in 90 B .C . following a dream
of Caecilia Metella, daughter of Q. Caecilius M etel
lus Balearicus (Cicero, Div. 1 .9 9 ; Obsequens 55).
The temple had fallen into such neglect that when it
was cleaned a bitch was found to have made her lair
and had a litter there. In all probability, it is the
northernmost of the three temples built into the
church of S. Nicola in Carcere, a single-cella temple,
peripteral sine postico, with six columns on the fa
ade and originally eight, plus a terminal anta, down
each long side. It is usually shown with nine columns
on the sides, but this is an error; the footings of the
first two are cut in a single block of travertine for
greater strength and stability and make this clearly
the termination. Later the Temple of Spes, next to it
IUN O SO SPITA , AEDES
on the south, was rebuilt and its faade advanced in
front of that of Iuno Sospita by the depth of a col
umn and intercolumniation. The faade of Iuno Sos
pita seems subsequently to have been advanced to
match this.
The temple was frontal and stood on a relatively
low podium faced with travertine and finished with
base and crown moldings; it was approached from
the front by a stair the width of the faade. Under a
continuous crown molding along the long sides, lo-
culi for the deposit of valuables open in the intercol-
umniations. These are brick-faced, low-ceilinged
chambers, at least some of which were given concrete
vaults. A Severan date is suggested for the construc
tion. They must have been finished on the exterior
with bronze frames and doors. Above Attic bases of
travertine, the columns and entablature are of peper-
ino and were finished with stucco. The order is Ionic
of rather classical design, and the volutes lie flat, in a
plane with the architrave. The frieze must have been
deeply plastic; two, and in places three, undulant
lines of closely, but irregularly, spaced holes show
where metal spikes of the armature were fixed,
but unfortunately the design cannot be deduced from
the location of these. The ceiling of the peripteros
was coffered. The pronaos was originally relatively
shallow, the depth of two intercolumniations, later
apparently enlarged to three, which made it dispro
portionate. The single cella was long and narrow.
Seven columns and the terminal anta of the south
side still remain in place with the entablature above
them, while parts of three columns of the north side
have been restored to position. The podium is in ex
cellent condition on the south side, heavily restored
on the north, and ruinous on the faade. Only the
footings of the cella walls remain, except for the ter
minal anta mentioned above. The existing architec
ture is clearly of the first century B .C .; Crozzoli Aite
thinks it Augustan.
A very small portion of the north flank of the
temple is shown on a fragment of the Marble Plan,
and part of the south flank and stair of approach are
depicted on another (FUR pi. 29 frag. 69 g and h;
Rodriguez pi. 23). The latter indicates that the stair
was divided, a flight the width of two columns and
the space between rising to either side, presumably
flanking the altar. Existing remains neither confirm
nor contradict this.
Ovid (Fast. 2 .5 5 -5 8 ) seems to have believed there
was once a Temple of Iuno Sospita on the Palatine
adjacent to the Temple of the Magna M ater, a temple
that had disappeared before his time. Such a temple
is otherwise unattested and unlikely to have actually
existed. Because he gives it the same foundation day
as the temple in the Forum Holitorium, it seems pos
sible that Ovid or his source had confused Magna
217
IU P P IT E R , IU N O , M IN ER V A , SACELLUM
M ater with M ater M atuta, whose temple might
somewhat inaccurately be described as coterminous
with that of Iuno Sospita. One might also note that
Livy (34.53.3) has Iunonis Matutae where he clearly
means Iunonis Sospitae.
Nash 1 .4 1 8 2 1 ; L. Crozzoli Aite, I tre tem pli d el
F oro O litorio (M em PontA cc, ser. 3.13 [1981]): es
pecially 8 7 -1 0 6 .
Iuppiter, Iuno, M inerva, Sacellum: see
Capitolium Vetus.
Iuppiter Africus: a statue in the Area Capitolina
known from two military diplomata of a . d . 76 and
85 (C IL 16.21, 31). It has been conjectured that a
statue of Ammon is meant.
Iuppiter A rborator: mentioned only in the N otitia,
listed in Regio X I. The reading is curious: a ed em
M atris D eu m et lo v is A rboratoris, with the sugges
tion that it was in the Circus Maximus, along the
spina. In the fourth century the statue of Cybele on
the spina is sometimes shown with a tree or trees
close by, and unidentified sacella are also shown. It
may be one of these that is meant.
Humphrey 275.
Iuppiter Conservator, Sacellum: a shrine that
Domitian built during the reign of Vespasian in the
Area Capitolina on the site of the lodge of the aedi-
tuus (sacristan) who had sheltered him when the Vi-
tellians stormed the Capitoline in a . d . 69 (Tacitus,
Hist. 3.74 ). The marble altar bore reliefs showing the
rescue. Later, after he became princeps, Domitian
built a full-scale Temple of Iuppiter Custos, perhaps
on the site of the sacellum, in which the cult statue
showed the princeps in the arms of the god (Tacitus,
Hist. 3 .7 4 ; Suetonius, D otn. 5). A large square con
crete platform through which the Via del Tempio
di Giove, formerly Via di M onte Tarpeio, was
cut in 1896 has been rather improbably identified
as remains of this temple (see Iuppiter Tonans), and
it has been believed to be shown on an attic relief
of the Arch of Trajan at Benevento (F. J. Hassel,
D er T rajan sbogen in B en even t [Mainz 1966], pis.
15, 17.4), but in too schematic a form to be really
useful.
Nash 1 .5 1 8 -2 0 .
Iuppiter Custos: see Iuppiter Conservator.
Iuppiter Depulsor (Alexikakos): an altar reported
by Phlegon (M irac. 6 [FG rH 2 .2 p. 1179]) to have
been set up by Claudius on the Capitoline, otherwise
unknown. The equivalence of the Latin epithet is not
entirely certain.
218
Iuppiter Dolichenus, Templum (1): a temple of
Syrian Baal listed in the regionary catalogues in Re
gio X III (where it is called simply Dolocenum) and
discovered in 1935 under the Via di S. Domenico in
front of houses numbered 182 2 , between Via di S.
Alessio and Via Raimondo da Capua. After excava
tion it was filled in again. The finds of sculpture and
inscriptions are in the Museo Capitolino, Room
Three of the Culti Orientali (Helbig4 2.1 1 9 0 ).
W hat of the sanctuary could be explored consisted
of three rooms, a vestibule room ending in an apse
containing a series of round-headed niches above a
masonry counter with some remains of marble ve
neer; a long narrow cella with an axial altar trimmed
with colonnettes at the corners at one end and re
mains of a long platform, probably for dedications,
although this is not quite clear, along one long wall;
and a squarish room not directly communicating
with the others but containing a cipollino column at
its center. Evidently there were other chambers to the
southeast, but their character remains unknown. The
two principal rooms were floored with black-and-
white mosaic of rather coarse workmanship but bold
patterns of squares and bands. The long cella was
found full of a collection of dedications, including
statuary, reliefs, and altars. These show that three
couples, Iuppiter Dolichenus and Iuno Regina, Isis
and Serapis, and Sol and Luna, were worshiped to
gether here and evidently considered equivalents. A
number of other gods seem to have been worshiped
here as well.
The foundation of the shrine seems to be Anto-
nine. The cult flourished for a century, then gradu
ally declined but continued to exist. Coins of the
Ostrogothic period were found among the ruins.
B u llC om 83 (1935): 1 4 5 -5 9 (A. M. Colini); Epi-
grap h ica 1 (1939): 1 1 9 -4 1 (A. M . Colini); Atti del
qu arto con gresso n azion ale di studi rom ani, 1 .1 2 6 -
35 (A. M. Colini); C. Pietrangeli, M usei C apitolini:
M on u m en ti d ei culti orien tali (Rome 1951), 3 4 46;
Helbig4 2 .3 6 - 3 9 ; Nash 1 .5 2 1 -2 4 .; CEFR 98 (1987):
5 4 5 - 6 2 (M. Le Glay).
Iuppiter Dolichenus (2): a shrine on the Esquiline
known from four inscriptions found in the neighbor
hood of Piazza Vittorio Emanuele (C IL 6.414,
3 0 9 4 2 , 3 0 9 4 6 ; IL S 4 3 0 7 , 4 3 0 8 , 43 1 5 ). These indi
cate that it was dedicated, after enlargement and re
decoration, on 31 July a . d . 191.
Iuppiter Dolichenus (3): a shrine in the Transti-
berim, known only from two inscriptions (C IL
6 .4 1 5 ,4 1 8 ).
Iuppiter Elicius, A ra: an altar said to have been
erected by Numa on the Aventine for the purpose of

consulting the god by augury to discover what prod
igies by lightning or other manifestations should be
considered (Livy 1.20.7 and 3 1 .8 ; Varro, Ling. 6 .9 4 ;
Ovid, Fast. 3.3273 0 ; Plutarch, N um a 15.6; Pliny,
H N 2.1 4 0 ). Many authorities on Roman religion be
lieve that the epithet had originally rather to do with
the invocation of rain (cf. aqu aeliciu m ). However,
there seems no real reason to associate this with the
Remoria (q.v.).
Iuppiter Fagutalis: see Fagutal and Vicus Iovis
Fagutalis.
Iuppiter Feretrius, Aedes: according to Livy
(1 .1 0 .4 7), originally simply a templum high on the
Capitoline Hill that Romulus bounded and dedi
cated to receive the spolia opima that he had taken
from Acron, king of Caenina (see also Livy 4 .2 0 .3 ;
Plutarch, R om . 1 6 .4 7; Dion. Hal. 2 .3 4 .4 ; Val.
M ax. 3 .2 .3 6; Servius a d Aen. 6.859). The site was
chosen because an oak tree there had come to be re
garded as sacred. But Dionysius makes it a temple
building from the beginning, and Plutarch has Rom
ulus cut down an oak to make a suitable trophy of
the spoils. Following Romuluss example, the spolia
opima were dedicated twice afterward in the same
temple, by A. Cornelius Cossus in 428 B .C . after he
had killed Lar Tolumnius, king of Veii, and by M.
Claudius Marcellus in 222 B .C . after he had killed
Viridomarus (or Britomarus), king of the Insubrian
Gauls (see also Plutarch, M arcellus 8 .1 -3 ).
The temple was probably within the Area Capito
lina and always a small building, although Livy
(1.33.9) says it was enlarged by Ancus Marcius,
speaking of it then as an aedes. According to D io
nysius (2.34), the long sides measured less than 15
feet. It is represented on a coin of P. Cornelius Len-
tulus Marcellinus of ca. 50 B .C . as tetrastyle, the col
umns in pairs crowded to either side of a broad cen
tral opening of enigmatic character (B. M. Coins,
R om . R ep. 1.567 no. 4 2 0 6 ; Crawford 439/1). The
columns have bases as well as capitals and seem to
have been Tuscan; the triangular pediment is high
but empty. In Augustuss day it was sadly dilapidated
and had lost much of its roof, and he restored it at
Atticuss suggestion (Nepos, Att. 2 0 .3 ; Livy 4 .2 0 .7 ;
Augustus, R G 19). At the time of the restoration Au
gustus is said to have entered the temple and read the
dedicatory inscription on the linen corselet dedicated
by Cossus, which shows that the adyton of the
temple was not regularly accessible. The statement of
Dionysius (2.34) that in his day a trace of the ancient
plan could still be seen suggests that the rebuild
ing preserved the dimensions of the original, or had
them marked on it.
There seems never to have been a cult statue, and
IU PP ITE R H ELIO PO LITA N U S
none is shown on the coins cited above. Apart from
the dedications made here, the temple was used as a
repository for the ritual implements of the Fetiales,
the scepter by which they swore and the flint knife
with which the ritual pig was sacrificed (Paulus ex
Fest. 81L). Presumably their deposit there was one
of the religious ordinances of Numa, the founder of
the college of Fetiales (Dion. Hal. 2.72).
Various derivations for the epithet Feretrius were
offered in antiquity, from ferre, feretrum , and ferire,
none of which is thoroughly satisfactory, although
most authorities today incline toward ferire and the
ritual stroke implicit in the phrase fo ed u s ferire and
connect this with the solemn oath by Iuppiter Lapis
(Cicero, Fam . 7 .1 2 .2 ; A. Gellius 1.21.4). But the re
lationship is tenuous.
No trace of the temple has ever been identified,
which is hardly surprising, considering its small size
and the vagueness with which it is located in our
sources.
Iuppiter Fulgur: a hypaethral temple somewhere in
the Campus Martius (Vitruvius 1.2 .5 ); the day of
dedication was 7 October, the same as that of Iuno
Curitis in Campo (Degrassi 51 8 ). According to Fes-
tus (254L) this Jupiter was god of the lightning by
day (cf. Summanus). It seems at least possible that
Temple D in the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina (Fig.
8) is the one in question, because there is no sign of
columns or roofing. It is a large building raised on a
very high and massive platform of concrete finished
with base and crown moldings. It is approached by
a broad stair of travertine on the east, within which
have been found remains of an older stair. The deep
pronaos has remains of marble flagging. The cella,
with walls of brick-faced concrete, has a low step of
tufa blocks along its walls and good remains of a
marble sill in its enormous door. It is also paved with
marble. Three building periods have been distin
guished within what remains, the latest probably
Domitianic, but the plan and dating of its predeces
sors is very uncertain, as it has not been possible to
empty the platform.
Marchetti Longhi 4 4 4 6 ; Nash 1.146.
Iuppiter Heliopolitanus (Fig. 5 0 ): a sanctuary of
the Syrian gods that was discovered on the eastern
slope of the Janiculum in 1906 and excavated in
1 9 0 8 -1 9 0 9 . It lies on the fringes of Villa Sciarra/
Wurts, within what was probably the Lucus Furrinae
(q.v.), a temenos surrounding a sacred spring. An in
scription shows that the dedication was to Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus Heliopolitanus, chief god of the
Syrian triad (C IL 6 .4 2 2 , 3 0 7 6 5 and p. 3 7 5 6 ; ILS
42 9 2 ). There seem to have been three major building
periods. O f the first all that survives is parts of the
219
 I U P P I T E R I N V E N T O R , ARA
Figure 50
Tem ple o f Iuppiter
H eliopolitan u s in
the Lucus Furrin ae,
Plan o f Rem ain s,
All Periods
perimeter wall, enough to show that the sanctuary
was oriented east/west. The date suggested is mid-
first century after Christ. Between a . d . 176 and 181
M. Antonius Gaionas rebuilt it with the same orien
tation. This reconstruction is dated by inscriptions
(C IL 6.4 2 0 , 3 0 7 6 4 , 3 6 7 9 3 , 1 4 .2 4 ; ILS 398 and
add.). After the destruction of the second temple, a
third was built in the middle of the fourth century
under Julian. This had a decidedly different orienta
tion from its predecessors and consisted of three
parts: (1 ) at the end a small basilica-plan temple with
three naves, the larger central one ending in an apse
and the whole preceded by a narthex divided into
three chambers; (2 ) a rectangular central court en
tered by an axial door from the south; and (3) a cu
riously shaped sanctuary consisting of a lozenge
shaped inner sanctuary with a triangular altar at the
center entered through an apse-ended extension of
the western apex of the lozenge, which is flanked by
small vestibules of irregular pentagonal shape.
Buried in the triangular altar was found a small
idol of gilded bronze representing a youthful Hadad
wrapped in enshrouding drapery, which rises in a
flaring collar to frame the face; the body is then
wound round by a large snake. Around this had been
placed seven hen eggs. In the apse at the west end of
the sanctuary was evidently an Egyptian statue of a
pharaoh in basalt at slightly under life size, work of
the third century B .C ., found broken to pieces. In the
south pentagonal vestibule was a Bacchus pouring
wine from a jug, again at slightly under life size. The
face and jug of this statue had been gilded. And in
the north pentagonal vestibule was a fragment of a
triangular marble candelabrum decorated with three
figures of dancing Horae at the corners, evidently
broken by iconoclasts. Numerous other fragments of
220
; X
sculpture found in the vicinity suggest that the pro
gram was very rich and that the very numerous
niches, concentrated especially in the western part,
were all for sculpture.
O f the second temple, one can only say that it was
rectangular, evidently bounded at least in part by
lines of jars set vertically or horizontally and aligned
with strict regularity and buried. Off the temple was
a small room with a mosaic pavement to which
water was piped, which has been thought to be a
baptistery or hall of initiation. This temple was de
stroyed by fire, probably about a . d . 341.
The association of the temple with water, the great
abundance of votive offerings found here, and the
deliberate eclecticism with which it drew on the tra
ditions of Egypt and the Graeco-Roman world, as
well those of as Syria, suggest that this was a popular
cult that attracted devotees especially from the for
eign population in Rome and the laboring classes.
The architecture bears this out; it is exotic and eclec
tic, full of small secrets and surprises, windowless
rooms and unexpected apses, but without columns,
vistas, or classical proportions. Numerous simple
graves were found within the temple and in the te
rcenos; it has been proposed that these were of vic
tims who had been sacrificed.
R Gauckler, L e Sanctuaire syrien du Jan icu le (Paris
1912); Nash 1.5252 9 ; N. Goodhue, T h e Lucus
Furrinae an d the Syrian Sanctuary on the ]aniculum
(Amsterdam 19 7 5 ); M. Mele, ed., L area d el San
tuario siriaco d el G ia n ic olo " (Rome 1982); CEFR
98 (1987): 5 4 5 - 6 2 (M. Le Glay).
Iuppiter Inventor, A ra: an altar at the foot of the
Aventine near the Porta Trigmina, supposed to have
been set up by Hercules after recovering the cattle of

Geryon stolen by Cacus (Ovid, Fast. 1.5 982; So-
linus 1.7; Dion. Hal. 1.39.4). There is some doubt
about the epithet and about the survival of this altar
into classical times. There is a strong suggestion that
this is simply an alternate name for the Ara Maxima
(see Herculis Invicti Ara Maxima) or an invention by
rationalizers of the story of the Ara Maxima.
Iuppiter Invictus: see Iuppiter Victor, Aedes.
Iuppiter Iurarius: a shrine of some sort known only
from a dedicatory inscription picked out in white tes
serae on a signinum pavement found in 1854 under
the cloister of S. Giovanni Calabita in the northern
part of the Tiber island (C IL 12.990 = 6.379 = ILS
3038 = IL L R P 186). Whether this was an indepen
dent temple or only part of a sacred complex is un
certain.
Iuppiter Lapis: the divinity invoked in an especially
solemn oath (Cicero, Fam . 7 .1 2 .1 ; A. Gellius
1.21.4), sometimes supposed to be the same as Iup
piter Feretrius (q.v.), but without real reason. There
is no evidence for a temple of any sort to Iuppiter
Lapis.
Iuppiter Libertas, Aedes: a temple on the Aven-
tine, originally dedicated on 13 April (Degrassi 44 0 );
it was restored by Augustus (R G 19) and rededicated
on 1 September (Degrassi 504). It was evidently not
the same as the Temple of Libertas on the Aventine
(see Libertas [1]), but an older shrine. In the fasti of
the Fratres Arvales for the Kalends of September the
name appears as Iuppiter Liber (C IL 6.2295 = 3 2 48 2
[Kal. Sept.]), but apparently this is a mistake.
Iuppiter Metelli (or Metellina), Aedes: Pliny (HN
36.40) records that Pasiteles, the contemporary and
favorite sculptor of Pompey, made an ivory Jupiter
in M etelli a ed e qu a cam pus petitur. This is generally
identified as the Temple of Iuppiter Stator in the Por-
ticus Octaviae, which replaced the Porticus Metelli,
but without adequate reason. Pliny was very familiar
with the Porticus Octaviae and the wealth of art dis
played there. He identifies the cult statue of Iuppiter
Stator there as the work of Polydes and Dionysius,
sons of Timarchides, and at the same time lists other
remarkable sculptures in the same temple without
mentioning this one (Pliny, H N 36 .3 5 ). And whereas
the Temple of Iuppiter Stator that Pliny knew was
almost certainly the work of Octavia, the temple she
rebuilt is never said to have been the work of Metel
ius, nor is it likely to have been; Metelius built the
portico enclosing the two temples, not the temples
themselves. Moreover, qu a catnpus petitur seems a
very strange way to describe the location of the
IU P P IT E R O P T IM U S M A X IM U S
Temple of Iuppiter Stator, which would normally be
described as in C irco Flam inio (Macrobius, Sat.
3.4.2) or in Porticu O ctav iae (C IL 6.8708).
It therefore seems likely that Metellus built a
temple of Jupiter (Festus 496L) distinct from his por
tico, qu a cam pus petitur, but near enough the por
tico for Velleius to locate it in Us ipsis m onum entis,
and this was the temple celebrated for being the first
one entirely of marble in Rome (Veil. Pat. 1.11.5).
The only problem is to determine what route Pliny,
or his source, thought one would naturally take to
go to the Campus Martius. In Metellus Macedoni-
cuss day there were probably only a few places
where one could conveniently cross the Petronia Am-
nis: (1) wherever the road from the Porta Fontinalis
that magistrates took on their way to the Villa Pub-
lica and the Ovile crossed it, probably the point
where Via Lata (Via Flaminia) crossed it; (2) some
where in the neighborhood of the Area Sacra di
Largo Argentina; and (3) at Circus Flaminius, where
the circus spread on both sides of the Amnis. Of
these, only the second is really apt to have been de
scribed so vaguely. And it is certainly possible that
there were more temples south of the Argentina row,
one of which might have belonged to Metellus.
In Plinys day, however, the southern Campus
Martius had been so heavily built up that it was
probably impossible to find open space that one
might describe as campus east of the Nemus Agrip-
pae (see Nemus Thermarum) or south or west of the
so-called Euripus Agrippae (see Euripus). And the
Petronia Amnis had by that time certainly been cul-
verted along its entire length through the Campus,
so there would be no clearly defined routes to take
to reach the Campus. On balance the evidence seems
to weigh in favor of a location for Metellus s temple
between Via Florida and Piazza Costaguti, in which
case it was probably destroyed in the fire of Titus of
a . d . 80, its being of marble making it especially vul
nerable, and might then not have been rebuilt.
Besides the ivory Jupiter of Pasiteles, which may
or may not have been the cult image, the temple
seems to have contained a statue of Tarpeia, or a
statue popularly known as Tarpeia (Festus 496L).
Because Festus speaks of this in the present tense, it
might be presumed that the temple had been rebuilt,
but he may be quoting Verrius Flaccus.
Iuppiter Optimus M aximus (Capitolinus),
Aedes (Fig. 1 9 ): the great temple on the lower crest
of the Capitoline Hill, dedicated to Jupiter with his
consort, Iuno Regina, and his daughter Minerva, the
Capitoline triad. Tarquinius Priscus vowed the
temple during his war with the Sabines, leveled and
terraced the site for it, and may have laid some of the
foundations, but most of the construction is assigned
221
I U P P IT E R O P T IM U S M A X IM U S
to Tarquinius Superbus, who is said to have brought
it to completion. Parts at least of the area taken by
Tarquinius Priscus for his temple had already been
dedicated to a variety of other divinities, all of whom
permitted exauguration and relocation elsewhere,
except Terminus (q.v.) and Iuventas (see Iuventas,
Aedicula). These sanctuaries were therefore incor
porated in the new temple. Terminuss refusal to
move was regarded as a good omen for the city of
Rome (Cicero, R ep. 2 .3 6 ; Livy 1.38.7, 5 5 .1 -5 6 .1 ;
Pliny, H N 3 .7 0 ; Dion. Hal. 3.69 and 4 .5 9 - 6 1 ; Tac
itus, Hist. 3 .7 2 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 1 3 -1 4 ). The temple
was dedicated on 13 September in the first year of
the republic, the honor of dedication having fallen
by lot to the consul Horatius Pulvillus (Livy 2 .8 .6 -
8, 7 .3 .8 ; Polybius 3 .2 2 .1 ; Tacitus, Hist. 3 .7 2 ; Plu
tarch, Poplic. 14; cf. Pliny, H N 33.19).
The original temple was probably built of mud
brick faced with stucco on foundations of cappellac-
cio, the poor tufa that covers the hills of Rome, quar
ried at least in large part as part of the scarping and
leveling of the area intended to receive the temple.
During this work a human head whose features were
miraculously well preserved was found (Livy 1 .5 5 .5 ;
Varro, Ling. 5.4 1 ). The Etruscan haruspex asked to
interpret this pronounced it an omen of the domi
nation of Rome over Italy (Servius a d Aen. 8 .3 4 5 ;
Arnobius, Adv. N at. 6 .7 ; Isidore 1 5 .2 .3 1 ; Cass. Dio
2 frag. 11.8 [Zonaras 7 .11]).
The temple was Tuscanic in character, but with
three cellas side by side, that in the middle dedicated
to Iuppiter Optimus, that to the left dedicated to
Iuno Regina, and that to the right dedicated to M i
nerva. The cult image of Jupiter was of terracotta,
said to be the work of the master coroplast Vulca of
Veii (Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 5 7 ). It showed the god standing,
brandishing the thunderbolt (Ovid, Fast. 1 .2 0 1 -2 ),
and on feast days the face was painted with minium
(Pliny, H N 3 3 .1 1 1 -1 2 , 3 5 .1 5 7 ). The general char
acter of the image is shown by the life-size terracotta
statues from the roof of the Portonaccio Temple at
Veii, which are close to it in date and have therefore
sometimes been ascribed to Vulca. The deity wore
the tunica palm ata, a tunic originally so called from
the width of the stripe but later embellished with
palms (Festus 228L ), and the tog a picta, which was
originally simply dyed red and called pu rpu rea but
later embroidered with gold (Festus 228L). These
garments became the costume of Roman generals
celebrating a triumph (Livy 1 0 .7 .1 0 ; 3 0 .1 5 .1 1 12;
Juvenal 1 0 .3 8 -4 0 ; S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 4 0 .8 , G ordian.
4.4, P robu s 7 .4 5 ; Servius a d Aen. 11.334).
The statue types of Juno and Minerva are not known,
but each divinity had a separate hearth-altar (Varro
ap. Serv. a d A en. 3 .1 3 4 ). The pronaos was espe
cially deep, there being three rows of widely spaced
222
columns, rather than the usual two, and a row
down either flank made this, in effect, a peripteral
temple sine postico. It may have been unique in
form.
The roof was entirely of wood, probably exten
sively sheathed in decorative terracotta revetments.
O f these only a very few fragments have been discov
ered, but they include a splendid antefix of a silens
head. At the peak of the faade was a terracotta
group of Jupiter mounted in a four-horse chariot,
also the work of Vulca, which was supposed to have
expanded miraculously while being fired, so the kiln
had to be dismantled in order to remove it (Pliny,
H N 2 8 .1 6 , 3 5 .1 5 7 ; Festus 3 4 0 -4 2 L ; Plutarch,
Poplic. 13). This was replaced by another group in
2 9 6 B .C ., the new one probably of bronze, because
brazen thresholds and other luxuries were installed
in the temple at this time. The pediment and rooftree
were decorated with terracotta figures, among them
a statue of Summanus, the head of which was broken
off by lightning in 275 B .C . (Cicero, Div. 1.1 6 ; Livy,
E pit. 14). In 193 B .C . the aediles M . Aemilius Lepi-
dus and L. Aemilius Paullus put gilded shields on the
gable, perhaps on the architrave in imitation of the
Parthenon.
We hear of various repairs and improvements. In
179 B .C . the walls and columns were restuccoed
(Livy 4 0 .5 1 .3 ), and a tablet bearing a copy of L. Ae
milius Regilluss dedication of the Temple of the
Lares Permarini (see Lares Permarini, Aedes) was in
stalled over the door (Livy 4 0 .5 2 .7 ). After the Third
Punic War a mosaic pavement was laid in the cella
(Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 8 5 ), and in 142 B .C . the coffering of
the ceiling was gilded (Pliny, H N 33.57).
The temple stood in the Area Capitolina (q.v.) and
was preceded by the altar of Jupiter, an important
landmark (Suetonius, Aug. 9 4 .8 ; Zonaras 8.1). The
temple became a repository of treasures offered by
victorious generals, dedications, and trophies of vic
tory. The earliest dedication recorded was a golden
crown that the Latins presented in 4 9 5 (Livy 2 .22.6).
The clutter of gifts became so great that in 179 b . c .
numerous statues and shields attached to the col
umns were removed (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .3 ).
The temple of Tarquin burned on 6 July 83 B .C .
(Plutarch, Sulla 2 7 .6 ; Cicero, Cat. 3 .9 ; Sallust, Cat.
4 7 .2 ; Tacitus, H ist. 3 .7 2 ; Appian, B ellC iv 1.83, 86;
Obsequens 5 7 ); the loss was complete, including the
cult statue (Plutarch, D e Is. et Os. 71) and the Sibyl
line Books kept in a stone chest underground (Dion.
Hal. 4 .6 2 .5 -6 ). However, the temple treasure seems
to have been taken to safety to Praeneste by the
younger Marius (Pliny, H N 33 .1 6 ). The rebuilding
was undertaken by Sulla (Val. M ax. 9 .3 .8 ; Tacitus,
Hist. 3.7 2 ), who is said to have brought marble col
umns from the Olympieion in Athens to Rome for

this purpose. But the temple continued to be shown
on coins with Doric columns, whereas the rebuilding
of the Olympieion begun in 174 B .C . by Antiochus
Epiphanes and designed by the Roman architect
Cossutius was of the Corinthian order and dispro
portionately high (Vitruvius 7 p raef. 15 and 17). It
therefore seems likely that what Sulla had brought
from Athens was columns of the late archaic Peisis-
tratid temple, which was Doric but of poros. It may
be that stuccoing disguised the nature of the mate
rial. Q. Lutatius Catulus did most of the rebuilding,
which the senate assigned to him (Cicero, Verr.
2 .4 .6 9 ; Varro ap. A. G ell. 2 .1 0 ; Lactantius, D e Ira
D ei 2 2 .6 ; Suetonius, Iul. 15), and he dedicated the
finished building (Livy, Epit. 9 8 ; Plutarch, Poplic.
15; Pliny, H N 19 .2 3 ; Suetonius, Aug. 94.8). The
architect was L. Cornelius, who had earlier been
his praefectus fabrum (R en d L in c, ser. 8.26 [1971]:
4 1 - 4 9 [G. M olisani]). The name of Catulus was
inscribed over the entrance and remained there
until the destruction of the temple in a . d . 69
(Tacitus, Hist. 3.72), so the vote of the senate, in con
nection with Caesars triumph in 46 B .C ., to inscribe
Caesars name there was not carried out (Cass. Dio
43.14).
This temple was built on the foundations of the
original building and to the original plan, differing
in nothing but the costliness of the materials, accord
ing to Dionysius (4.61.4). Varro remembered that
Catulus had wished to lower the level of the Area
Capitolina in order to lift the temple and make its
podium better proportioned to its roof, probably
meaning more in accord with the taste of his day, but
he was prevented by the favissae of the temple (A.
Gellius 2.10). These favissae were underground
chambers, like cisterns, in which consecrated mate
rial that was old, broken, or no longer useful was
stored (Paulus ex Fest. 78L ; A. Gellius 2.10). The
roof was supported in some way on eagles of wood,
perhaps carved brackets (Tacitus, Hist. 3.7 1 ), and
the tiles covering the roof were of gilded bronze
(Pliny, H N 3 3 .5 7 ; Seneca, C ontrov. 1 .6.4, 2.1.1).
The pediment is shown variously on coins, and it is
not possible to be definite about the program of its
sculptures (cf. B. M. C oins, R om . R ep. 1.57172
nos. 4 2 1 7 -2 5 ; Crawford 487/1, 2), but the gable is
always surmounted by statues and crockets, prob
ably with a quadriga driven by Jupiter at the summit.
The cult statue was replaced by a seated image (Jo
sephus, A n tlu d 19.1.2 [11]), perhaps in imitation of
the Zeus of Olympia. He carried a scepter and thun
derbolt (Suetonius, Aug. 94.6) and may have held an
image of Roma in one hand (Suetonius, Aug. 9 4 .6 ;
Cass. Dio 4 5 .2 .3 ). Catulus also dedicated a statue of
Minerva by Euphranor infra C apitoliu m (Pliny, H N
34.77).
I U P P IT E R O P T IM U S M A X IM U S
In its elevated location, this temple was exposed to
frequent damage by lightning (Cicero, Cat. 3.19,
Div. 1.19, 2 .4 5 ; Cass. Dio 4 1 .1 4 .3 , 4 2 .2 6 .3 , 5 5 .1 .1 ;
Tacitus, Ann. 13.24), but evidently was never set on
fire. Augustus restored it at great expense, but with
out the addition of his name (Augustus, R G 20).
In a . d . 69 the second temple was burned during
the storming of the Capitol by the Vitellians (Tacitus,
Hist. 3 .7 1 ; Suetonius, Vitel. 1 5 .3 ; Cass. Dio 6 4 .1 7 .3 ;
Statius, Silv. 5 .3 .1 9 5 9 8 ; Aur. Viet., C aes. 8.5) and
was then restored by Vespasian, again on the foun
dations and to the plan of its predecessors (Tacitus,
Hist. 4 .5 3 ; Suetonius, Vesp. 8 .5 ; Cass. Dio 6 5 .1 0 .2 ;
Plutarch, Poplic. 1 5 .2 ; Aur. Viet., C aes. 9 .7 , Epit.
9.8). Now, however, greater height was given to the
building, and the evidence of coins shows that the
order was Corinthian (Cohen 1, Vesp. 4 8 6 9 3 , Titus
2 4 2 - 4 5 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2, Vesp. 6 1 4 , 647,
7 2 1 , 7 2 2 , 8 5 0 , 877). These also show that an elab
orate program of statuary crowning the roof, as well
as pedimental sculpture, was included. Parts of the
former were a quadriga at the apex of the roof and
bigae driven by Victorias as lateral acroteria. Varia
tions in the representations of these sculptures may
be due to changes in the decoration in the course of
time.
This temple burned in the great fire of Titus in a . d .
80 (Cass. Dio 66.24) and was restored by Domitian
following a beginning by Titus (Suetonius, D om . 5 ;
Plutarch, Poplic. 15.3; Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ; Chron.
146). The new temple surpassed its predecessors in
magnificence, the columns being of Pentelic marble
(Plutarch, P oplic. 15.4), the doors plated with gold
(Zosimus 5 .3 8 .5 ), and the tiles of the roof of gilded
bronze (Procopius, B ellV and 1.5.4). Domitian is re
ported to have spent twelve thousand talents on the
gilding of the temple alone. On the evidence of a
coin, the dedication of the temple has been put in 82
(B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2, Dom. 25 1 ), but Jerome
puts it in 89 (a. Abr. 2 1 0 5 ), giving a likelier interval
for the accomplishment of so great an undertaking.
For the sculptures of the pediment and roof, we de
pend on the coin and on representations on reliefs,
especially one from the Forum Traiani in the Louvre
that now lacks the part showing the pediment but
kept some of it long enough for this to appear in a
Renaissance drawing. It shows a quadriga at the
apex and a biga as the right lateral acroterion, with
single figures of Mars and Venus between. In the
pediment are the Capitoline triad enthroned above
an eagle with spread wings, flanked by bigae of the
sun and moon and other less distinct figures toward
the corners (PBSR 4 [1907]: 2 3 0 , 2 4 0 4 4 [A. J. B.
W ace]). It is presumably to this temple that we
should assign the chryselephantine statue of Jupiter
created by a Greek sculptor named Apollonius
223
IU P P IT E R P IS T O R , ARA
(Chalcidius, sch ol. in Platon. T im aeum 3 3 7 [361]);
he is not more precisely identified.
This temple was considered by Ammianus
(22.16.12) as the finest in Rome, and Ausonius (Ord.
N ob . Urb. 19.17) speaks of the au rea C apitoli cul-
m ina. Its destruction began when Stilicho carried off
the gold plates of the doors in the fifth century (Zo-
simus 5.38) and continued when Genseric took away
half the gilded tiles of the roof (Procopius, BellV and
1.5.4). Cassiodorus (War. 7.6.1) could still consider
it one of the most magnificent of all buildings in the
sixth century. But Narses pulled down much, if not
all, of the statuary ca. 571 (M G H , C bron. Min.
1.336: d e N eap olim egressus N arsis ingressus R o-
m am et d ep osu it p alatii eius statuam et C apitolium ).
The story of its destruction is little known until the
time of the construction of Palazzo Caffarelli on its
ruins in the sixteenth century (LS 2 .9 4 -9 6 ).
Excavations, together with the information pro
vided by Vitruvius (3.3.5) and Dionysius (4.61),
show the general layout of the temple, which was
unchanged from the time of its foundation. The plan
was almost square, slightly longer than wide, and
faced southeast, looking toward the Velabrum and
the northwest end of the Circus Maximus. The plat
form was not solid, but consisted of a grid of walls
following the lines of the walls and columns. Those
of the perimeter vary in width from about 5 m to
about 8 m; those in the interior are about 4.15 m
wide. The walls were built of blocks of cappellaccio
laid dry and dug deep into the ground so that their
total height was between 4 and 5 m; parts of them
are visible in the Museo Nuovo Capitolino and its
garden. Three corners of the platform have been lo
cated, one in the garden of the museum, toward the
Via delle Tre Pile, one in Via di M onte Tarpeio on
the east side of the museum, and one in the little Pi
azza di M onte Tarpeio. From these it is possible to
project the overall dimensions of the platform as
having been 5 3 .5 0 m x 62.25 m, equal to 180 x 210
Roman feet. Gjerstad deduces the lower diameter of
the columns, the measurement Vitruvius uses as a
modulus, to have been 8 Roman feet. The propor
tion of length to width was 7 :6 and the widths of the
cellas were in the proportion 4 :5 :4 . The lateral col
onnades were of the same width as the side cellas,
and the whole was araeostyle, with widely spaced
columns, which required wooden architraves (Vitru
vius 3.3.5 ). A very few fragments of the marble ar
chitecture of the temple of the last period survive,
kept in the Palazzo dei Conservatori and its vicinity;
the most important of these are a fragment of a col
umn shaft, 2 .1 0 m in diameter, and a fragment of an
Attic base, 2 .2 2 m in diameter. Lugli has calculated
the column height as 2 1 .5 8 m, which seems exces
224
sive. The columns of the Olympieion in Athens are
only 16 m high, with a base diameter of 2 .4 2 m.
Fragments of marble cornices may come from the in
terior.
The temple was always hexastyle, with rows of
columns aligned with the cella walls. Thus the cen
tral intercolumniation, axis to axis, would have mea
sured 15.84 m (40 Roman feet), and those to either
side of it 9 .4 7 m (32 Roman feet). The central cella
was ideally 4 0 Roman feet wide, 96 Roman feet long
on the axis of its walls, large enough to accommo
date meetings of the senate, which were not infre
quently held there. This was the center of the state
religion of Rome and always of great political, as
well as religious, importance. Here the consuls of
fered sacrifice on entering office. Here triumphing
generals ended their solemn procession through the
city and offered their crowns and a share of the spoils
to Jupiter. To the Romans it was the touchstone of
Roman sovereignty and immortality.
E. Gjerstad, E arly R om e, 3 (A cta Instituti R om ani
R egni Sueciae 17.3, 1960), 1689 0 ; Nash 1 .5 3 0 -
3 2 ; R om M itt 76 (1969): 1 1 0 -2 1 (H. Riemann);
Lugli 1 9 7 5 ,1 2 7 -3 2 ; Coarelli 1974, 4 4 - 4 5 ; MEFRA
98 (1986): 2 1 7 -5 3 (J.-C. Grenier and F. Coarelli);
H istoria 36 (1987): 2 4 3 - 4 8 (G. B. Townsend).
Iuppiter Pistor, A ra: a small altar on the top of the
Capitoline, probably within the Area Capitolina
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .3 4 9 -5 0 ), Candida, therefore perhaps
of marble, supposed originally to have been set up to
commemorate the ruse of throwing bread upon the
Gauls during their siege of the Capitoline to deceive
them about the supplies of food available to the de
fenders (Ovid, Fast. 6 .3 4 9 -9 4 ; Lactantius, Div. Inst.
1.20.33). This is clearly a rationalizing story, and
Wissowa (R K 122) thought the epithet indicated a
thunder god. One gathers from Ovid that the Ves-
talia (9 June) was regarded as its anniversary.
Iuppiter Propugnator, Aedes: a temple on the Pal
atine known only from inscriptions of a.d . 1 8 0 -2 3 8
(C/L 6 .2 0 0 4 -9 ; IL S 466) fragments of the fasti of
an unidentified college of priests whose regular meet
ing place it was. This has been conjectured to be the
Sodales Flaviales Titiales, the college in charge of the
worship of Divus Vespasianus and Divus Titus, but
the evidence is scant, and the location of the temple
is entirely unknown.
Iuppiter Redux: see C astra Peregrina.
Iuppiter Salutaris, Aedes: a temple mentioned in
one inscription (C/L 6.425) and probably another
(C/L 6.82). Its location is entirely unknown.

Iuppiter Soter: a suggested emendation for Iuppiter
Sutor (q.v.) mentioned by Servius (ad Aen. 8.652),
but this seems unnecessary.
Iuppiter Stator, Aedes (1): a temple supposed to
have been vowed by Romulus at a critical moment in
the battle between the Romans and the Sabines,
when the Romans had been driven from the forum
to the Porta Mugonia (Livy 1 .1 3 .3 6 ; Ovid, Fast.
6 .7 9 3 -9 4 ; Dion. Hal. 2 .5 0 .3 ; Floras 1 .1 .1 .1 3 ; [Aur.
Viet.,], D e Vir. III. 2.8). The epithet seems to mean
stayer, for the Romans stood and rallied there.
Romuluss temple was never built as an aedes, but in
2 9 4 B .C . the consul M . Atilius Regulus made a simi
lar vow at a critical point in a battle with the Sam-
nites, and an aedes was then built (Livy 1 0.36.11,
3 7 .1516) where Romulus had laid out his templum.
It is listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio IV,
and its site is variously described as being at or near
the Porta Mugonia (Livy 1 .1 3 .3 6; Dion. Hal.
2 .5 0 .3 ; Ovid, Trist. 3 .1 .3 1 -3 2 ), at the foot of the
Palatine (pseudo-Cicero, Orat. p riu squ am in exsi-
lium iret 24 ), and at the beginning of the Sacra Via
going up to the Palatine (Plutarch, Cic. 16.3; cf. Livy
I.4 1 .4 ; Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 9 ; Appian, B ellC iv 2.11).
Ovid (Fast. 6 .7 9 3 -9 4 ) gives the day of dedication as
27 June (Degrassi 474).
Just east of the Arch of Titus on the south side of
Sacra Via fronting on the Clivus Palatinus, the con
crete core of a large rectangular temple including
some very large blocks of peperino and travertine
came to light with the dismantling of the medieval
Turris Cartularia in 1829 (Lugli 1957, pi. 97.4).
Nothing of the superstructure survives. The founda
tions suggest that the temple was prostyle, hexastyle,
with a deep pronaos and a squarish cella.
In 2 0 7 B .C ., while a chorus of twenty-seven maid
ens was rehearsing a hymn by Livius Andronicus in
this temple, the Temple of Iuno Regina on the Aven-
tine was struck by lightning (Livy 2 7 .3 7 .7 ). The con
nection of these events in the tradition suggests that
the hymn, which was to be sung in a lustral proces
sion, was especially in honor of Iuno Regina. On 8
November 63 B .C . Cicero as consul convened the
senate here to denounce to them Catilines attempt
to murder him on the previous day (Cicero, Cat. 1.
I I , 33). The meeting was an extraordinary one, and
we know of no other occasion when the senate met
there. Perhaps it was convenient to Ciceros house.
Although we cannot be sure where Cicero was living
at this time, it may very well have been in the house
where he grew up on the Carinae. But the implica
tion of the epithet Stator may also have played a part
in the choice.
Lugli 1946, 2 4 0 - 4 2 ; Nash 1.534.
I U P P IT E R S T A T O R , A E D E S
Iuppiter Stator, Aedes (2) (Figs. 70, 7 1 ): a temple
on the Circus Flaminius (Macrobius, Sat. 3.4 .2 ), as
cribed in the manuscripts of Vitruvius to Hermodius,
a name that is usually corrected to Hermodorus (so
first by Turnebus), although the arguments against
this are very strong and the temple should in all logic
antedate that of Iuno Regina (see Iuno Regina, Aedes
[3]) that stood just west of it, and can hardly be other
than the Temple of Iuno Regina that M . Aemilius
Lepidus built and dedicated in 187 B .C . The Temple
of Iuppiter Stator, as Vitruvius describes it, was per
ipteral, hexastyle, with eleven columns on the flanks,
the intercolumniations equal to the breadth of the
pteron (Vitruvius 3.2 .5 ). The cult statue was by
Polycles and Dionysius, sons of Timarchides (Pliny,
HN 36.35).
After his triumph in 146 B .C ., Q. Metellus M ace
donians surrounded both temples with a portico (see
Porticus Metelli), very probably the first portico in
Rome of more than one wing. His chief object in this
seems to have been to provide a setting for a group
of thirty-four equestrian statues by Lysippus com
missioned by Alexander to commemorate those of
his men. who had fallen in the Battle of the Granicus,
which Metellus brought as part of the spoils of Ma-
cedon (Veil. Pat. 1 .1 1 .3 -4 ). These statues faced the
temples. Other works of art in the Temple of Iuppiter
Stator were a group of Olympus struggling with Pan
by Heliodorus, a Venus bathing by Doidalsas, and a
standing Venus by Polycharmus (Pliny, H N 36.35).
After the death of Marcellus, the nephew and son-
in-law of Augustus, his mother, Octavia, undertook
to rebuild the Porticus Metelli and the temples it en
closed in his honor (Ovid, Ars A m. 1.69) and to
these added a curia, libraries, and many works of art
(see Porticus Octaviae). Apparently about this time
the legend related by Pliny must have originated, that
the temples were the work of the Spartan artists Sau-
rus and Batrachus, who hoped to be honored by an
inscription and, when they were disappointed in this,
signed their work by carving figures of a lizard and a
frog in spiris colu m n aru m (Pliny, H N 3 6 .4 2 -4 3 ).
Furthermore, the decoration of the Temple of Iuppi
ter Stator was feminine in character and intended for
Iuno Regina, the porters having made a mistake and
installed the wrong divinity in the wrong temple.
The first legend was created because there was no
inscription on the temples (Veil. Pat. 1 .1 1 .3 ); the sec
ond is mysterious.
O ctavias temple burned in the fire of Titus, and
Domitian must have restored it. Because Septimius
Severus restored the Porticus Octaviae and Temple of
Iuno Regina, it seems likely that he restored the
Temple of Iuppiter Stator as well. It appears on the
M arble Plan (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23) as per
225
IU P P IT E R S U T O R , ARA
ipteral sine postico, with six columns in front and
nine down the flanks, and with a stair only in front,
clearly not the building of Vitruvius and perhaps best
ascribed to Octavias rebuilding. The ruins of the
building are concealed under the church of S. Maria
in Campitelli.
The Temple of Iuppiter Stator seems to have fig
ured in the fasti on both 5 September (Degrassi 508)
and 23 September (Degrassi 51 2 ). The first may have
been the original dedication day, the second the ded
ication of the rebuilding of Octavia. It is listed in Re-
gio IX in the N otitia but thereafter disappears from
history, and the story of its destruction is completely
unknown.
PBSR 21 (1953): 1 5 2 -5 9 (M. J. Boyd); A]A 80
(1976): 5764 (L. Richardson).
Iuppiter Sutor, A ra: mentioned once by Servius (ad
Aen. 8.652) as an altar on the Capitoline where hides
and old shoes were offered and burned. The reading
is often corrected to Soter or Tutor, but without ade
quate reason.
Iuppiter Tonans, Aedes: a temple on the Capito
line Hill vowed by Augustus after he narrowly es
caped being struck by lightning during a journey by
night on his Cantabrian campaign in 26 B .C . (RG 19;
Suetonius, Aug. 2 9 .3 ; Cass. Dio 5 4 .4 .2 ). It was ded
icated on 1 September 22 B .C . (Degrassi 504) and
seems also to have been especially honored on the
Kalends of February (Ovid, Fast. 2.6 9 ). It was very
splendid and had walls of solid marble (Pliny, FIN
36.50) and a cult statue by Leochares (Pliny, H N
34.79), which may account for the epithet, a trans
lation of Zeus Bronton, found transliterated in two
inscriptions (C IL 6 .4 3 2 = IL S 3 0 4 6 and C IL
6.2241). In front of it stood a group of Castor and
Pollux by Hegias. Augustus frequented it, and it be
came very popular, so much so that Augustus re
ported a dream in which Iuppiter Capitolinus pro
tested that the new temple was withdrawing
worshipers from his temple, to which Augustus an
swered that Iuppiter Tonans was only the gatekeeper
of Iuppiter Capitolinus. In token of this he hung bells
from the eaves of the new temple (Suetonius, Aug.
91.2). These must have disappeared by D ios day, for
he tells the story somewhat differently and hangs a
bell on the hand of the cult statue (Cass. Dio 5 4 .4 .3
4). There is naturally confusion of Iuppiter Tonans
and Iuppiter Capitolinus in the literary sources, so it
is impossible to tell which is meant sometimes (see,
e.g., Martial 7 .6 0 .1 -2 ).
The story of Augustuss dream shows that the
temple stood near the entrance to the Area Capito
lina, therefore on the southeastern brow of the hill
226
overlooking the Forum Romanum. It is shown on a
coin of Augustus (B . M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2 .2 8 -2 9
nos. 4 4 1 2 -1 5 ) as hexastyle, Corinthian, the cult
statue nude, the uplifted left hand steadying a long
scepter, and the right down, advanced, and holding
a thunderbolt. A temple shown on the relief of the
Haterii has been identified as that of Iuppiter Tonans
as rebuilt by Domitian (Nash 1.536 fig. 662). If this
is correct, it remained hexastyle, but the order was
composite. The frieze is decorated with sacrificial im
plements and eagles, and the pediment with a large
wreath. The cult statue is shown frontal, emerging at
the knees from a rock or pile of rocks. It probably-
had a scepter in the left hand (it is hidden) and
cradles a thunderbolt in the right. Above the temple
a curious attic storey or cenaculum is added, the pur
pose of which is very obscure. It has short unfluted
pillars with Ionic capitals and a flat roof, evidently
strongly projecting, and the parapet is decorated
with large thunderbolts. As a loggia it might be a
place from which to view Rome, given the vantage
point of the temples location, but this must remain
very uncertain.
A large square mass of concrete, evidently the core
of a temple podium, about 20 m southeast of the
Temple of Iuppiter Capitolinus, came to light in
1896 during the construction of Via di Monte Tar-
peio (Via del Tempio di Giove) and was cut through
for the street. This is commonly identified as the re
mains of the Temple of Iuppiter Custos (or Conser
vator, see Iuppiter Conservator, Sacellum), Domi-
tians temple built on the site of the lodge of the
aedituus of the Temple of Iuppiter Capitolinus, but
in this location it is likelier to have been the Temple
of Iuppiter Tonans. The lodge of the aedituus should
be in an inconspicuous location, and, because the
principal assault of the Vitellians was up the Clivus
Capitolinus, this temple would have been directly in
the line of fire, not a good place for Domitian to have
sought refuge. But between the Temple of Iuppiter
Capitolinus and the Clivus, it might very well be de
scribed as the gatekeepers lodge for the great temple.
The flank of this building has been thought to be
shown on a panel from an arch of Marcus Aurelius
now on the stair of the Palazzo dei Conservaton
(Helbig4 2 .1 4 4 4 C ; Ryberg 1967, pis. 15, 17, 20). It
offers a faade of ashlar masonry punctuated by five
plain pillars, or pilasters, surmounted by three
groups of a man fighting an animal in a ven atio, and
the building is incomplete, arbitrarily broken at the
edge of the panel. This could hardly be a temple, be
cause there is no pronaos and the roof was either flat
or only slightly sloping. M ore likely, as Ryberg sug
gests, it is part of the porticoes with which we know
the Area Capitolina was framed and has been intro

duced arbitrarily into this scene beside the Temple of
Iuppiter Capitolinus mainly to help identify the lo
cale by readily recognizable features.
Nash 1 .5 3 5 -3 6 ; cf. 5 1 8 -2 0 .
Iuppiter Tragoedus, Statua: mentioned by Sue
tonius (Aug. 57), along with Apollo Sandaliarius
(q.v.), as one of the prized images of divinities that
Augustus dedicated vicatim , presumably meaning in
conjunction with the compital shrines. Because no
part of the city is known to have been associated
with tragedians and an image of Jupiter as a tragic
actor is unthinkable, everything about this statue is
mysterious, and one wonders whether the reading in
Suetonius is correct.
Iuppiter Tutor: a suggested emendation for Iuppi
ter Sutor (q.v.) mentioned by Servius (ad Aen.
8.652), but this seems unnecessary.
Iuppiter U ltor: a hypothetical temple of the time of
Alexander Severus for which there is no evidence
other than some coins (Cohen 4 pp. 4 1 1 -1 2 , nos.
1 0 1 -4 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 6 .1 3 4 , nos. 2 0 7 -9 ;
R IC 4 .2 : 6 4 - 6 5 and 104 nos. 4 1 2 -1 3 ). The temple
shown strongly resembles that of Iuppiter Capitoli
nus, and it is unlikely that so close a duplicate would
have been built in Rome. A similarity that has been
observed between this building and one shown on a
small bronze of Elagabalus (Gnecchi 3.41 and pi.
1 5 2 .11; Nash 1.537 fig. 663), which has been pre
sumed to be the temple built by that emperor on the
Palatine to Sol Invictus Elagabalus, goes only as far
as the general layout. Discrepancies in individual fea
tures abound, and Elagabaluss coin offers nothing
to identify this temple. Until we have a complete ex
cavation of the Vigna Barberini on the Palatine, it
would be rash to assign either of these temples to
that location, although it certainly conceals a large
temple in a temenos surrounded by a portico. In the
late fourth century Avienus (D escr. O rb. Terr. 1090)
describes the Temple of Elagabalus at Emesa as tow
ering and splendid.
Iuppiter Victor, Aedes: a temple originally vowed
by Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus at the Battle of
Sentinum in 295 B .C . He burned the spoils of the
Samnite enemy to this divinity after the battle (Livy
1 0 .2 9.14 and 18). In 293 L. Papirius at the Battle of
Aquilonia vowed a cup of wine to Iuppiter Victor,
but this does not necessarily mean that Fabiuss
temple had yet been built. It was dedicated on 13
April (Ovid, Fast. 4 .6 2 1 ; Degrassi 440). Josephus
(A ntlud 19.4.3. [248]) says that after the assassina
tion of Caligula the consuls convened the senate in
I U P P IT E R V IM IN U S , A RA
the Temple of Iuppiter Victor (Nicephorus), and in
the N otitia of the fourth century it is listed in Re-
gio X.
In 42 B .C . the altar of Iuppiter Victor was struck
by lightning (Cass. Dio 4 7 .4 0 .2 ), and in a . d . 54 the
temple door opened spontaneously, which was taken
to presage the death of Claudius (Cass. Dio
60 [6 1 ].3 5 .1 ). It is mentioned repeatedly in the acta
of the Arval Brethren (C IL 6 .2 0 5 1 .1 .8 7 , 2 0 7 4 .4 0 ,
2 0 8 6 .2 .2 7 ). In the regionary catalogues it is listed to
ward the end of its regio, after the Auguratorium and
before the Curiae Veteres, Fortuna Respiciens, and
Septizodium. This seems to place it toward the east
corner of the Palatine, and probably it is the temple
in Vigna Barberini, where it would have overlooked
the route of triumphal processions (see Fig. 63: the
church of S. Sebastiano). It seems likely that in the
time of Elagabalus it was rebuilt in magnificent style
and size as the temple to his sun god (who was iden
tified with Jupiter). After Elagabaluss death, Alex
ander Severus would then have returned it to the
original dedicant.
The question of whether Iuppiter Victor is the
same as Iuppiter Invictus cannot be settled, because
both, especially the latter, might be epithets applied
to the divinity casually. Ovid (Fast. 6.650) says that
on the Ides of June invicto sunt data tem pla lo v i, but
in the fasti his name appears without any epithet
(Degrassi 47 0 ), and, of course, all the Ides were sa
cred to Jupiter. In these circumstances it seems likely
that there was no real cult of Iuppiter Invictus in
Rome and that Iuppiter Victor was not also called
Invictus (but cf. Hercules Victor and Hercules Invic
tus).
A republican inscription (possibly on an altar)
found on the Quirinal in the seventeenth century,
but now lost (C IL l 2.802 = 6.438 = 30 7 6 7 a = ILS
2 9 9 4 = IL L R P 187), commemorated a restoration
for Iuppiter Victor by T. Mefu[ a tresvir, presumably
appointed for the restoration of temples and monu
ments. This has been taken as evidence for a shrine
to Iuppiter Victor on the Quirinal.
For explorations in Vigna Barberini, see M EFRA
97 (1985): 5 3 1 -3 2 (M. Royo), 98 (1986): 2 1 7 -5 3
(J.-C. Grenier and F. Coarelli), 3 8 7 -9 7 (P. Gros, M.
Lenoir, et al.), 70766 (M. Royo); B u llC om 91.2
(1986): 5 0 7 -1 4 (M. Lenoir et al.); M EFRA 99
(1987): 4 8 1 98 (M. Lenoir et al.), 100 (1988): 507
25 (P. Pergola et al.), 101 (1989): 4 8 9 -5 1 3 (various
authors).
Iuppiter Viminus, A ra: an ancient altar on the Vi-
minal from which Varro (Ling. 5.51) believed the hill
took its name, whereas Festus (516L) held that the
altar and hill took their names from a stand of wil
227
IU T U R N A , LA CU S
lows there. The form of the epithet is unusual; one
expects Viminalis or Vimineus, or better still Salicta-
rius; and the Viminal does not seem a likely place for
a stand of willows. So Varro may be correct and the
origin of the epithet obscure. The discovery in 1977,
in Piazza dei Cinquecento, of a statue of Jupiter,
nude except for the aegis, a dedication of the late
fourth century after Christ, may give us the location
of this shrine and a representation of the divinity
(.BdA 65 [1980]: 1 5 -2 4 [I. Jacopi]).
Iuturna, Lacus: see Lacus Iuturnae.
Iuturna, Templum: the first temple of Juturna in
Rome, built by Lutatius Catulus in the Campus Mar-
tius (Servius a d Aen. 12 .1 3 9 ); this is probably C. Ca
tulus, the victor of the First Punic War, cos. 242,
who triumphed in 2 4 1 , rather than the Sullan builder
of the Tabularium. The temple stood somewhere
near the Aqua Virgo: h ie u bi Virginea C am pus obitu r
aqu a (Ovid, Fast. 1 .4 6 3 -6 4 ). Its day of dedication
was the same as the Carmentalia, 11 January, also
apparently sometimes called the Iuturnalia (Degrassi
395). All that is known about the temple is that C.
Aelius Staienus, a figure in the trial of Cluentius in
66 B .C ., set up gilded statues there with inscriptions
identifying them as kings whom he had restored to
favor with Rome (Cicero, Clu. 101). The suggestion
is that the temple stood on or near the west side of
Via Lata, between this and the Temple of Divus Had-
rianus. The temple has nothing to do with the
Temple of the Nymphs in the Campus Martius, al
228
though a connection has repeatedly been proposed
and the two stood not far from each other.
Iuventas, Aedes: a temple vowed by the consul M.
Livius Salinator on the day of the Battle of the Me-
taurus, 2 0 7 B .C ., begun by him as censor in 2 0 4 , and
dedicated by C. Licinius Lucullus in 191. It burned
to the ground in 16 B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 4 .1 9 .7 ), and
Augustus restored it (R G 19). The temple was in
C irco M ax im o near that of Summanus (Pliny, H N
29 .5 7 ), therefore presumably on the Aventine side of
the circus, but still within Regio X I. No remains of
it are known.
The notion that after the construction of this
temple Roman boys who had come of age made a
traditional offering of a coin here, rather than at the
shrine of Iuventas on the Capitoline, seems to have
nothing to support it (cf. Dion. Hal. 4.15.5).
Iuventas, Aedicula: a small shrine in the cella Mi-
nervae of the temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus
Capitolinus (Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 0 8 ), Iuventas, along
with Terminus, having been a divinity who refused
exauguration at the time of the building of the Cap
itoline temple (Livy 5 .5 4 .7 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .6 9 .5 ; Flo-
rus 1 .1 .7 .8 ; Augustine, D e civ. D ei 4.2 3 ). On coming
of age and receiving the toga virilis, a Roman boy
offered a coin at this shrine, a custom supposed to
have been instituted by Servius Tullius as a means of
keeping an annual census of the population of Rome
(Dion. Hal. 4.1 5 .5 ).
Lacus: see Fons, Lacus, Nymphaeum.
Lacus Aretis: mentioned in a sepulchral inscription
that associates it with a temple of Fortuna (C/L
6 .9 6 64 = IL S 7536). Because Fortuna is given no epi
thet and the lacus is sub a ed e, and because the sub
ject of the inscription describes himself as a n eg otia
tor aerarius et ferrarius, it is natural to think of
Serviuss Temple of Fortuna in the Forum Boarium
rather than any other temple, but there is no proof.
The meaning of the name is also obscure.
For a different view, see R ivStorA nt 4 (1974):
1 4 4 - 4 6 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Lacus Cunicli: a watering place in Regio IX known
only from an inscription of a . d . 3 75 (BullA rchC r 2.2
[1871]: 7576 [De Rossi]). Presumably the standard
of the feed pipe of the lacus was carved with the fig
ure of a rabbit. One may compare such a standard in
Pompeii (Overbeck-Mau 241).
Lacus Curtius (Fig. 4 0 ): a monument in the Forum
Romanum supposed to mark the place of a miracu
lous event of which three versions were given in the
classical period: (1) A certain Procillus, possibly the
tribunus plebis of 56 B .C ., reported that in 3 6 2 B .C .
a chasm opened here, which the soothsayers an
nounced could only be closed by offering that q u o
plurim um p opu lu s R om anus posset. Thereupon a
young patrician, M . Curtius, armed and mounted,
rode his horse into the pit, which forthwith closed
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 4 8 ; Livy 7 .6 .1 6 ; Dion. Hal.
1 4 .1 1 .3 -4 ; Val. M ax. 5 .6 .2 ; Pliny, H N 15.78; Cass.
Dio fr. 3 0 .1 -2 ; Paulus ex Lest. 42 L ; Zonaras 7 .2 5 ;
Orosius 3.5). This was the commonest explanation.
(2) Calpurnius Piso, the annalist and consul of 133
B .C ., wrote that during the war between Romulus
and Titus Tatius the Sabine leader Mettius Curtius,
being hard-pressed by the Romans, rode his horse
into a swamp in this place and so escaped (Varro,
Ling. 5 .1 4 9 ; Livy 1 .1 2 .9 -1 0 and 13.5; Dion. Hal.
2 .4 2 .5 -6 ; Plutarch, R om . 18.4, who tells the story
rather differently). This is the story commemorated
by a relief found in 1553 between the Column of
Phocas and the Temple of Castor and preserved in
the Museo Capitolino Nuovo. It bears on its back an
inscription of the praetor peregrinus L. Naevius Sur-
dinus (C/L 6 .1 4 6 8 = 31 6 6 2 ) of the early empire, but
it is probably a copy of a late republican original. (3)
An unidentified Cornelius and Q. Lutatius Catulus,
the consul of 102 B .C ., wrote that the lacus was a
spot that had been struck by lightning in 445 B .C .
and was then fenced off and marked with a puteal
by the consul C. Curtius (Varro, Ling. 5.150).
In the time of Augustus there was no sign of a la
cus there (Ovid, Fast. 6 .4 0 3 -4 ) , but Suetonius (Aug.
57.1) says that it was the custom for all Romans an
nually to throw a small coin in the lacus to discharge
vows for the princeps health and well-being. Thus it
continued to have the associations with the under
world implicit in the first explanation of its origin,
and there was an altar or altars there (Ovid, Fast.
6 .4 0 3 - 4 ; Pliny, H N 15.78).
The remains today consist of an irregular polygo
nal area, roughly 10.15 m x 8.95 m, which was en
closed in antiquity by a fence or balustrade of
marble. Within this are parts of three layers of pave
ment, the lowest of slabs of cappellaccio, the middle
of slabs of Monteverde tufa, and the topmost and
poorest preserved of travertine. In the western part
are cuttings for four rectangular bases, very likely
Ovids siccas . . . aras. The most conspicuous feature
is a twelve-sided plinth of tufa, which had at its cen
ter a setting suitable for a puteal. One was often in
stalled over a place struck by lightning and would
make a convenient place for the Romans to deposit
their coins.
Because there is no sign of any natural source of
LA C U S E S C [ . . . ]
water in the vicinity nearer than the Cloaca, and all
three explanations of the origin of the lacus plainly
appear rationalizing inventions of one sort or an
other, we must conclude that it was a very ancient
monument with strong associations with the cult of
the dead, because, had it been simply a watering
place, there would have been no hindrance to its re
moval.
J. Poucet, R ech erch es sur la legen de Sabine des o ri
gines d e R o m e (Kinshasa, Zaire 1967); Nash 1 .5 4 2
4 4 ; GV 1 0 4 -1 6 .
Lacus E s c [ . . . ]: found only on a lead tessera (Ros-
tovtzeff, Sylloge no. 49 9 ). The supplement Escu-
linum is supported by Varro, Ling. 5 .5 0 , which sug
gests that it was a very ancient watering place.
Lacus Fabricius: see Compitum Fabricium.
Lacus Fagutalis (see also Fagutal): a watering
place on the Fagutal behind which the first station of
the Argei in Regio II Esquiliae was located. The cor
rection of lacus to lucus, advocated by many, does
not recommend itself in view of the vagueness of to
pography that results. Moreover, the association of
watering places with compital shrines is well known.
It may have been at the top of the northwest slope of
the Esquiline (cf. Solinus 1.26), but is more likely to
have been on the western tip.
Lacus Fundani: a watering place that gave its name
to a vicus (C/L P 1 .7 2 1 = 6 .1 2 9 7 = IL S 872 = IL L R P
352). According to Tacitus (Hist. 3.6 9 ), during the
crisis in Rome on Vitelliuss abdication of the prin-
cipate, Flavius Sabinus and his supporters were de
scending from his house, almost certainly one of
those later rebuilt by Domitian as the Templum Gen-
tis Flaviae (see Gens Flavia, Templum) or very close
by, presumably in the direction of the Forum Ro-
manum, when they encountered supporters of Vitel-
lius circa lacum Fundani. After a skirmish there
Sabinus and his followers seized the arx of the Cap-
itoline. This would put the Lacus Fundani in the
saddle between Quirinal and Capitoline, perhaps
closer to the Quirinal in the section called Collis La-
tiaris. But the street to which it gave its name was a
vicus rather than a clivus, so it must have been rela
tively flat. We may incline to put it not far from the
street discovered at the base of the Columna Traiani
(see Forum Traiani).
Lacus Gallines: known only from a single inscrip
tion of unknown provenience (C/L 6 .33835).
Lacus Ganymedis: a watering place, the first mon
ument listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio
230
VII. Ligorio claimed to have seen its remains, a ten
sided basin of marble, 15 feet in diameter, with a
rock in the middle from which the figure that gave it
its name rose. This was in the cellars of the monks of
SS. Apostoli, toward the piazza called Dellulmo de
Colonnesi (LS 3 .2 0 2 ). The statue of Ganymede was
subsequently supposed to have been presented to the
bishop of Pavia, governatore di Roma, but the foun
tain, as described, is so unlike any other ancient
fountain known that we must doubt Ligorios testi
mony here.
Lacus Iuturnae (Fig. 5 1 ): the spring-fed pool of Ju-
turna at the south corner of the Forum Romanum
between the Temple of Castor and the Atrium Ves-
tae, where Castor and Pollux were seen watering
their horses after the Battle of Lake Regillus in 496
B .C . Thereafter, the Temple of Castor was built just
west of the lacus (Ovid, Fast. 1 .7 0 5 8; Dion. Hal.
6.1 3 .4 ). This epiphany was believed to have been re
peated after the Battle of Pydna in 168 B .C . (Florus
1 .2 8 .1 5 ; Val. M ax. 1.8.1). The twins are shown
watering their horses on coins of the Gens Postumia.
to which the victor of Lake Regillus belonged, of
about 9 6 - 9 0 B .C . (B . M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2.310
nos. 7 1 8 -2 3 ; Crawford 335 no. 10); the lacus is
there shown as a low trough or puteal. Servius (ad
Aen. 12.139) says that Iuturna was properly the
name of a spring near the River Numicus, given this
name because of its salubrious water (iuvare). From
this spring in ancient times water was said to have
been brought to Rome for all sacrifices. A temple to
Juturna was first built in the Campus Martius (see
Iuturna, Templum). When the forum spring was as
signed to her is not known, but its water was always
regarded as especially fine and healthful (see also
Varro, Ling. 5 .7 1 ; Frontinus, A q. 4). PA suggests
that the name might also be derived from Diuturna
(its being a perpetual spring).
The area was explored only in 1900. W hat came
to light was a basin 2 .1 2 m deep, measuring at the
bottom 5.13 m x 5 .0 4 m. In the middle of this is a
rectangular base about 3 m long, 2 m wide, and 1.78
m high. This presumably held a marble group of the
Dioscuri and their horses, fine work of the early clas
sical period, which was found smashed to fragments
in the basin and is now partially reassembled and on
display in the Forum Antiquarium (Helbig4 2 .2 0 6 7 .
Nash, however, thinks this base is too small and
would therefore like to locate the group on a pair of
little squares marked on the Marble Plan on the
north side of the basin (A rchC l 11 [1959]: 22731;.
The basin was entirely lined with marble, and the
springs emerged in the northeast and northwest cor
ners. The walls behind the revetment are faced with
reticulate, and the whole appears to be an early im
 LA C U S O R P H E I

perial refurbishing of a late republican treatment.

Under the floor of the basin have been found exten
sive remains of a pavement in blocks of tufa laid
on a different orientation (that of the precinct of
Vesta).
At the top of the basin is a ledge, about 1.50 m
wide, framed in a heavy wall of rubble masonry 1.23
m high, capped by a travertine coping with traces of
the setting of a metal fence. At the top the whole
measures about 10 m square. In the fourth century
the east side of the basin was rebuilt in different
form, apparently to create a place for the Statio
Aquarum. A marble altar that was found in the basin
has been set up on the intermediate ledge; on its four
faces it shows the Dioscuri, Helen (as Selene), Leda,
and Jupiter.
About 4 m south of the lacus, facing it at an angle,
is the Aedicula Iuturnae, a pretty little shrine on a
high base without a stair of approach. This must
have held a statue of the divinity in the apsidal cella.
Its shallow porch is framed by two slender Corin
thian columns and a neat triangular pediment. In
front of it, over a well, is a large marble puteal, un
fluted, with an inscription commemorating a resto
ration by M . Barbatius Pollio, believed to be the ad Figure 51
herent of M ark Antony (CIL 6 .3 6 8 0 7 = IL S 9261). Lacus Iuturnae, Statio
Just in front of this and obscuring it has now been A quarum , and
A djacen cies, Plan
set a marble altar of Severan date commonly believed
to represent Juturna taking leave of Turnus. How
ever, the gesture is ambiguous, and it might equally count of the excavation and finds; BdA 4 0 (1955):
well represent Mars and Venus. It is not properly in 3 4 6 - 4 7 (A. Davico), the account of the restoration
place here; it was found used as a step in a medieval of the Aedicula Iuturnae; Nash 2 .9 -1 7 , 3 9 5 -9 7 ;
stair. The aedicula is identified by an inscription on R om a, a rcb eo lo g ia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .7 3 -9 2 (E.
the epistyle: i v r v R N A ( i ) s(acrum) (NSc 1901, 74 [G. M . Steinby); E. M . Steinby, L acu s Iuturnae I (Rome
Boni]). It all but abuts on an apsidal room in which 1989).
the brickwork is considered Hadrianic.
East of the lacus, between it and the Atrium Ves- Lacus Longus: known only from the edict of Tar-
tae, a ramp mounts to the Nova Via, and the trian racius Bassus of the fourth century (C IL 6.31893
gular space between was filled with later construc b9 = IL S 6072). It is listed following the Decennenses
tion, some of which encroached on the lacus itself, a (see Decenniae) and Monetarii (q.v.) and therefore
large brick-faced vault carrying it over the basin. In probably in Regio III.
scriptions found here show that it became the head
quarters of the water department of Rome, the Statio Lacus Miliarius: see Vicus Laci Miliari.
Aquarum. One, a base of a statue to Constantine,
erected 1 March 328, commemorates a restoration Lacus Orphei: on the Esquiline, listed by the re-
at the time by FI. Maesius Egnatius Lollianus, cura gionary catalogues in Regio V. Martial (1 0 .1 9 .4 9)
tor aquarum (NSc 1901, 129). It therefore appears described it as at the head of the Clivus Suburanus,
that the statio had already been located here for a theater dominated at its summit by Orpheus
some time. Statues of Aesculapius and Apollo found drenched in water and surrounded by wild animals
in the vicinity have been taken as evidence that it had charmed by his music. The residents of the neighbor
also become the center of a healing cult, perhaps as hood seem to have been known as Orfienses (C IL
early as the second century. Finds of pottery show 6.3 1 8 9 3 d l2 ) in the fourth century, and the name
that the spring continued in use as late as the eighth persisted into the medieval period to designate the
century, and even at present it produces water pro churches of S. Lucia in Orfea and S. M artino iuxta
nounced excellent by the experts. Orfeam (HCh 3 0 6 , 382).
NSc 1901, 4 1 -1 4 4 (G. Boni), the most detailed ac C EFR 98 (1987): 4 1 5 -2 8 (E. Rodriguez Almeida).

231
LA C U S P A S T O R U M
Lacus Pastorum: listed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio III and usually explained by citation of a
passage in the Acta S. Eusebii Presbyteri : a d pe-
tram sceleratam iuxta am p h ith eatru m a d lacum pas-
toris (Jordan 2 .1 1 9 -2 0 ; H J 3 1 8 -1 9 ). It would put
the lacus east of the Colosseum, between it and the
church of S. Clemente, a likely enough location.
Lacus Philippi: a reservoir that Philippus Arabs
built in the Transtiberim to relieve a shortage of
water there (Aur. Viet., Caes. 28 .1 ), often mistaken
for a naumachia.
Lacus Pisonis: mentioned by Cicero (QFr. 2.3.7) in
56 B .C . to locate a house rented for Quintuss tem
porary use. The manuscript reading is a d lucum Pi
sonis but can hardly be right, because luci at this
time belong to divinities. Its location is unknown.
Lacus Poetelius: a public watering place on the Cis-
pian listed as one of the landmarks in the ceremonies
of the Argei (Varro, Ling. 5.50). The reading is usu
ally corrected to Lucus Poetilius, but without real
warrant.
Lacus Promethei: a watering place listed by the re
gionary catalogues in Regio I after the Camenae
(q.v.). It almost certainly showed Prometheus cruci
fied, and the water may have issued from his wound.
Lacus Restituti: in Regio X IV ; see Vicus Laci
Restituti.
Lacus Servilius: a watering place in the Forum Ro-
manum at the end of the Vicus Iugarius adjacent to
the Basilica Iulia, probably at the northwest corner
of the basilica (Festus 3 7 0 -7 2 L : continens). The
heads of senators killed in the proscriptions of Sulla
were displayed here (Cicero, R ose. A m. 8 9 ; Seneca,
Prov. 3 .7 .8 ; Firm. M at. 1.7.34). Agrippa embel
lished it with a figure of the Hydra, probably a foun
tain figure similar to that discovered in the n atatio of
the Palaestra of Herculaneum (BdA 39 [1954]: 193
99 [A. M aiuri]), which may be a copy of it. Festus
speaks of it in the past tense, and there is nothing to
prove it outlived the Augustan period. It probably
was damaged in the fire that destroyed the Basilica
Iulia late in Augustuss life and was swallowed up in
the enlargement of the basilica in its rebuilding (Au
gustus, R G 20).
Nash 2 .1 8 -2 0 .
Lacus Tectus: in Regio X II: see Vicus Laci Tecti.
Lapis M analis: see Manalis Lapis.
232
Lapis Niger: see Niger Lapis.
Lapis Pertusus: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio VII, so probably in the northern reaches of the
regio. It ought to be a tunnel of some sort, but iden
tification as the mouth where the Aqua Virgo
emerged from the slope of the Pincian seems far
fetched. Nordh (P roleg om en a 1936, 7275) wished
to identify it as the Muro Torto (see Horti Aci-
liorum), a broken stretch of the Aurelian Walls be
tween Porta Flaminia and Porta Pinciana. In support
of this he cited the wording of Procopius, B ellG oth
1 .2 3 .3 4. This, too, seems unlikely to be correct.
Lares, Aedes: a temple in su m m a Sacra Via (Solinus
1.23), first mentioned in connection with prodigies
in 106 B .C . (Obsequens 41) and by Cicero (N at.D.
3.63) and Pliny (H N 2.16) to locate the shrine of
Orbona (q.v.). It was one of the temples that Augus
tus restored (R G 19), probably in 4 B .C . (GIL
6.4 5 6 = IL S 99). The day of dedication was 2 7 June
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 9 1 -9 2 ; Degrassi 474). Because it
shared its dedication day with Iuppiter Stator, also
in sum m a Sacra Via, and is used to locate the Fanum
Orbonae, we should look for its remains near the
Arch of Titus. Although the entrance portico of the
Domus Aurea of Nero and the platform of Hadrians
Temple of Venus et Roma have overrun most of the
area in question, Solinus (1.23) mentions the temple
as still in existence in his day (ca. a . d . 200).
In describing the line of the pomerium of the city
of Romulus, Tacitus (Ann. 12.24) apparently gives
points where the course changed direction. It began
at the bronze bull in the Forum Boarium, ran to the
Magna Herculis Ara, then to the Ara Consi, Curiae
Veteres, Sacellum Larum, and Forum Romanum. If
the Curiae Veteres were at the northeast corner of
the Palatine, the likeliest location for them, then the
Sacellum Larum might conceivably be connected
with the Aedes Larum and mentioned because of the
change in level, rather than any great change in di
rection. Because Tacitus speaks of it as though it
would be familiar to his reader, this is preferable to
imagining an otherwise unattested sacellum at the
northeast corner of the Palatine.
The discovery of G IL 6 .4 5 6 = IL S 99 near the en
trance to the Farnese gardens on the Palatine about
1555 tends to confirm a location northwest of Iup
piter Stator for the Sacellum Larum.
Lares Alites: see Vicus Larum Alitum.
Lares Augustorum et Genii Caesarum, A ra: an
altar on Sacra Via opposite the mouth of Vicus Sta-
tuae Verris first erected under the Flavians and re

stored in a . d . 161. The Vicus Statuae Verris (q.v.) is
identified as the street along the northwest side of the
Basilica Constantini, but this is not certain.
R endP ontA cc 5 1 -5 2 (1 9 7 8 -7 9 ): 1 1 1 -3 6 (R. E. A.
Palmer).
Lares Curiales: see Vicus Larum Iu(ga)lium.
Lares Permarini, Aedes: a temple vowed by the
praetor L. Aemilius Regillus during a naval battle
with Antiochus the Great in 190 B .C ., dedicated by
M. Aemilius Lepidus on 22 December 179 (Livy
4 0 .5 2 .4 ; Macrobius, Sat. 1.10.10). Livy and Macro-
bius locate it in the Campus Martius, while the Fasti
Praenestini (ad K al. Ian.) locate it in porticu Minu-
cia. It has therefore been identified as the temple of
which part of the south flank was discovered in 1938
during the widening of Via delle Botteghe Oscure
near the corner of Via Celsa and at first identified as
the Temple of Bellona. It is now known from the
Marble Plan to have stood off axis to the southeast
within a square surrounded by a portico labeled
m i n i [ . . . ], presumably the Minucia Vetus (see Por-
ticus Minucia Vetus), between the Diribitorium on
the north and the Theatrum and Crypta Balbi on the
south.
The temple is an imposing one, peripteral, octa-
style, with apparently twelve columns on the flanks,
raised on a moderately high podium finished with
deep moldings at base and crown. It is frontal in the
Roman manner, with a stair of approach on the
west, a pronaos almost as deep as the cella given an
extra file of columns in continuation of each lateral
wall of the cella, and with lateral colonnades of six
columns on either side inside the cella. The remains
show a mixture of materials, column shafts of pepe-
rino with bases and Corinthian capitals of travertine,
a podium revetment of marble, and a marble entab
lature including a modillion cornice.
It was apparently always a very splendid building,
commensurate with Aemilius Regilluss victory.
What we see must be a late republican or Augustan
rebuilding of the original with extensive Domitianic
repairs after the fire of Titus. Over the doors of the
temple was a long dedicatory inscription in Saturni-
ans preserved by Livy (40.52.4), a second copy of
which was put over the doors of a temple of Jupiter
in C apitolio, presumably the Temple of Iuppiter Op-
timus Maximus, further testimony to the greatness
of Aemilius Regilluss victory.
QITA 5 (1968): 9 -1 8 (L. Cozza).
Lares Praestites: known only from Ovid (Fast.
5 .1 2 9 -3 0 ), where the Kalends of May are recorded
as the festival of these Lares, to whom an altar was
L A U T O LAE
set up and parva sim ulacra. This might be the same
as the altar supposed to have been erected by Titus
Tatius (Varro, Ling. 5 .7 4 ); if so, we might expect to
find it in the Colline district of Quirinal and Viminal.
These Lares were shown wearing the skins of dogs
and accompanied by dogs (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om .
5.7 4 ), quite unlike all other Lares we know. They are
shown on denarii of L. Caesius of about 90 B .C ., two
seated youths, each with a spear, and with a dog
seated between them, nude except for what must be
presumed to be a dog skin over the right leg (B. M.
C oins R om . R ep. 2 .2 9 0 nos. 5 8 5 - 8 9 ; Crawford
298). Their resemblance to the Dioscuri and conse
quently to the Penates, as they are described, is very
striking.
Lares Querquetulani, Sacellum: a shrine on the
Esquiline (Varro, Ling. 5.4 9), therefore not to be as
sociated with the Querquetulanus Mons, which is
said to have been an old name for the Caelian, or the
Porta Querquetulana on the Caelian. The epithet
suggests more than a single tree, but Varro clearly
implies that there was no sign of an oak wood or
grove there in his day. At the same time he indicates
that he regarded this as a very ancient shrine.
Latiaris Collis: see Quirinalis Collis.
Lauretum: see Loretum .
Lautolae: a place designation explained by Varro
(Ling. 5.156) as from washing: q u o d ibi a d lanum
G em inum a q u a e cald ae fuerunt. He goes on to say
that this water created the Velabrum Minus. M acro
bius (Sat. 1 .9 .1 7 -1 8 ) relates that during the war with
Titus Tatius, when the Romans were hard-pressed,
through the Porta Ianualis, q u a e sub radicibus collis
Viminalis erat, a great force of very hot water origi
nating from the Temple of Janus had repelled the
enemy, and this was the origin of the custom of
opening the doors of Janus in time of war (cf. also
Servius a d A en. 8.361). M acrobius is wrong about
the location of the Porta Ianualis, but if Velabrum is
an ancient name for a subsidiary channel, there may
well once have been one in the basin of the Subura,
and if there were a ianus crossing the Cloaca stream
there, Varro or his source might at a later date have
mistaken the Ianus Geminus for this. However, the
similarity of the words L a u to la e and L au tu m iae
(might the first be a contraction of L au tu m io la ef),
the known location of the Ianus Geminus a d infi-
m um A rgiletum , and the existence of a spring (not a
hot spring, but Varro uses the past tense) in the Tul-
lianum make it likely that the real location of the
Lautolae was at the base of the Capitoline on the
233
LA U T U M IA E
northeast and the Velabrum Minus (see Velabrum
Maius and Ianus Geminus) was at the foot of the
slope down from the Tullianum to the Forum Ro-
manum.
Lautumiae: stone quarries on the northeast slope of
the Capitoline that were also used as prisons (Livy
3 2 .2 6 .1 7 and 3 7 .3 .8 ; Seneca Rhetor, C ontrov.
9.4[27].2 1 ). The word is supposed to have been bor
rowed from the Syracusans, who also used their
quarries (latomiae) for that purpose (Varro, Ling.
5 .1 5 1 ; Paulus ex Fest. 104L). Cato built the Basilica
Porcia in lautum iis (Livy 3 9 .4 4 .7 ), so they were
probably in use only from sometime after the fall of
Syracuse in 2 1 2 to about 180. Thereafter, the Career
(q.v.) was the only prison in Rome.
Lavacrum : see Therm ae, Balineum, Lavacrum.
Lavacrum Agrippinae: baths built by one of the
Agrippinas, known from inscriptions on lead pipes
found on the Viminal near the church of S. Lorenzo
in Panisperna, toward S. Vitale. With the area are
associated finds of statuary as well (C IL 1 5 .7 1 4 7 ; see
also 6 .2 9 7 6 5 ). One inscription also recorded a res
toration of this bath by Hadrian, so in S.H.A. Hadr.
19.10 L avacru m A grippae should probably be cor
rected to L avacru m A grippinae.
Lavacrum Plautini: mentioned only once (S.H.A.
H eliog ab. 8.6) as a bath that had been private, or
exclusive, which Elagabalus threw open to the use of
the people. Presumably it was on the Palatine, and
one may ask whether the reading might be a corrup
tion of Palatini.
Laverna, Area, Lucus: see Porta Lavernalis.
Liber (? or Bacchus?): a shrine of Dionysos men
tioned by Pausanias (8.46.5) as in some unknown
imperial gardens where the one remaining tusk of the
Calydonian boar was preserved. Because Octavian
was supposed to have taken it from Tegea after the
defeat of M ark Antony (Pausanias 8.4 6 .1 ), the Horti
Caesaris at the Porta Collina may be meant.
Liber Pater: see Lyaeus.
Liber Pater, Signum: a statue on the Capitoline,
presumably in the Area Capitolina, mentioned in
two military diplomata of a . d . 70 (C IL 16.10, 11).
Libertas (1): a temple on the Aventine that T. Sem-
pronius Gracchus (cos. 238 B .C .) built, in which his
son of the same name had painted the feast following
the Battle of Beneventu.m in 2 1 4 (Livy 2 4 .1 6 .1 9 ;
234
Paulus ex Fest. 108L). Its precise location is un
known, but it should not be confused with Iuppiter
Libertas on the Aventine (see Degrassi 440).
Libertas (2): a small shrine that Clodius erected on
part of the site of Ciceros house on the Palatine,
which he razed to the ground after Cicero went into
exile. On Ciceros return he was able, despite Clo-
diuss opposition, to regain possession of his prop
erty and to have the shrine removed (Cicero, D om .
116; Plutarch, Cic. 3 3 .1 ; Cass. Dio 3 8 .1 7 .6 , 3 9 .1 1 .1,
3 9 .2 0 .3 ). Cicero (D om . I l l ) asserts that the cult
statue of Clodiuss shrine was originally the funerary
monument of a courtesan of Tanagra.
R E L 43 (1965): 2 2 9 - 3 7 (G.-C. Picard).
Libertas (3): a temple voted by the senate in 4 6 b .c .
in honor of Caesar, in connection with the title of
Liberator awarded him (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 4 .1 ). It is very
unlikely that it was built.
Libertas (4): see Iuppiter Libertas, Aedes.
Libertas, Atrium: see Forum Traiani and
Atrium Libertatis.
Libitina: see Lucus Libitinae.
Ligures: a monument on the Capitoline named in
the location of a military diploma of a . d . 80 (C IL
16.158). Presumably this was a victory monument, a
trophy of some sort.
Litus Etruscum : see Ripa Veientana and
Vaticanus Ager.
Loretum (also Lauretum ): a place on the Aventine
where there had been a stand of laurels, but this had
disappeared by the time of Varro (Ling. 5 .1 5 2 ; see
also Dion. Hal. 3 .4 3 .1 and Pliny, H N 15.138). It was
here that Titus Tatius was supposed to have been
buried (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 2 ; Festus 496L ). According
to Servius (ad A en. 8.2 7 6 ), Varro also reported that
laurels cut in this stand were used in the ceremonies
of the Ara M axim a Herculis, although the poplar
was Herculess appointed tree.
There were two Loreta, or perhaps better two
parts of the Loretum, for a Vicus Loreti Minoris and
a Vicus Loreti Maioris are listed in Regio X III on the
Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 60 7 3 ), and in the
Fasti Vallenses for 13 August we find Vortum no in
L o re to M aiore (Degrassi 4 9 4 -9 5 ) . It was apparently
adjacent to, but distinct from, the Armilustrium (Plu
tarch, R om . 23 .2 ). The Vicus Armilustri follows the
Vicus Loreti Minoris on the Capitoline Base, but pre
cedes the Vicus Loreti M aioris, with three vici inter

vening. Thus we can place the Loretum Minus on the
northwestern part of the hill but are in some doubt
about the Loretum Maius.
Loricata: a d L oricatam and a L o rica ta are desig
nations given agents of the imperial fiscus (C IL
6 .8 6 8 8 -9 2 ), sometimes in conjunction with a d Cas-
torem (see Castor, Aedes). This suggests an office
identified by a loricate statue (of the reigning prin-
ceps?), but this cannot be identified.
Lucus: see Aedes, Aedicula, Templum, etc.
Lucus Albionarum: see Albionarum Lucus.
Lucus Asyli: see Inter Duos Lucos (2).
Lucus Bellonae: see Bellona Pulvinensis, Aedes.
Lucus Cam enarum : see Camenae.
Lucus Esquilinus: a conjectural emendation of La-
cus Esquilinus in the text of Varro (Ling. 5.5 0 ), for
which there is inadequate warrant.
Lucus Fagutalis: see Fagutal.
Lucus Furrinae (or Furinae): the sanctuary of an
ancient goddess, a grove on the right bank of the T i
ber well up on the slope of the Janiculan hill, where
Gaius Gracchus met his death in 121 B .C . (Plutarch,
C. G racch. 17.2; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 6 5 .5 -6 ).
From inscriptions found in the vicinity, this appears
to have covered part of the middle slope of the Ja n i
culan with the present lower reaches of Villa Sciarra/
Wurts (C IL 6.4 2 2 , 4 2 3 , 3 0 7 6 5 ; ILS 4 2 8 7 , 42 9 2 ). Its
extent is not known. The goddess in early times had
a flamen (Varro, Ling. 5.84) and a festival, the Fur-
rinalia or Fornalia, on 25 July (Degrassi 48 7 ), but
Varro says that in his time she had been almost for
gotten (Ling. 6.19), and her character is disputed.
Plutarch believed she was a nymph, whereas Cicero
(Nat. D. 3.46) and Martianus Capella (2.164) be
lieved she was a divinity of the underworld. The lat
ter identification may rest on no more than the simi
larity of Furrina to Furiae, but there was another
shrine of Furrina not far from Arpinum (Cicero,
QFr. 3 .1 .4 ), so she was not simply a local nymph.
Later we find mention of Nymphae Furrinae (C IL
6.36802) and a Genius Forinarum (C IL 6 .4 2 2 = ILS
42 9 2), but these may have been associated with
springs or other features in the grove, rather than
with Furrina herself.
The character of the Furrinalia is unknown, but in
later times the grove was evidently considered a suit
able place for a temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus
LU C U S M E F IT IS
(q.v.) and other divinities associated with him. Be
cause this sanctuary has numerous suggestions of a
death and underworld cult and the Lucus Furrinae
lay close to the edge of the city, there is reason to
think Cicero and Martianus may not have been en
tirely wrong, but the flamen and festival would be
difficult to account for in a death cult. Her name sug
gests an Etruscan origin.
P. Gauckler, L e Sanctuaire syrien du Jan icu le (Paris
1912), 1 -1 3 7 ; N. Goodhue, T h e Lucus Furrinae an d
the Syrian Sanctuary on the Jan icu lu m (Amsterdam
1975), 1 -2 4 , 7 1 -7 6 ; M . Mele, ed., L area d el santu-
ario siriaco d el G ian icolo (Rome 1982).
Lucus Iunonis Lucinae: see Iuno Lucina,
Aedes.
Lucus Libitinae: a grove containing a temple of Ve
nus Libitina (or Libentina or Lubentina), identified
by the Romans with Libitina (Plutarch, N um a 12.1),
originally the headquarters of the funeral undertak
ers of Rome, the libitinarii. Here lists of the dead
were kept and a coin was deposited for each, a cus
tom supposed to have been initiated by Servius Tul
lius as part of a system for keeping the census of the
city (Dion. Hal. 4 .1 5 .5 ). Here all the equipment nec
essary for a funeral could be bought (Plutarch,
Q uaest. R om . 23), and here the mob of Clodiuss ad
herents found firewood that they carried to the
houses of the consuls and Pompey in their rioting
after his murder (Asconius in M ilon. 29 [Stangl 32]).
Funerary inscriptions speak of a vestiarius and a lan-
ius a b luco L ib itin ae (C IL 6 .9 9 7 4 = IL S 7574,
3 3 8 7 0 = 1LS 74 7 1 ). Festus (322L) says that the day
of dedication of the Temple of Venus was 19 August,
but the Fasti Antiates Maiores and Vallenses omit it
(Degrassi 498). Obsequens (12) tells of a bronze
equestrian statue there from which water ran in 166
B .C . No one locates the grove for us, but because the
Domus Rostrata of Pompey was on the Carinae (see
Domus, Cn. Pompeius Magnus [1]), while those of
the consuls Hypsaeus and Scipio are unlocated, it
is possible that the Lucus Libitinae was not far
from the Esquiline cemetery outside the Porta Es-
quilina, but within the Servian pomerium rather than
beyond it.
Lucus M artis: according to the scholia on Juvenal
1.7, a grove on the Via Appia where poets were ac
customed to read their works. But this is so patently
an invention based on a misreading of the passage in
Juvenal and knowledge of the important Temple of
Mars on the Via Appia that it must be regarded with
great skepticism.
Lucus Mefitis: see Mefitis Aedes, Lucus.
235
L U C U S P E T E L IN U S
Lucus Petelinus: a grove outside the Porta Flumen-
tana from which the Capitoline could not be seen, in
which the comitia were assembled to try M . Manlius
Capitolinus in 381 B .C . (Livy 6 .2 0 .1 1 ; Plutarch,
Cam . 36.6) and in which in 3 4 2 B .C . the people were
again assembled for a plebiscite with respect to a mu
tinous army. Because there was very little space be
tween the Porta Flumentana and the river, we must
put the lucus immediately outside the pomerium
here, where the height of the walls would cut off the
view of the Capitoline. The origin of the name is ob
scure and is not explained in our sources.
Lucus Pisonis, Ad: the reading of all the manu
scripts in Ciceros location of a house he has rented
for his brother (Q Fr. 2.3 .7 ), but a lucus that is not
assigned to a divinity and is instead the grove of a
well-known historical figure would be an anomaly
(surely it would be described as horti). Therefore, the
emendation to lacus is to be preferred. See Lacus Pi
sonis.
Lucus Poetilius: an unwarranted correction of L a
cus Poetilius, a landmark on the Cispian mentioned
in connection with the ceremonies of the Argei
(Varro, Ling. 5.50).
Lucus Stimulae: a grove sacred to Stimula, a divin
ity confused with Semele (Ovid, Fast. 6 .5 0 3 ; C1L
6.9 8 9 7 = IL S 75 5 1 ), where the scandalous and crim
inal Bacchic orgies of the senatus consultum of 186
B .C . took place. It was both near the Aventine (Ovid,
Fast. 6.518) and near the Tiber (Livy 3 9 .1 3 .1 2 ), so
presumably in the area southwest of the Aventine.
Although obscure, the goddess Stimula seems to
have continued to be recognized until the time of Au
gustine (D e civ. D. 4.11).
M EFRA 95 (1983): 5 5 113 (O. de Cazanove).
Lucus Streniae: see Strenia, Sacellum.
Lucus Vestae: see Atrium Vestae.
Ludus: see Circus, Trigarium, Stadium, Ludus.
Ludus Aemilius: mentioned by Horace (Ars P. 32).
Acron tells us that an Aemilius had a gladiatorial
training school adjacent to which was the workshop
of a sculptor in bronze. Porphyrion makes this Ae
milius Lepidus and adds that by his day in the fourth
century it had been converted into the Balneum Poly-
cleti, a private bath (q.v.). A private training school
might have been established by either Aemilius Le
pidus the triumvir or his father. This might have been
in the Campus Martius, where most such activities
236
congregated and the Amphitheater of Statilius Tau
rus (see Amphitheatrum Statilii Tauri) was also built.
Ludus D acicus: one of the four training schools for
gladiators that Domitian founded (Chron. 146). It is
listed in Regio II by the Curiosum and in Regio III by
the N otitia. It was presumably not far from the Col
osseum, and logic seems to demand that it lie some
where in the valley between the Oppius and the Cae-
lian, along with the other dependencies of the
Colosseum. Rodriguez Almeida (Rodriguez 7 2 -7 3 :
cf. B u llC om 82 [1 9 7 0 71]: 11518) identifies frag
ments 142 and 161 of the Marble Plan as showing
this ludus and locates it on two adjacent slabs of the
plan. The case is very convincing. It cannot be the
ludus parts of which were found in excavations in
1938 and which has been identified as the Ludus
Matutinus, for there are discrepancies in the design
and there would not be sufficient space and accuracy
in location with respect to other fragments. How
ever, Rodriguez believes the fragments belong to the
slabs of the Ludus Magnus and the Colosseum. The
only place it seems possible to insert this ludus would
then be between the hemicycle of the Thermae
Traiani and the Ludus Magnus, but this places it so
firmly in Regio III that it is difficult to account for
the error in the Curiosum . A similar error with re
spect to the Ludus Matutinus (q.v.) suggests that
these ludi might have been confused with one an
other.
Ludus Gallicus: mentioned only by the N otitu .
which lists it in Regio II, and an inscription of uncer
tain reading, C/L 6 .9 4 7 0 . Presumably this was one
of the four training schools for gladiators that Do
mitian founded (Chron. 146) and ought to be close
to the Colosseum. Perhaps a place for it can be found
southwest of the square of the Colosseum below the
Temple of Divus Claudius.
Ludus Magnus (Figs. 3, 5 2 ): the largest of four
training schools for gladiators that Domitian created
in the vicinity of the Amphitheatrum Flavium (Col
osseum) (Chron. 146). It appears on a fragment or
the Marble Plan that originally preserved about one-
half of its plan (Vat. Lat. 3 4 3 9 f. 13 r; FUR pis. 1.
17; Rodriguez pis. 4, 11) but has been broken and
eroded. The ludus was discovered in 1937 between
the Via Labicana and Via di S. Giovanni in Laterano.
just east of the Colosseum square. The area exca
vated amounts to a little less than one-half the com
plete building. Further explorations were carried out
in 1 9 6 0 1961 in connection with excavations for the
foundations of the Nuova Esattoria Comunale jus:
east of the Ludus Magnus in 1 9 5 8 -1 9 6 0 . With the

, i l l
-***
...................gas.
i-tiiliim 'tin
PIAZZA
0L COLOSSEO
K IUL-JUL-^
pi TTTH m i l l l J
nnnmnrxinnnnnnrni
help of the Marble Plan and a strong presumption
that the complex was symmetrical, an almost com
plete understanding and reconstruction are possible.
It is not on the axis of the Colosseum, but to the
north of this, and lay along the square of the Colos
seum between the ancient Via Labicana and the an
cient street found under SS. Quattro Coronati. It
consisted of a large arena with axes of 2 1 0 and 140
Roman feet (62.15 m x 4 1 .4 5 m) surrounded by a
cavea, which the excavators calculate as of nine gra-
dus, supported on concrete vaults over brick-faced
concrete walls, the chambers underneath probably
used for storage. One reached the cavea by small ex
ternal stairs. The arena had ceremonial entrances on
the long axis and what appear to be ample boxes on
the short one. The base of the cavea was raised 2.75
m above the arena and provided with a metal balus
trade. Around the cavea ran a rectangular portico
with columns in two storeys, the orders being of
travertine and unfluted, Tuscan in the lower storey
and presumably Ionic above, but no capital survives.
The Ionic column elements to be seen in the area to
day belong to a late repair. In the open triangles be
tween cavea and portico were small triangular foun
tain basins. On the portico on all sides opened a
series of small rectangular chambers of roughly sim
ilar dimensions. These served as lodgings for the
gladiators and their various needs, and here were
stairs to the upper storey. Behind this on the north
and south sides facing out to the street there was
then a second row of small rooms, presumably let
out as shops. The second storey must have repro
LU D U S M AGNUS
an i IA LA 6 I CANA
... ........
CORONAT I
Figure 52
Ludus M agnus,
Restored Plan
duced the plan of the first in its general lines; the
third would have been the same, but is believed to
have had an open gallery replacing the portico. The
plan of the rooms on the east, where the Via Ostilia
and modern buildings interfered with exploration, is
uncertain; there may well have been important an
nexes here of which we are ignorant. Soundings in
dicate that there was a large axial hall surrounded
on three sides by colonnades and with five entrances,
possibly a sacrarium or armamentarium.
An imposing entrance, probably the main one, led
in from the Via Labicana on the short axis of the
arena. Originally one descended a broad flight of
steps to the level of the floor of the arena, well below
street level, but Trajan found the building incomplete
at his accession, raised the pavements of the build
ings behind the portico itself by 1.40 m, and rebuilt
the whole at this level, which is the building we
know. Hadrian introduced refinements. Devastated
by a fire in the late second century, it was immedi
ately repaired. Other work seems to have been car
ried out under Caracalla, and there are numerous
undated repairs and modifications. A subterranean
corridor connected the Ludus Magnus with the sub
structures of the Colosseum; there may well have
been another connecting passage above ground. In
excavations under the floors of the ludus were found
remains of houses, at least one of which had a fine
Pompeian Third Style pavement.
The same men may have been procurators of both
the mint and the Ludus Magnus (CIL 6 .1 6 4 7
= 1 0 .1 7 1 0 ; see also Moneta).
237
L U D U S M A T U T IN U S
A. M . Colini and L. Cozza, II Ludus M agnus
(Rome 1962); Nash 2 .2 4 -2 6 .
Ludus M atutinus: presumably one of the four
training schools for gladiators that Domitian
founded (Chron. 146). It is put in Regio II by both
the N otitia and the C uriosum , in Regio III a second
time by the N otitia. Finds of inscriptions are not
helpful (C IL 6 .3 5 2 , 1 0 1 7 2 = IL S 5 1 5 2 , 10173;
14.2 9 2 2 = I I S 1 4 2 0 ; IG 1 4 .1 3 3 0 ; IG U R 2.2 8 2 ). If
it lay on, or athwart, the boundary between Regio II
and Regio III, as the N otitia suggests, it should lie
south of the Ludus Magnus and in similar relation
ship to the square of the Colosseum. Here in inves
tigations in 1938 were found bits of a building with
a plan suggestively like that of the Ludus Magnus,
but on a smaller scale (M em PontA cc, ser. 3 .7 [1944]:
2 8 7 [A. M . Colini]). Its name suggests that it was the
training school for hunters for the venationes, which
took place in the morning (Ovid, M et. 1 1 .2 6 ; M ar
tial 8.6 7 , 1 3 .9 5 ; Suetonius, C laud. 34).
Luna, Aedes: The location of the Temple of Luna
is provided by the story of the death of C. Gracchus
(Orosius 5 .1 2 .3 -1 0 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 65). He
had occupied the Temple of Diana on the summit of
the Aventine with a body of armed men a few days
after a riot on the Capitoline had ended in the death
of a p ra eco of the consul Opimius. Here his party
intended to mass the slaves, promising them free
dom, and to make a stand against the oppressive
government of Opimius. Opimius and his faction
seem to have been too strong and decisive for the
Gracchans. D. Brutus took a force up the Clivus Pub-
licius and attacked Gracchus, who was unable to
withstand the fury of the onslaught. He fell back
with his men, first to the Temple of Minerva, then to
the Temple of Luna. He was making his way toward
the north end of the Aventine, and the precinct of
Luna was terraced, for the Gracchans had to jump
down from this to try to make their way toward the
Porta Trigmina. In the jump Gracchus injured his
ankle and was so crippled that he had great difficulty
in making his way as far as the Pons Sublicius. They
must have been working their way along the Aven
tine parallel to the Clivus Publicius from the Temple
of Diana at the top of the Clivus Publicius to the
Temple of Luna at the northern point. The jump for
the two Flacci, father and son, took them into a
private house, where they barricaded themselves.
Presumably the Clivus Publicius, the only road up
the hill in this sector, was in the hands of Brutuss
men, and the Gracchans could not hope to escape
that way. Some of the temples must have been set at
least in part along the brow of the hill, with private
buildings coming up against their precinct walls
238
from below, and by jumping onto the roofs of these
they could elude their pursuers at least tempo
rarily.
Thus, though the Temple of Luna was ascribed to
Servius Tullius, it seems to have been set on dramatic
terracing (cf. Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitoli-
nus). Tacitus (Ann. 15.41) believed it was Serviuss
temple that was destroyed in the fire of Nero, but if
so, it must have been restored in the course of time.
The duplication of Servian temples in close proxim
ity but clearly separate, Luna at the top of the slope
and Diana at the crest, is in itself perplexing.
The temple is first mentioned in connection with a
great windstorm in 182 B .C . that tore off its doors
and blew them down into the back wall of the
Temple of Ceres (see Ceres, Liber, Liberaque, Aedes
on the slope below it (Livy 4 0 .2 .2 ). In 84 B .C ., at the
time of Cinnas death, it was struck by lightning (Ap-
pian, B ellC iv 1.78). The day of dedication was 31
M arch (Ovid, Fast. 3 .8 8 3 - 8 4 ; Degrassi 433).
Luna N octiluca, Templum: a temple on the Pala
tine that shone by night (Varro, Ling. 5.6 8 ). Whether
this was because of the material of which it was con
structed or because of artificial illumination, the
epithet must originally have belonged to Luna, and
the temple must have been whitened or illuminated
in her honor. Nothing further is known about this
shrine.
Lupanarii: listed by the regionary catalogues in Re-
gio II Caelimontium, usually presumed to be a zone
where brothels were numerous and notorious. Be
cause Nero built the Macellum Magnum here, we
can presume that the district was populous and there
would be a demand for prostitutes, but from other
sources we learn that they were especially to be
found in the center of Rome, on the Sacra Via (Pro
pertius 2 .2 3 .1 3 -1 6 ) and Subura (Persius 5 .3 2 -3 3 :
Martial 2 .1 7 , 6 .6 6 .1 -2 , 1 1 .6 1 .3 , 1 1.78.11). But the
word L u pan arii is masculine, not neuter, in the cat
alogues. Because prostitutes had to register with the
aediles (Tacitus, Ann. 2.85) and were taxed from the
time of Caligula (Suetonius, Calig. 40), this migh:
have been the office of those in charge of the official
governance of the trade (cf. PW 15 [1931]: 1 0 2 1 -2 "
[K. Schneider]).
Lupercal: the cave at the foot of the Palatine in
front of which Faustulus discovered the she-wol:
nursing the twins Romulus and Remus and in which
she took refuge when driven off by him or his com
rades (Dion. Hal. 1 .7 9 .8 ; Ovid, Fast. 2 .3 8 1 424:
Livy 1 .5 .1 -2 ). It contained a spring, was believed
originally to have been preceded by a grove, which
had disappeared except for the Ficus Ruminahs

(q.v.) by the time of our sources, and was supposed
to have been dedicated to Pan Lycaeus from the time
of Evander (Dion. Hal. 1 .3 2 .3 -5 ; Servius a d Aen.
8.90 and 343).
It is listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio X ,
but is located in circo (Servius a d Aen. 8.90), and far
enough away from the Palatine to have permitted
construction of a permanent theater, though perhaps
not a large one, between it and the Palatine (Veil. Pat.
1.15.3). Excavations of the whole west corner of the
Palatine as far as the Scalae Caci (q.v.) failed to pro
duce any trace of it (Lugli 1946, 4 2 0 -2 3 ) , and it is
almost certainly to be sought nearer to the Circus
Maximus.
In time it was given monumentality. It contained a
bronze group of the she-wolf suckling the twins
(Dion. Hal. 1.79.8) and was restored by Augustus
(R G 19). It was evidently considered a suitable place
for the erection of an equestrian statue in honor of
Drusus (C IL 6 .9 1 2 = 31200). It was the cult center
for the priestly college of the Luperci and the celebra
tion of the Lupercalia on 15 February. Its exact form
and appointments continue to be matters for specu
lation.
L atom u s 4 4 (1985): 6 0 9 -1 4 (A. W. J. Holleman).
LY A EU S, TECTA
Lyaeus ( = Liber or Bacchus), Tecta: a temple
known only from a casual reference in Martial
(1 .7 0 .9 -1 0 ). It stood in sum m a Sacra Via, together
with a tholus of the Magna M ater (see Magna M a
ter, Tholus), where the way to the Palatine branched
from the Sacra Via; i.e., in the vicinity of the Arch of
Titus. Because we know of the existence here already
of temples of the Lares and Iuppiter Stator, and the
Arch of Titus had been constructed by the time M ar
tial wrote (1 .7 0 .6 : p lu rim a q u a sum m i fu lget im ago
ducis), we must look for these two additional
temples within a very crowded neighborhood north
east of the arch in a zone now covered by the plat
form of Hadrians Temple of Venus et Roma. Both
were evidently very small. In 1899 in front of the
Basilica Constantini was found a large fragment of
the marble entablature of a small round structure,
about 3 .9 0 m in diameter. This bears the figure of a
Maenad and an inscription recording a restoration
by Antoninus Pius (R m M itt 17 [1902]: 9 5 -9 6 [C.
Hlsen]). A medallion of the same princeps shows a
circular building containing a statue of Bacchus
(Cohen 2: no. 1 1 8 7 ; Gnecchi 2 .2 2 -2 3 Antoninus
Pius no. 118). These have been associated with this
temple, but the case is anything but strong.
239
Macellenses: a designation found in a single, poor
fragment believed to be part of the edict of Tarracius
Bassus of the late fourth century (C IL 6 .3 1 89 7 ). It
may refer to those living in the neighborhood of the
Macellum Liviae (q.v.) in Regio V or those living in
the neighborhood of the Macellum Magnum (q.v.)
in Regio II, but the context is lost.
M acellum: This term for an organized market is
supposed to be of Punic origin and was used by the
Greeks as well as the Romans. Earlier the Romans
had simply used the term foru m , but after the Forum
Piscarium burned in 2 1 0 B .C . and was rebuilt the fol
lowing year (Livy 2 6 .2 7 .2 ) it apparently seemed in
adequate to the Romans, and in the great building
year 179 it was rebuilt by M . Fulvius N obilior and
at that time took the form of a macellum (Livy
4 0 .5 1 .5 ; Varro, Ling. 5 .1 4 6 -4 7 ) .
The identifying characteristics of a macellum are a
central tholus and a ring of shops around this. The
tholus is for the sale of fish and is provided with
water and drains. The shops are of the same size and
are let out to individual provisioners. There may be
a portico in front of the shops, and there may be
space here for barrows to be set up. There may also
be shops in a double bank, facing out to a street, as
well as in toward the tholus. If accommodations for
meat are provided, the butchers are gathered to one
area provided with marble counters and drains. Such
markets may be very handsome and given a range of
embellishments; they seem to have regularly been
public benefactions. They vary very much in size, de
pending on the size of the community to be served
and the number of provisioners to be accommo
dated. Some had no shops at all; small ones might
have no tholus. There is often a shrine or a shrine
like room on the main axis at the far end, possibly
the schola of the collegium of provisioners. The ear
liest known is that of Rome of 179 B .C ., the latest
that of Ostia of a . d . 4 1 8 - 4 2 0 . They occur all over
the Roman world, but are especially common in cen
tral Italy, Africa Proconsularis, and Numidia.
In Rome besides the macellum of 179, which con
tinued in operation down to the time it was sacrificed
to create the Forum Augustum and Forum Traiani.
we know of a Macellum Liviae, somewhere on the
Esquiline in Regio V and a Macellum Magnum built
by Nero on the Caelian and put on coins that he is
sued. In this both the portico and the tholus were
two-storeyed and the tholus contained a nude male
statue with a long scepter or trident, so not Mercury ,
the Genius Macelli, or Fortuna, the divinities one
would expect to find in a macellum. Part of it may
be represented on Fragment 157 of the Marble Plan.
C. De Ruyt, M acellum , m arch alim entaire des ro
m ains (Louvain-La-Neuve 1983).
M acellum: the great food market of republican
Rome. Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 112L) ascribes its cre
ation to the censors M . Aemilius Lepidus and M.
Fulvius N obilior in 179 b . c . , whereas Varro (Ling.
5 .1 4 5 -4 7 ) says that this brought together a number
of more specialized markets, the Forum Boarium, the
Forum Holitorium (which he says was the old ma
cellum of Rome), the Forum Piscarium, and the
Forum Cuppedinis (qq.v.). Livy, (40.51.5) in his ac
count of the censorship of Aemilius and Fulvius, says
only that M . Fulvius N obilior rebuilt the Forum Pis
carium and sold the tabernae with which it was sur
rounded to individuals. This had burned in 2 1 0 b . c .
(Livy 2 6 .2 7 .3 ), along with many other buildings on
and around the northeast side of the Forum Ro-
manum, and though it must have been rebuilt very
soon thereafter, that rebuilding was probably only in
very temporary form. So Fulviuss reconstruction,
which Livy links with the building of the Basilica
Fulvia et Aemilia behind the Argentariae Novae on
the Sacra Via, was probably a major undertaking.

Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 42L) says that Forum Cup-
pedinis was simply another name for the Macellum,
and it is hardly likely that the individual more spe
cialized markets would ever have been widely scat
tered, as Varros explanation would seem to require,
so while we may incline to think that there were al
ways distinct areas within the organization, Varro is
probably wrong about this.
Varro (a p . N on. 719L) mentioned a tholus Ma-
celli, so it probably had the form familiar elsewhere
in the Roman world of a colonnaded square sur
rounded by banks of shops, possibly in places a
double bank opening both in and out, with a round
building for the sale of fish at the center. There was
evidently a main entrance, the fau ces M acelli (Ci
cero, Verr. 2 .3 .1 4 5 , Q uinct. 25), probably leading in
from the Argiletum, and another from the Corneta,
the short street between the Basilica Paulli and
Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, leading to the
part known especially as Forum Cuppedinis, which
lay at a higher level than the rest (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 4 6
and 152). There must have been other entrances as
well. The Macellum must have been largely or en
tirely destroyed in order to build the Forum Augus-
tum, by which time the growth of Rome had made a
central market inconvenient, and its area had be
come entirely inadequate. Whether it continued to
exist even in much reduced form is doubtful. Local
markets such as the Macellum Liviae (q.v.) would
have replaced it for most consumers, and a wholesale
market may have been created in the neighborhood
of the Emporium (q.v.).
The word m acellum is supposed to be Semitic in
origin and was borrowed by the Greeks (Varro,
Ling. 5.146) as well as the Romans. However, the
Romans had a story of two brigands, Numerius
Equitius Cuppes and Manius Macellus, whose
houses were razed and the land on which they stood
then converted to this public use (Varro, Ling.
5 .1 4 7 ; Donatus a d Ter. Eun. 256). In Latin the word
seems always to have been used to designate a build
ing of a particular architectural form.
C. De Ruyt, M acellum , m arch alim en taire des ro
m ains (Louvain-la-Neuve 1983), especially 2 2 5 52.
Macellum Liviae: known only from the regionary
catalogues, where it is called Macellum Liviani and
listed in Regio V, and from a marble beam (C IL
6.1178 = ILS 5592) that records a restoration of the
complex by Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian ( a . d .
3 6 4 -3 7 8 ). In the L ib e r Pontificalis Liberius is said to
have built the church of S. M aria Maggiore iuxta
m acellum L ib ia e (LPD 1.209 and cf. 2 3 2 [Xystus
III]; V Z 2.233 and cf. 2 3 7 ; HCh 342). The church
of S. Vito is described as in m a cello (HCh 49 9 ). And
in the chronicle of Benedict of Soracte for the year
M A C E L L U M L IV IA E
921 the church of S. Eusebio is described as iuxta
m acellu m parvum (M G H Script. 3.715). The picture
is further complicated by a slave collar (AE
1 9 4 6 .2 1 1 ), probably of the late fourth century, that
locates the Macellum Liviae in Region III. Finally, in
the O rdo B en ed icti one finds intrans sub arcum (the
Arch of Gallienus) u bi dicitur m acellu m Livianum
(Jordan 2.665).
In the late nineteenth century just outside the line
of the Servian Walls, somewhat north of the Arch of
Gallienus (Porta Esquilina), was found a large mar
ket complex consisting of a very large court, 80 m x
25 m, surrounded on three sides by brick-faced piers
making an arcaded portico 6.25 m deep. Opening on
this were shops, and there were more shops behind
these opening in the opposite direction. A street ran
along the east side of the complex, but the court was
not aligned with this. In the middle of the court, to
ward its northern end, was a large fountain, and a
complicated system of drains and sewers underlay it.
By the third century the southern end of the complex
had been invaded and occupied by private dwellings.
The construction showed work of many periods, in
cluding concrete faced with reticulate, but was
chiefly concrete faced with brick. This was immedi
ately identified as the Macellum Liviae (B u llC om 2
[1874]: 36 and 2 1 2 -1 9 [R. Lanciani]; 4 2 [1914]:
363 [M. M archetti]). However, Lanciani demurred,
thinking the building too ordinary and utilitarian to
be an imperial construction (M onA nt 1 .5 3 1 -3 2 ),
and wished to locate the Macellum Liviae just to the
south of the Porta Esquilina, outside the walls, so as
to fall within Regio V, in an as yet unexplored area.
From 1966 to 1971 excavations under the Basilica
of S. Maria Maggiore brought to light parts of a
large colonnaded court, almost square but slightly
trapezoidal. On the northwest side seems to have
opened a series of rooms that might be shops, but
the long northeast and southwest walls were unbro
ken, except for a pretty little apsidal exedra near the
north corner. The lower parts of the side walls were
revetted in colored marble, and the upper parts were
decorated with a painted calendar in which narrow
panels with lists of the days of the months and festi
vals alternated with large panoramas of the months
activities. Magi wished to identify this as the M acel
lum Liviae, but this has not found approval.
Although there is construction of many periods, in
cluding concrete faced with quasi-reticulate, the ma
jority, like the decoration, is clearly fourth century,
and the location well within the walls argues against
the location in Regio V. We are still uncertain where
to put the Macellum Liviae and what it was, but,
because it figures in the historical record only periph
erally, it was probably not a m ajor monument.
M em PontA cc, ser. 3.11.1 (1972) (F. Magi).
241
M A CELLU M MAGNUM
Macellum M agnum : listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio II after the Temple of Divus Clau
dius, so presumably on the height of the Caelian,
built by Nero and dedicated in a . d . 5 9 (Cass. Dio 62
[61],18.3) and represented on coins (B . M. C oins
R om . E m p. 1, Nero, 2 3 6 3 7 nos. 19197, and 2 6 6
nos. 33 5 37). W hat is shown is a columnar tholus
of two storeys raised on a high podium and roofed
with what is clearly sometimes a dome and some
times a truncated cone, which apparently had a large
oculus at its center (domed roof: Gnecchi 3 .7 , Nero
no. 4 2 ; B. M. C oin s R om . E m p. 1, Nero 2 3 6 no.
191; Mazzini, Nero 143 no. 129; R IC 1: Nero 173
no. 3 7 4 ; truncated cone roof: Cohen 1, Nero 288
no. 126 ; B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1, Nero 2 3 7 no.
196; Mazzini, Nero 143 no. 130 and 159 no. 3 5 9 ;
R IC 1: Nero 159 no. 110). Because it is impossible
to imagine that anyone would have shown a dome
unless it existed, we must presume that this is the
earliest dome for which we have a fixed date and that
the coins showing a truncated cone show the line of
the exterior of the dome, which concealed it, or are
reminiscent of such circular structures as the frigi-
daria of republican baths. The former is clearly pref
erable. It is approached by a flight of steps with bal
ustrades in the form of dolphins, and at the center of
the lower storey is a standing male figure, nude, car
rying a scepter or trident. Behind the tholus is shown
what must be a specimen section of the porticoes of
the surrounding court, again columnar and in two
storeys, but with occasional arcuation of the entab
lature of the lower storey and with garlands swung
between the columns in the upper storey.
The belief that this macellum was transformed
into the church of S. Stefano Rotondo by Pope Sim
plicius (468482) has now been abandoned. It was
based on a misreading of the Neronian coins and in
adequate study of the fabric and architectural ante
cedents of the church. Except for the introduction of
a second storey and the doming of the roof of the
tholus, N eros macellum must have followed the tra
ditional architectural form of such complexes, a
large court with a tholus at the center, surrounded
by porticoes behind which opened banks of more or
less uniform shops.
PBSR 39 (1971): 4 0 - 4 5 (J. S. Rainbird and F. B.
Sear), 4 5 4 6 (J. Sampson).
M agna M ater, Aedes (Figs. 5 3 , 6 3 .2 ): the temple
on the Palatine built to hold the black stone that rep
resented the goddess brought from Pessinus in Phry
gia in 2 0 4 B .C . The contract for the temple was let
by the censors in that year (Livy 2 9 .3 7 .2 ), and the
temple was thirteen years in building, being dedi
cated in 191 by the praetor M . Iunius Brutus (Livy
3 6 .3 6 .4 -5 ). During that time the black stone was
242
given to Scipio Nasica for safekeeping ([Aur. Viet.,]
D e Vir. III. 4 6 .1 3). At the dedication on 11 April
the Ludi Megalenses were instituted and celebrated
in front of the temple (Cicero, Har. R esp. 2 4 ; Livy
3 6 .3 6 .4 5). The temple burned in 111 B .C . and was
restored by a Metellus, probably Numidicus, who
was consul in 110 (Ovid, Fast. 4 .3 4 7 4 8 ; Val. Max.
1 .8 .1 1 ; Obsequens 39). In 39 B .C . it figured in the
expiation of prodigies, and four palm trees sprang up
around it (Cass. Dio 4 8 .4 3 .4 -6 ) . It burned again
and was restored by Augustus in A .D . 3 (Val. Max.
1 .8 .1 1 ; Ovid, Fast. 4 .3 4 7 4 8 ; Augustus, R G 19). It
continues to figure in history occasionally (cf. Ju
venal 9 .2 3 ; S.H.A. C laud. 4 .2 ). Elagabalus proposed
to transfer the image of the Magna M ater to the
Temple of Elagabalus (S.H.A. H eliog ab . 3), but, if he
did so, it was soon restored to its own temple. The
temple was still standing in the fourth century and is
listed in Regio X by the regionary catalogues. Chris
tian authors tell us that the black stone was a small
affair set into a silver image of the Magna M ater in
place of a face (Prudentius, Peristeph. 1 0 .1 5 6 60:
Arnobius, A dv. N at. 7.49).
The temple has been discovered near the west cor
ner of the Palatine above the Scalae Caci (q.v.), to
gether with inscriptions relating to the cult (CIL
6 .4 9 6 , 1040, 3 7 0 2 = 30 9 6 7 ) and a headless marble
statue of an enthroned goddess originally flanked by
lions. The temple faced southwest and had a massive
concrete podium with unusually thick walls divided
into pronaos and cella. The podium was faced with
blocks of peperino, except at the back, where the
concrete was simply stuccoed. The stair of approach
extended across the faade, and the temple was pro
style, hexastyle, with Corinthian columns of stuc
coed peperino. An interior colonnade in marble, pos
sibly in more than one storey, ran around three sides
of the cella. The total length of the temple is calcu
lated as 3 3 .1 8 m, the width as 17.10 m. The faade
of the temple with a pediment in which a central
throne holding a mural crown is flanked by reclining
figures holding tym pana under their arms, flanked in
turn by felines filling the corners of the triangle, is
shown on a Claudian relief in Villa Medici (Nash
2.3 1 ), and Hlsen (R m M itt 10 [1895]: 3 -2 8 ) offers
a full description of the remains and careful recon
struction.
The temple fronted on a precinct with arrange
ments apparently designed to accommodate the Ludi
Megalenses. Steps on which spectators might have
disposed themselves, in continuation of the stair of
the temple, led down to an area paved with slabs of
Monteverde tufa on which temporary stages might
have been erected. This precinct was bounded on the
southwest by a street that in a later period was cov
ered by a series of vaults to permit the extension of
 A D M A L U M P U N IC U M

the precinct over it, at that time raised to cover the

lower steps, and extend as far as the brow of the hill.
Remains of two smaller buildings, both probably
temples, to the southwest of the temple, one close to
the temple and having much the same orientation,
the other at the head of the Scalae Caci and of en
tirely different orientation, are not positively identi
fied; the latter is thought to be the Temple of Victo
ria.
Lugli 1946, 4 3 1 -3 4 ; M onA nt 4 6 (1963): 2 0 1 -
33 0 (R Romanelli); Nash 2 .2 7 -3 1 ; R om a, arch eo-
logia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .1 7 9 -2 1 2 (P. Pensabene);
Q A rcbE tr 16 (1988): 5 4 - 6 7 (P. Pensabene).

M agna M ater, Templum: the place on the course

of the River Almo, between the crossing of it by Via
Appia and its mouth on the Tiber, where the black
stone of Pessinus was taken annually on 2 7 March
and bathed in the river. It seems to have been closer
to the Via Appia than to the Tiber. It seems never to
have had any significant development as a shrine.
The discovery of a small basin (3.05 m x 3.65 m,
1.70 m deep) lined with blocks of Grotta Oscura tufa
and framed by the steps in front of the Temple of the
Magna M ater on the Palatine leads to the supposi
tion that the ritual bathing originally took place in
the Palatine precinct and was moved to the Almo
only in the time of Augustus (M onAnt 46 [1963]:
303 [P. Romanelli]; Q A rcbE tr 4 [1980]: 69 [P. Pen
sabene]). The ritual bathing in the Almo is men
tioned by a great many sources (Ovid, Fast. 4 .3 3 7 C irco M axim o), and a large statue of the Magna M a Figure 53
Tem ple o f the M agn a
4 0 ; Lucan 1.600; M artial 3 .4 7 .2 ; Statius, Silv. ter wearing the mural crown and riding sidesaddle
M ater, Tem ple o f
5 .1 .2 2 2 -2 4 ; Silius Italicus 8 .3 6 3 ; Amm. Marc. on a rearing or bounding lion appears on coins, re V ictoria, and
2 3 .3 .7 ; Vibius Sequester, Flum ina 2 1 ; C IL 6 .10098 liefs, and mosaics showing the circus. This stands on A d jacencies, Plan o f
= 33961 = IL S 5 1 7 2 ; Prudentius, Peristeph. 1 0 .1 5 6 - the spina, just southeast of the central obelisk, facing Existin g Rem ains

60 ; Degrassi 432). the Aventine. It appears as early as coins of Trajan,

M agna M ater, Tholus: a small temple in sum m a
Sacra Via where the Clivus Palatinus branches from
the Sacra Via (M artial 1 .7 0 .9 -1 0 ), possibly balanc
ing a tholus of Lyaeus (see Lyaeus, Tecta). It has been
proposed that a contorniate of Diva Faustina show
ing a temple of the M ater Deum and part of the relief
of the Haterii showing a statue of the Magna M ater
with an altar in front of it seen through a four-sided
(?) triumphal arch may represent this little shrine (see
Nash 2 .3 4 -3 5 ) , but the first is clearly not a tholus,
and the second, because the statue appears at the top
of a long flight of thirteen steps, is more apt to rep
resent the great Palatine temple than this little shrine.
A portent of 43 B .C . involving the turning of a statue
of the Magna M ater that Dio (46.33.3) records is
generally supposed to refer to this temple.
M agna M ater (in Circo M axim o) : Tertullian (De
S p ed . 8) says the Magna M ater p raesid et eu rip o (in
and in the fourth-century representations the lion is
shown with water issuing from its mouth. In some
representations one or two palm trees appear behind
the group. A large cube with a door in its northwest
wall and sometimes a fire on its flat roof, which ap
pears just southeast of the group, might conceivably
be the Aedes M atris Deum.
Nash 2 .3 2 -3 3 ; Humphrey 2 7 3 -7 7
M agna M ater in Vaticano: see Phrygianum.
Ad M alum Punicum: a place designation, perhaps
better a square or crossroads than a street, on the
Quirinal in Regio VI, where the house in which
Domitian was born stood (Suetonius, D om . 1.1; N o-
titia, om . Cur.). It was later converted into the mag
nificent Temple of the Gens Flavia (see Gens Flavia,
Templum). Lanciani (LFUR sheet 16) identifies Ad
Malum Punicum as a street nearly coincident with
modern Via delle Quattro Fontane and puts the

243
 AD M A M M A M
temple just south of its crossing with Alta Semita. No
trace of either street or temple is known.
Ad M am m am : see Diaetae M am m aeae.
Manalis Lapis: a stone kept at the Temple of Mars
outside the Porta Capena that the pontifices carried
through the streets of the city in periods of excessive
drought in a rite called m an ale sacrum (Varro ap.
N on. 877L ; Paulus ex Fest. 115L). Rain was believed
to follow immediately. But by Festuss day this was a
thing of the past, and he prefaces his explanation
with a second one, that this was an entrance to the
underworld through which ghosts (m anes) could
make their way (m anare) up to the world above. This
also was only antiquarian knowledge by his day, and
he does not locate it. Attempts to associate the Lapis
Manalis with the Mundus (2) (q.v.) seem clearly mis
taken, because Festus was interested in the Mundus
and makes no mention of it in this connection. More
likely the Lapis Manalis was a vent, possibly any vol
canic vent, like the Tarentum (q.v.).
M ancina Tifata: see Tifata M ancina.
Mansiones Saliorum Palatinorum: shrines in var
ious parts of the city where the ancilia were depos
ited during the nightly stops of the Salii in the course
of their processional dance through the city at the
beginning of M arch, known only from a single in
scription (C IL 6 .2 1 5 8 = IL S 49 4 4 ) on the marble
blocks facing the exterior of the Temple of Mars Ul-
tor in the Forum Augustum recording a restoration
of these places after a . d . 382. Mention in Suetonius
(Claud. 33.1) of a feast of the Salii prepared in the
Temple of Mars Ultor shows that this was one of
their regular stops, but exactly what the m ansiones
were is not clear.
M ansuetae: a locality listed in the regionary cata
logues toward the end of Regio VII, so presumably
toward the northern limit of the regio. Its name and
character are completely obscure.
M appa Aurea: a locality listed in the regionary cat
alogues in Regio X III and occurring again on a late-
antique slave collar (C IL 1 5.7182). There seems to
be no warrant for associating this with the m ap p a
used by the presiding magistrate to start circus
games.
Divus M arcus, Templum: a temple decreed for M .
Aurelius by the senate and the people after his death
(S.H.A. M. Aurel. 18.8; Aur. Viet., C aes. 16.15 and
Epit. 16.14). In the regionary catalogues it is linked
with his column in Regio IX. It is presumed to have
244
stood west of the column (see Columna M arci Au-
relii Antonini) in much the same relationship that the
Temple of Divus Traianus had to his column, but it
might equally well have stood north of it. No trace
of it has ever been identified.
L urbe 49 (1986): 7 4 - 7 9 (A. Danti); cf. O pR om
15 (1985): 6 7 -7 8 (H. Kampmann).
M arm orata: a name appearing on a bull of a .d .
926 for a locality on the Tiber adjacent to the Ripa
Greca (HCh 2 5 3 - 5 4 , S. Geminiani), i.e., the left
bank of the river under the Aventine between the
Schola Greca and Horrea, upstream of the district
called M arm orata today, but still so called down to
the beginning of this century. Many blocks of marble
awaiting use could be seen there until relatively re
cently (Jordan 1.1 .4 3 4 ). The area called Marmorata
today was part of the medieval district called H or
rea; in antiquity it formed part of the Emporium
(q.v.).
M ars: Augustine (D e civ. D. 4.23) adds Mars to
Iuventas and Terminus as a divinity who refused ex-
auguration at the time of the laying out of the
Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus on the Capi-
toline, but he is alone in this. Cassius Dio (41.14.3)
says that in 4 9 B .C . a helmet and shield of M ars, vo
tive dedications on the Capitoline, were damaged by
lightning, but this need not mean that he had a sepa
rate shrine there. If Augustine knew of dedications
to Mars in the Area Capitolina, he might have mis
interpreted these, for it is most unlikely that had
Mars refused evocation, our other sources would
have passed over that fact in silence.
M ars, Aedes: the main temple of Mars in Rome,
especially in his aspect as a warrior god (Vitruvius
1 .7 .1 ; Servius a d Aen. 1.292), vowed during the in
vasion of the Gauls and dedicated in 388 B .C . by T.
Quinctius (Livy 6.5 .7 ). It lay outside the city, be
tween the first and second milestones from Porta Ca
pena, on the northeast side of the Via Appia (C IL
6 .1 0 2 3 4 = IL S 7 2 1 3 ; Appian, B ellC iv 3 .4 1 ; Servius
a d A en. 1.292). There is a distinct rise in the road
approaching it, the Clivus M artis (q.v.), and the site
lies just outside Porta S. Sebastiano (Porta Appia) of
the Aurelian Walls. The day of dedication was 1 June
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .1 9 1 9 2 ; Degrassi 463).
The temple is mentioned frequently in history and
in inscriptions (C IL 6 .4 7 3 , 4 7 4 = 3 0 7 7 4 , 4 7 8 ; ILS
3 1 3 9 , 3 1 4 4 ), and the area around it as far as the
River Almo was known as a d M artis (Cicero, QFr.
3 .7 .1 ; Suetonius, Ter. 5). Its pediment, but more
likely that of the Temple of Quirinus (see Quirinus,
Aedes), may be shown on a relief previously thought
to show the pediment of Hadrians Temple of Venus

et Roma (A]A 91 [1987]: 4 4 1 -5 8 [F. C. Albertson]).
As early as 295 B .C . a way (semita) was paved lead
ing from Porta Capena to the temple, and three years
later the Via Appia was paved from the temple to
Bovillae, so it must already have been paved from the
Porta Capena to the temple. In 189 B .C . the road was
repaved from Porta Capena to the temple (Livy
1 0 .23.12, 38 .2 8 .3 ). The army assembled there be
fore setting out on campaign (Livy 7.2 3 .3 ), and the
Transvectio Equitum, the parade of the equites on
the Ides of July, started from it (Dion. Hal. 6.13.4).
In it were a statue of Mars and probably images of
wolves (Livy 2 2 .1 .1 2 ). The Lapis Manalis (see Ma-
nalis Lapis) was kept in it or nearby. There is no re
liable evidence for a grove in connection with it, al
though this is often asserted. After the Via Appia was
paved from the Porta Capena to the Aedes M artis, it
became known as the Via Tecta (2)(q.v.). It is com
monly believed that this refers to a portico along it,
but that is unlikely; it is more likely that originally it
referred simply to its being paved, an unusual im
provement at this early date.
M ars, Aedes in Circo Flaminio: a temple built ex
m anubiis for D. Iunius Brutus Callaicus by the archi
tect Hermodorus of Salamis (Nepos ap. Priscian.
8.18), presumably after his triumph, ca. 133 B .C . In
the approach to the temple were inscribed lines by
the poet Accius in Saturnians (Val. M ax. 8 .1 4 .2 ;
Schol. B o b . in Cic. p ro A rch. 2 7 [Stangl 179]). It
contained a colossal seated M ars by Scopas and a
nude Venus also by Scopas, which Pliny (H N 36.26)
says excelled that of Praxiteles. Its exact location is
unknown, but presumably it was somewhere along
the southwest side of the square, between it and the
Tiber. Degrassi (512) thinks the sacrifice to Mars
known for 23 September was made at this temple
and that this indicates a restoration by Augustus, be
cause it was his birthday.
Q ITA 10 (1988): 5 9 -7 5 (E. Tortorici).
M ars, A ra: the earliest cult center of Mars in Rome,
perhaps responsible for the name of the Campus
Martius. Its earliest citation seems to be in what pur
ports to be a law of Numa (Festus 204L : Pom pili
regis legem . . . secun da sp olia, in M artis ara in
ca m p o solitaurilia utra caedito). In 193 B .C . the ae-
diles M . Aemilius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paullus
built a portico from the Porta Fontinalis to the Altar
of M ars so that one could walk under shelter to the
Campus Martius (Livy 35 .1 0 .1 2 ). This was of partic
ular benefit to the censors, because it connected their
office and archives in the Atrium Libertatis (q.v.)
with the place where they conducted the census.
After their election it was customary for the new cen
sors to set their curule chairs by the altar (Livy
M ARS U LTO R , TEM PLU M
4 0 .4 5 .8 ), and at the conclusion of the census one of
the censors chosen by lot performed a solemn puri
fication of the assembled citizens with a suovetaurilia
sacrificed on the Altar of Mars (Livy 1.44.12). The
altar stood in the Villa Publica (q.v.); after the fire of
Titus in a . d . 80 what survived of the Villa Publica
was probably replaced by the Divorum, and the new
Altar of Mars is perhaps the small square feature
shown on the M arble Plan in the open area toward
its southern end (FUR pi. 3 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 26). De
grassi (4 1 7 -1 8 ) thinks it was especially honored on
the Feriae M artis of 1 March.
There was never a temple of M ars in conjunction
with this altar, and probably never a temple of Mars
in the Campus Martius proper. The three passages
that have been adduced to prove the existence of
such a temple are Ovid, Fast. 2 .8 5 9 -6 0 , where it is
clearly the god himself and not a statue that the poet
has in mind; C on solatio a d L iviam 2 3 1 , where the
god is described as a cc o la cam pi, which would indi
cate rather the temple in C irco F lam in io; and Cassius
Dio 5 6 .2 4 .3 , where the location of the temple struck
by lightning is general enough to suit the temple in
C irco Flam inio. Although the whole Campus M ar
tius was regarded as the demesne of Mars (cf. Ovid,
Fast. 2 .8 5 9 -6 0 ) , additional temples seem to have
been regarded as inappropriate.
M ars, Sacrarium: see Regia.
M ars Invictus: known only from the Fasti Venusini
for a celebration on 14 May (see Degrassi 457).
A fourth-century base in the Forum Romanum
also carries a dedication to Mars Invictus (C/L
6 .3 3 8 5 6 = IL S 8935). Because in the F eriale Dur-
anum the M ars of 1 March is called Mars Pater Vic
tor, it seems possible that the Ara Martis (see Mars,
Ara) in the Campus Martius is meant (cf. Degrassi
4 1 7 -1 8 ).
M ars Ultor, Aedes: see Forum Augustum.
M ars Ultor, Templum: A temple supposed by
Mommsen to have been built by Augustus on the
Capitoline to hold the standards that had been re
covered from the Parthians immediately after their
recovery in 20 B .C . (Cass. Dio 54.8.3) is now gener
ally believed to be imaginary. The standards were in
all probability deposited in the Temple of Iuppiter
Capitolinus between their recovery and the building
of the Temple of M ars Ultor in the Forum Augustum
(Horace, Carm . 4 .1 5 .6 -8 ) , and the tholus shown on
coins minted in Spain and Ephesus (B . M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 1.58 no. 3 1 5 , 6566 nos. 3 6 6 75, 114
no. 704) inscribed Martis Ultoris, or an abbreviation
of this, refer only to the decision to build the temple,
245
M A R SY A S
or to a Temple of Rome and Augustus built in these
provincial cities.
E os 64 (1976): 5 9 - 8 2 (L. Morawiecki); JR S 67
(1977): 9 1 -9 4 (C. J. Simpson).
M arsyas: see Statua M arsyae.
M ater Deum, Aedes: listed in the regionary cata
logues in Regio X I, but otherwise unknown. It may
be that the statue of the Magna M ater on the spina
of the Circus Maximus stood in front of a shrine
dedicated to her. See Magna M ater (in Circo M ax
imo).
M ater M atuta, Aedes (Figs. 9, 10, 11, 3 7 .1 0 ): a
temple on the Forum Boarium just inside the Porta
Carmentalis ascribed to Servius Tullius, the twin of
his Temple of Fortuna, which stood beside it (Ovid,
Fast. 6 .4 7 7 -8 0 ; Livy 2 5 .7 .6 ). Camillus restored and
rededicated it following the siege of Veii (Livy 5 .1 9 .6
and 2 3 .7 ; Plutarch, C am . 5.1). In 213 it burned in
the great fire that destroyed the area from the Salinae
(q.v.) to the Porta Carmentalis (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 -1 6 ),
and it was rebuilt in the following year (Livy 25.7.6).
In 196 B .C . L. Stertinius erected two arches d e m a-
nubiis in the Forum Boarium in front of the temples
of Fortuna and M ater M atuta and adorned them
with gilded statues, the first arches in Rome that
might be called triumphal (Livy 3 3 .2 7 .4 ). In 174 Ti.
Sempronius Gracchus dedicated there a bronze tab
let showing a map of Sardinia and representations of
the m ajor battles in his conquest of the island (Livy
4 1 .2 8 .8 10). The day of dedication was 11 June, the
same as that of Fortuna, but known as the Matralia
(Degrassi 4 6 8 -6 9 ) .
The temple was discovered in excavations begun
in 1937 under the church of SantOmobono, the
cella built into the fabric of its nave, while the twin
temple, of Fortuna, could be completely excavated
and exposed. The remains present a small cella on an
ample platform, and the temple has been recon
structed as having an odd plan, a variation of a plan
in antis, with four columns in two rows of two each
on the lines of the cella walls in the deep pronaos and
alae flanking the cella. It was araeostyle, facing
south, its blank back wall bordering the Vicus Iugar-
ius. In front of the temple is a large precinct with an
archaic U-shaped altar on axis with it but facing east.
The chief remains are considered to belong to the
rebuilding of 2 1 2 B .C . and are in Monteverde tufa,
while a travertine pavement at a higher level is be
lieved to be Domitianic. The arches of Stertinius have
not yet been discovered, nor the Porta Carmentalis.
Excavations, especially soundings in depth, have
been, and continue to be, carried out here and have
brought to light rich deposits going back to the early
246
Iron Age. Seven m ajor periods are distinguished, as
follows:
1. An early phase where there were traces of life of
the early Iron Age but not of religious use of the area.
2. A period when the sanctuary was delimited and
contained an altar facing east but no temple, VII to
early VI B .C .
3. The archaic temple, first period, second quarter
VI B .C ., a small podium temple of nearly square plan
divided between a pronaos and a small cella flanked
by alae one-half the width of the cella. The pronaos
was flanked by antae and had two columns in con
tinuation of each of the lateral walls of the cella. It
was preceded by a narrow stair and a precinct con
taining an altar oriented to the east and not squared
with the temple. This temple was completely redec
orated in the second half of the century, ca. 5 3 0 B .C .
This is regarded as the Servian temple.
4. A raising of the level in the area by some 6 m.
This fill is particularly rich and contains material
from the Bronze Age, as well as fragments of im
ported Greek pottery. The area was then paved with
slabs of cappellaccio, and the twin temples were built
in their first phase. This phase is associated with
Camilluss rebuilding of the temples after the siege of
Veii in 3 9 6 b . c .
5. A repaving of the sanctuary in blocks of M on
teverde and Anio tufa with the rebuilding of the
temples and their altars. A dedication here by M.
Fulvius Flaccus from the spoils of Volsinii gives the
date 2 6 4 B .C .
6. A rebuilding in consequence of a fire on a new
pavement of Monteverde tufa, 2 1 2 b . c .
7. A repavement of the area in travertine, probably
in the time of Domitian.
B u llC om 7 7 (1 9 5 9 -6 0 ): 3 -1 4 3 (A. M . Colini et
al.); B u llC om 79 (1 9 6 3 -6 4 ): 3 90 (A. M . Colini et
al.); PP 3 2 (1977): 9 -1 2 8 (A. M . Colini et al.); La
gran de R om a d ei Tarquini (1990), 1 1 1 -3 0 (G. Pisani
Sartorio, A. Sommella M ura, et al.).
M atidia, A ra: an altar to the deified mother-in-law
of Hadrian, known from a single fragment of the
edict of Tarracius Bassus (C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 b l0 = /LS
6072).
M atidia, Templum: a temple to the deified mother-
in-law of Hadrian, known from an inscription on a
lead pipe found in the seventeenth century in Via del
Seminario between the faade of the church of S. Ig-
nazio and the old Seminario Romano (later Collegio
Germanico Ungarico), just northwest of the church
(see LFUR sheet 15). A rare medallion of Hadrian
inscribed d i v a e m a t i d i a e s o c r u i (Gnecchi 2.5 no.
2 5 ; A. Band, I gran di bron zi im periali 2 .2 [Florence
1984], p. 129 no. 250) shows an aedicula flanked by
 M A U SO LEU M A U G U STI

porticoes that stand on a high base continuous with

that of the aedicula. The aedicula is distyle with a
triangular pediment and contains an enthroned im
age. There are sculptures in the pediment, and large
acroterial figures are at the summit and corners of
the roof. To either side of the aedicula is a small
statue on a high base under a flat lintel. The flanking
colonnades have a high lower storey with a much
lower attic above, probably not colonnaded and pos
sibly vaulted. The oddness of this representation is
matched by the inability of everyone who has tackled
the problem to come up with a plausible reconstruc
tion of the complex. The best that can be said is that
it was a shrine in a colonnaded court, probably with
colonnades on all four sides. The statues flanking the
cult image might have been in side chapels.
On opposite sides of the Vicolo della Spada
dOrlando are the remains of an ancient wall faced
with brickwork (west) and the stump of a column of
cipollino, 1.70 m in diameter (east), while two other
columns of cipollino are said to be built into the
building on the west side of the vicolo. Piranesi (L e
an tichita rom an e [Rome 1756], 1 pi. 14 fig. 1; II
C am p o M arzio [1762], pi. 34) shows seven unfluted
columns with five Corinthian capitals in a somewhat
confused arrangement, possibly five of the columns
in a line running east and west, in approximately this of trees and splendid walks for popular enjoyment Figure 5 4
location. This is labeled Tempio di Giuturna. As this (Suetonius, Aug. 1 0 0 .4 ; Strabo 5.3.8 [236]). The M ausoleum
temple is without other certain assignment, it might sources agree about the appearance of the mauso- Au8ustl>p an
be the Temple of Matidia and is so identified by Lan- leum proper, that it was essentially a mound, or tu
ciani (LFUR sheet 16). The proximity of the Hadri- mulus, with a base of white stone, covered above
aneum (see Hadrianus, Templum) increases that like with evergreen trees up to the summit, where there
lihood. was a bronze statue of Augustus. The trees are usu
The recent identification by Rodriguez Almeida ally restored as cypresses, but, because these would
(Rodriguez 1.12729) of a previously unassigned in time have grown to great size and have threatened
fragment of the Marble Plan as very probably repre the fabric of the monument and hidden the crowning
senting part of this temple and its enclosure gives us statue, it is better to think of them as something
some more elements. It would have been peripteral, more like low-spreading junipers. Strabo is particu
pycnostyle, eight columns by thirteen, in a colon lar in noting that the trees in the nearby ustrinum
nade with deep porticoes covering an area of at least were poplars.
100 m x 65 m. It would thus be of the same size as, The monument has always been known, and has
and very similar in plan to, the Temple of Divus Had been put to many uses in the course of time, as a
rianus, to which it was adjacent. fortress of the Colonna family, as an amphitheater
Nash 2 .3 6 - 3 7 ; N Sc 1972, 3 9 8 -4 0 3 (E. Lissi Ca- and bullring, as a garden, and, most recently, as a
ronna). concert hall. In the building and rebuilding of these
and in the plundering of ancient ruins for construc
M ausolea Augustorum: see Sepulcrum M ariae. tion material, the mausoleum has been reduced to a
naked skeleton. During construction of the concert
Mausoleum Augusti (Figs. 5 4 , 5 5 ): the first Au hall in 1907, excavations were undertaken to ana
gustan building in the Campus Martius, dated by lyze the nature of the complex. These were resumed
Suetonius to 28 B .C ., but evidently not finished by in 1926 and continued to 1930. In 1934 work on
23, in the northern reaches of the campus between removal of surrounding buildings and isolation of
the Via Flaminia and the Tiber and perhaps techni the mausoleum began, followed in 1936 by disman
cally not within the limits of the campus, but adja tling of the concert hall and final excavation and res
cent to it. From the beginning Augustus designed the toration of the remains, completed in 1938.
surrounding area as a public park with plantations The Mausoleum Augusti consists essentially of a

247
M A U SO LEU M A U G U STI
series of concentric rings of concrete faced with retic
ulate, except where there was further dressing with
blocks of travertine or marble veneer. The entrance
faces south, a vaulted tunnel piercing the outer rings
and leading to an annular passage; over the entrance
was a vaulted chamber of uncertain purpose, per
haps only to lighten the pressure on the vault below.
Behind the very heavy outer ring wall was a series of
semicircular chambers divided by radial walls to
make quarter-circles, which were without access.
Within this ring a second one of long, roughly trap
ezoidal chambers, also without access and here
vaulted, continued the pattern. The inner wall of this
ring, which is the outer wall of the annular passage,
is especially heavy, 5 .7 0 m thick, and has been
thought to have risen to carry a colonnade high on
the exterior, but this would be at variance with Stra
bos description and the traditions of tumulus archi
tecture in Etruria. It seems better to take Strabos de
scription at face value and to think that above the
base drum the green slope was unbroken, the com
plicated interior arrangements serving only to sup
port the weight of the earth mantle.
Arriving at the annular passage, the visitor was
stopped by a wall and had to detour left or right to
one of two symmetrical doors through this that are
set off axis. There may also have been the intention
of allowing the cortege to make a ritual circuit of the
burial chamber before depositing the ashes of the
dead. From a second annular passage, one then had
access to the circular burial chamber, with a great
concrete pier in the center containing a square cham
ber, probably intended for the ashes of Augustus
himself. The outer burial chamber has three large
niches, one opposite the entrance and two on the
cross-axis, to receive other urns containing ashes.
Little remains of the superstructure, but, given the
248
complicated system of compartments and rings that
makes up the base storey, it has been presumed that
the same arrangements would be repeated above,
stepping back progressively in four storeys. The
overall diameter has been calculated as 8 7 -8 9 m, the
height without the statue as 4 4 m.
The mausoleum stood isolated in a rectangular
area marked off by cippi and paved. Before the door
stood a pair of red granite obelisks that are first men
tioned by Ammianus Marcellinus (17.4.16), being
omitted in Plinys discussion of the obelisks of Rome
(H N 3 6 .6 9 -7 4 ); they have therefore been supposed
to be a later addition, perhaps of Domitian or Ha
drian. These are uninscribed and have therefore been
presumed to be of the Roman period. They have now
been reerected behind S. M aria Maggiore and in Pi
azza del Quirinale (Montecavallo). The location and
form of the two bronze tablets or p ilae on which by
his instructions Augustuss R es G estae were in
scribed (Suetonius, Aug. 10 1.4 ; Augustus, RG
praef.) is also uncertain, although one may compare
the marble tablets in front of the tomb of the Plautii
near Tivoli, a tomb that was probably a deliberate
imitation of the Mausoleum Augusti (see Crema 253
fig. 276).
The first to be deposited in the mausoleum was
Marcellus, Augustuss nephew and son-in-law, in 23
B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 3 .3 0 .5 ). The marble tombstone in
scribed with his name and that of his mother, Octa-
via, was discovered in 1927. Then followed most of
the Julio-Claudian family who died while still in fa
vor. The Flavians had their own family tomb, but as
a special honor Nervas ashes were deposited here
(Aur. Viet., E pit. 12.12). The belief that finally, more
than a century later, the mausoleum was reopened
to receive the body of Julia Domna, the wife of
Septimius Severus, for a short time seems to be mis
 M A U S O L E U M H A D R IA N I

taken. She was probably entombed in a cenotaph of

Gaius and Lucius Caesar (see Sep. C. et L. Caesa-
rum).
The complete lack of decorative elements here has
been attributed to the plundering of the monument
in the Middle Ages, but it is more likely to be delib
erate and aesthetic. The tumulus form had a long tra
dition in both Etruria and the East, and it relied
chiefly on the size of the mound to impress people. It
was a tomb form already employed in the Campus
Martius for the tombs of Sulla and Julia (where Ju
lius Caesar himself was buried). The Campus M ar
tius had been chosen as a site not only because so
many of the great had been buried there, but because
it was flat, and Augustus chose to build it in its far
thest reaches, where the size would show to best ad
vantage, and carefully surrounded it with a park and
walks.
B u llC om 54 (1926): 1 9 1 -2 3 4 (A. M . Colini and
G. Q. Giglioli); PBSR 10 (1927): 2 3 -3 5 (R. A.
Cordingly and I. A. Richmond); C apitolium 6
(1930): 5 3 2 - 6 7 (G. Q. Giglioli); L u rbe 3.8 (1938):
1 -1 7 (G. Gatti); CAR 2-D , 88 pp. 9 0 - 9 8 ; H istoria
16 (1967): 1 8 9 -2 0 6 (K. Kraft); Nash 2 .3 8 - 4 3 ;
R om M itt 86 (1979): 3 1 9 - 2 4 (M. Eisner).

M ausoleum Hadriani (Fig. 5 6 ): the modern Castel

SantAngelo on the right bank of the Tiber at the
head of, and on axis with, the Pons Aelius (q.v.), the
modern Ponte SantAngelo. The site, in H ortis D o-
m itiae (q.v.), seems to have been carefully chosen to
avoid appearing competitive with the Mausoleum
Augusti (q.v.) and to command the view across the
more or less open stretches of the Campus Martius.
Its date is uncertain, and it was apparently com
pleted by Antoninus Pius in 139, the year after H a
drians death. It was intended to receive the ashes of
Hadrian and his successors, but the bridge leading to
it suggests that it was also meant to encourage build
ing, especially residential building, in the area now
known as Prati di Castello. Inscriptions (CJL 6 .9 8 4
9 5 ; IL S 322, 329, 3 4 6 , 3 4 9 -5 2 , 3 6 9, 3 8 3 -8 5 , 401)
from the mausoleum testify to the entombment there
of Hadrian and his wife, Sabina, of Antoninus Pius
and his wife, Faustina the Elder, and three of their
children, of L. Aelius Caesar, of L. Verus Commo-
dus, and of three other children of Marcus Aurelius.
From Herodian (4.1.4) we learn that Marcus Aure
lius himself was placed here, and Cassius Dio records
that Septimius Severus, Julia Domna, Geta, and Car-
acalla were laid to rest here (Cass. Dio 7 6 [7 7 ].1 5 .4 ;
78[79].9.1 and 24.3).
The tomb always stood very close to the river, and
by the time of Procopius it had been included in the
fortifications of the city and transformed into a for
tress guarding the head of the bridge. It figured im
portantly in a battle with the Goths under Vittigis in Figure 5 6
a . d . 5 3 7 (Procopius, B ellG o tb 1 .2 2 .1 2 -2 5 ). In the M ausoleum H adrian i,
Plan and A xon om etrie
eighth century, John Malalas (Antiochenus) de
Section o f the
scribes a colossal quadriga crowning the tomb (cf. A ncient Rem ains
HJ 6 6 5 n .ll3 ) , though by his time the little church of
S. Angelo de Castro S. Angeli, also called Inter
Nubes, had been built there to commemorate the vi
sion of Pope Gregory the Great in 590 of Saint M i
chael sheathing his sword (HCh 58). In the M irabilia
of the twelfth century (Jordan 2 .6 2 7 -2 8 ; V Z 3 .4 6 -
47) is a description of bronze fences that surrounded
it surmounted by the peacocks of gilded bronze later
removed to the entrance courtyard of the basilica of
S. Pietro and then to the Cortile della Pigna of the
Vatican (Helbig4 1 .3 7 7 -7 8 no. 47 9 ), a bronze bull,
four gilt bronze horses, bronze doors on each side,
and also bronze doors below (i.e., in the square base
of the tomb). Already earlier, perhaps in the tenth
century, the Crescenzi family had taken possession of
the site and constructed a tower on the summit, con
verting the monument into a fortress, and in 1277
Pope Nicholas V built the elevated walk connecting
the Castel SantAngelo with the Vatican palace.
From that time on it was a papal stronghold, and its
history became a very different story until archaeo
logical investigations were undertaken in modern
times, beginning first with regard to the Pons Aelius

249
M A U S O L E U M H A D R IA N I
in 1892. However, reconstructions, most of them
more or less fantastic, are at least as old as Filarete
in the first half of the fifteenth century, who put one
on the doors of S. Pietro in Vaticano.
The whole complex was enclosed by a low wall of
peperino broken by an entrance opposite the bridge,
where there were four travertine pillars that held the
bronze peacocks, the pillars connected by grillwork,
while a fence surmounted the wall. An outwork
around the drum, making in effect a base for it, is
square, about 87 m on a side and 10 m high. Origi
nally it was entirely faced with Parian marble, ac
cording to Procopius. Over the entrance was the ded
icatory inscription (C IL 6 .9 8 4 = IL S 322), while
those of the others deposited in the mausoleum
would have been arranged to the sides of this. Behind
the marble was a wall at least in part of blocks of
travertine, and behind this a wall faced with brick.
In the center of the square is the drum of the tomb
proper, and from it radiate walls faced with brick
that divide the space between into seventy-three
chambers that were roofed with vaults. These com
municate with one another by a ring of doors just
outside the drum. At each corner the exterior wall is
thickened to make a base for the colossal marble
statues of men and horses that crowned the external
wall, many of which Procopius says were broken up
and thrown down on the Goths in their siege of the
fortress. Some fragments of colossal statues have
been recovered and are displayed in the Castello, but
these probably come from figures that crowned the
drum.
The entrance was always on the axis of the Ponte
SantAngelo, a broad passage lined and vaulted with
blocks of travertine, the walls originally revetted
with marble, leading directly to a square chamber
with an apsidal niche in the back wall, generally be
lieved designed to hold a statue of Hadrian, and a
rectangular niche in the left wall. From the balancing
niche in the right wall opens a ramped passage that
makes one full spiral turn around through the mass
of the drum and arrives back over the entrance;
along the way it rises about 10 m and is lit by four
light wells. From the end of the spiral a corridor ran
straight back to the burial chamber at the center of
the drum, 8 m square, but made a Greek cross in
plan by three arched niches to hold the funerary
urns. This, too, was once revetted with marble and
lit by oblique windows cut through the vault.
The drum is 64 m in diameter, probably originally
about 2 1 m high, and perhaps in two distinct storeys
above the square base, rising to the height of the top
of the ancient chamber above the tomb chamber. It
is constructed of concrete faced with a wall of trav
ertine, which was originally revetted with marble. It
is thought that the spiral corridor must have contin
250
ued, perhaps as a stair, to give access to the chamber
above the tomb chamber; this seems otherwise to
have been reached only by a corridor cutting through
the drum, indicated by a deep setback of the ancient
concrete wall at the top of the main drum. The
chamber over the tomb chamber was similar to it in
dimensions and vaulting, but lower and without
niches. Over this was planting, as a deep level of
earth over a sloping roof of concrete proves, but the
nature of this planting is, of course, very uncertain.
At its center was a third chamber of circular plan,
but very high, divided into two storeys by the inser
tion of a floor, and in the thickness of the wall
around this wound an ancient staircase, whose pur
pose seems clearly to take visitors to an observation
platform. Above this circular chamber nothing an
cient is preserved, but the size of it suggests that it
must have carried a smaller superstructure on which
the terminal group of Hadrian mounted in a trium
phal quadriga would have stood. This would then
have stood somewhat higher than the present figure
of Saint Michael, but over the center of the tomb.
Pierce, in studying the sight lines and the size of the
enclosure, decided that the total height from the en
trance to the platform on which the quadriga stood
ought to be about 180 feet (55 m).
The place of the statues of which fragments sur
vive is much discussed. Pierce decided to put the stat
ues midway on the drum, above the level of the tomb
chamber but below that of the chamber above it, set
on a balustrade with an open gallery behind them.
The evidence for this is a setback in the concrete core
at this level. But here the statues would show poorly
against the massive drum rising behind them, and a
position at the top of the drum, where they would
stand out against the sky and the garden behind
them, is surely to be preferred.
It can be seen that the Mausoleum Hadriani, as
reconstructed, had little in common with the M au
soleum Augusti, except in its circular plan. The M au
soleum Augusti was splendidly simple, impressive in
its mass and its setting. The Mausoleum Hadriani
was novel and playful in its assembly of forms and
architectural spaces and experiences. From the time
one first set foot on the Pons Aelius until one
emerged at the base of the colossal quadriga, one
was treated to a continuous series of visual shocks
and excitements, the elegance of the approach with
its bronze peacocks, the rich mystery of the spiral
tunnel and tomb chamber, the exhilaration of the fu
nerary garden hanging far above the rest of Rome,
the sudden revelation of the size of the colossal quad
riga seen close at hand. The mausoleum has no clear
antecedents, though it may owe something to the de
sign of funeral pyres; in its general masses and tholus
form one might compare it to a number of earlier

monuments, perhaps best the Augustan Trophee des
Alpes at La Turbie on the Riviera, but in its devel
opment of space and architectural experience it is
unique.
JR S 15 (1925): 7 5 -1 0 3 (S. R. Pierce); M. Borgatti,
C astel SantA ngelo in R om a (Rome 1931); CAR 1-
H, 24 pp. 7 3 - 7 5 ; Nash 2 .4 4 - 4 8 ; C. D Onofrio,
C astel S. A ngelo (Rome 1971 ); BdA 61 (1976): 62
68 (M. deSpagnolis); C. D Onofrio, C astel S. A n
g elo e B org o tra R om a e P apato (Rome 1978);
R om M itt 86 (1979): 3 1 9 - 2 4 (M. Eisner); Boat
wright 16175.
Mefitis, Aedes, Lucus: in late republican times ev
idently the most conspicuous building on the Cispian
cusp of the Esquiline (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 9 ; Festus
476L). Its grove, much reduced in size by Varros
day, was possibly adjacent to that of Iuno Lucina
(q.v.). It must have stood southwest of S. Maria
Maggiore. It seems to be mentioned in an inscription
of the time of Septimius Severus (C/L 6.461 =/LS
3 3 6 1 ; cf. E ranos 1924, 8 2 -8 5 ) ; if so, by that time it
had been abandoned and the name corrupted to
Memphi. Because Mephitis was the divinity of evil
smelling water, especially volcanic springs, and her
chief shrine in southern Italy was the dying volcano
of Ampsanctus in the Hirpine country, it seems
strange to find her on the Cispian, where nothing of
the sort is known. Attempts to associate her with the
Esquiline cemetery are mistaken, because all place
indications separate her grove from the cemetery by
a considerable distance.
Memphis: a toponym found in a single inscription
of the time of Septimius Severus (C IL 6.461 = ILS
3361). If this is not the same as the Lucus Mefitis (see
Mefitis, Aedes, Lucus), it may be a place of Egyptian
association, such as an Iseum, or an Egyptianizing
garden.
A N R W 2 .1 6 .2 : 1 0 8 8 -9 2 (R. E. A. Palmer).
M ens, Aedes: a temple on the Capitoline vowed by
the praetor T. Otacilius Crassus, together with an
other vowed by Fabius Maximus to Venus Erucina
(1) (q.v.), after consultation of the Sibylline Books in
2 1 7 B .C . following the disaster of Lake Trasimene
(Livy 2 2 .9 .1 0 and 10.10). It was built and dedicated
in 215, again by T. Otacilius Crassus, appointed
duovir for the purpose, together with Fabius M axi
mus, who dedicated the Temple of Venus Erucina
(Livy 2 3 .3 1 .9 and 32 .2 0 ). The two temples were
separated only by a gutter or drain (canalis) and may
well have been twins. The Temple of Mens was evi
dently restored by M . Aemilius Scaurus (cos. 115
B .C .) , probably after his campaign against the Cimbri
in 107 (Cicero, N at. D. 2 .6 1 ; Plutarch, D e fort.
M E R C A T I D I T R A IA N O
R om . 5). The day of dedication was 8 June (Ovid,
Fast. 6 .2 4 1 -4 8 ; Degrassi 46 7 ). It is presumed that
these temples were somewhere in the Area Capito
lina, but no one gives further topographical details.
Because they are not mentioned after the time of
Galba, it is presumed that they were destroyed either
in the fire of a . d . 69 that destroyed the Capitoline
temple, or in that of 80.
M ercati di Traiano (Fig. 5 7 ): the modern name
given to the complex of buildings of at least six sto
reys and more than 170 rooms in a succession of ter
races covering the slope of the Quirinal (Collis La-
tiaris and Collis Mucialis) northeast of the Forum
Traiani. These were clearly built as part of the forum
project, although there seems to have been no close
communication between the two complexes in an
tiquity, the separation emphasized by the high north
east wall of the forum, which acted as a fire wall,
with a street running along it to increase its effective
ness. The Mercati seem to have been begun by Do-
mitian, the project then radically altered after his
death, and completed in the first decade of the sec
ond century, somewhat in advance of the Forum
(Bloch 4 9 -5 7 ) . The Mercati are divided into numer
ous large blocks that make different groupings of
rooms at several different levels and consist of corri
dors, some of them in effect streets, lined on one or
both sides with shoplike units, almost always a single
room with a large squarish door framed in travertine
with an ample transom window over the door. Some
of these preserve pavements in mosaic or signinum,
but few traces of other decoration survive. The
blocks are connected by stairs, but these are gener
ally not designed for heavy use; they are often nar
row and sometimes apparently deliberately hidden.
The most important communication was by two
streets, one just behind the forum, skirting this and
terminating in a broad stair opposite the southeast
corner of the great square that led up to yet another
block behind the Forum Augustum, the second,
known by the medieval name Via Biberatica, half
way up the slope, two storeys above the lower street,
following roughly the same line. At their ends one
could get from one street to the other, but traffic be
tween them was in no way facilitated. Among the
blocks of shoplike units were scattered large and
lofty halls, notably three domed ones of semicircular
plan at the lowest level, of spectacular architecture
and mysterious purpose. The experimentation with
fenestration and structural concrete is apparent and
impressive throughout. The most dramatic complex
that survives is a basilical hall, known as the Aula
Traiana (Basilica Traiani?; cf. S.H.A. C om m o d . 2.1),
the main space roofed with a succession of groin
vaults carried on piers. This roof hangs above flank
251
 M E R C U R IU S , A E D E S
Figure 57 ing rows of shoplike units and in front of a sky
M e rca ti di T raian o, lighted gallery behind which open other shops,
A xo n om etrie D raw ing arched buttresses for the central vault spanning the
Show ing M ain Levels
gallery. The intricacy and ingenuity of the design are
and M u ltiple Storeys
without known parallel. The construction through
out the Mercati is of brick-faced concrete, presum
ably to be finished with stucco, with travertine cor
bels and simple travertine decorative accents and
door frames. The curved faade of the upper storey
behind the forum hemicycle is enlivened with a series
of brick pilasters and shallow pediments, triangular,
lunate, and broken, over a line of arched windows
that is especially successful. The roofing above the
concrete vaults is a complicated problem, despite the
evidence of drains at a number of points.
These are clearly essentially office buildings, not
markets, and served to house parts of the bureau
cracy that managed the Roman empire. Because the
Forum Traiani seems to have been created especially
to house the enlarged courts of justice of Rome (An
252
derson 1 6 1 -6 7 ), one may ask whether such a com
plex would have been necessary for the increase in
court business, but that is unlikely. The lack of com
munication between the Mercati and the forum may
be taken as indication that the two parts functioned
independently of each other. Lugli (Lugli 1946, 3 0 6 -
9) wished to see this as the headquarters of the ar-
carii, the cashiers of the fiscus, and those responsible
for the basic provisioning of the city of Rome, espe
cially the supplies of grain, wine, and oil, and for the
distribution of these, but the evidence does not really
support such a notion. Brokering of the provisioning
may have gone on here, but the distribution would
have been elsewhere* in places such as the Porticus
Minucia Frumentaria (q.v.).
Lugli 1946, 2 9 9 - 3 0 9 ; Nash 2 .4 9 -5 8 ; MacDonald
1 .7 5 -9 3 ; Boethius-Ward-Perkins 2 3 9 - 4 3 ; Q u aderm
d ellInstituto N azion ale p er Storia d ellArchitettura,
n.s., 1 -1 0 (1 9 8 3 -8 7 ): 2 5 -2 8 (C. F. Giuliani).
M ercurius, Aedes: a temple dedicated to Mercury,
apparently in company with his mother, M aia (M ar
tial 7 .7 4 .5 ; Macrobius, Sat. 1 .1 2 .1 9 ; Lydus, Mens.
4.8 0 ), in 495 B .C . by the centurion prim i pili M . Lae-
torius, to whom the people voted this honor (Livy
2 .2 1 .7 and 2 7 .5 - 6 ; Val. M ax. 9.3 .6 ). It was on the
slope of the Aventine overlooking the Circus M axi
mus, but listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio
X I and described as retro m etas M urtias (i.e., M ur
cias or M u rciae) at the southeast end (Apuleius, Met.
6.8). The dedication day was the Ides of May (Livy
2 .2 1 .7 ; Ovid, Fast. 5 .6 6 9 -7 0 ; Paulus ex Fest. 135L;
Degrassi 4 5 8 -5 9 ) ; it was celebrated especially by
tradesmen and merchants. Although no record of re
building or restoration has come down to us, coins
of Marcus Aurelius inscribed r e l i g a v g and show
ing a temple of Mercury may refer to this temple. If
so, it had by that time taken on a very exotic appear
ance. The temple is shown with four herms in front,
instead of columns, supporting a lunate pediment in
which are the animals of Mercury (tortoise, cock,
and ram) and his symbols. The statue in the middle
shows the god nude, or with a short cloak, on a high
base. There is no indication of walls, but the temple
is not circular (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 4 .6 2 8 -
29 nos. 1 4 4 1 -4 8 ; Mazzini 2, Marcus Aurelius
nos. 5 3 4 -3 5 ) . This was the only full-scale temple
to Mercury in Rome of which we know. No certain
trace of it has ever been discovered, but cf. HJ
128n.27.
M ercurius Sobrius: see Vicus Sobrius.
M eta Romuli: the name given in the Middle Ages
to an ancient sepulchral pyramid on the right bank
of the Tiber west of the Mausoleum Hadriani at the

intersection of Via Cornelia and Via Triumphalis,
east of the latter. It is said to have been larger than
the Pyramid of Cestius (see Sepulcrum C. Cestii) and
very beautiful, sheathed in marble that was used in
the tenth century to pave the paradise of S. Pietro in
Vaticano and the steps of the basilica (M irabilia: Jo r
dan 2 .6 2 6 -2 7 , V Z 3 .4 5 ; see also Jordan 2 .4 0 5 -6 ,
VZ 4 .1 3 4 ; Urlichs 161 [Anonymous Magliabechi-
anus]). Its destruction began in 1499 under Pope Al
exander VI, when its southern angle was demolished
to cut the Via Alessandrina (Borgo Nuovo; see LS
1.126); the rest stood only a little longer, and there
is no record of it after 1551, when it is shown on
Bufalinis map of Rome inaccurately and with the
name Sepulcrum Scipionis, so he probably never saw
it (LS 1.161, 18689). It is frequently called simply
M eta, sometimes Sepulcrum Romuli, and in the early
Renaissance also Sepulcrum Scipionis. It owes its
common name to the designation of the Pyramid of
Cestius as M eta Remi, the origin of which is com
pletely obscure; there is no record of for whom it
was built. It appears a number of times in medieval
and early Renaissance views of Rome, looking much
like the Pyramid of Cestius. Its foundations were dis
covered in 1948 at the northeast corner of Via della
Conciliazione at Piazza Pia.
FA 4 (1949): 3771 (G. Gatti); CAR 1-H, 34 p. 37;
Nash 2 .5 9 -6 0 .
M eta Sudans (Fig. 3): a large fountain that Domi-
tian built (Chron. 146) southwest of the Colosseum
at the end of the street leading down to the Colos
seum from the Arch of Titus, but not precisely on its
axis. It takes its name from a general similarity to
one of the turning posts of a circus and seems to have
been a well-known fountain form, for Seneca (E p ist.
56.4) mentions one, possibly somewhere on the Bay
of Naples, certainly earlier than Domitians, and an
other is known at Djemila (Cuicul) in Algeria. The
M eta Sudans is represented on coins of Titus and
Domitian (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 .2 6 2 nos. 190
91, 356 after no. 270) showing the Colosseum, and
also on coins of Alexander Severus (B . M. Coins,
R om . E m p. 6 .1 2 8 29 nos. 1565 8 ; Mazzini 3, Al
exander Severus no. 4 6 8 ), but at so reduced a scale
as to be uninformative. It is listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio IV. The notion that it served to
mark the extraordinary convergence of five of the
Augustan regiones of the city, I, II, III, IV, and X ,
may be correct, but other convergences do not seem
to have been marked.
The concrete core stood until 1936, when it was
removed, but the place marked in the pavement of
the street. It was first excavated and studied in 1743
and thoroughly explored in 1933 before its removal.
It was reexcavated and studied in 1 9 8 3 -1 9 8 4 . It
M IC A A U R E A IN IA N IC U L O
consisted of an elongated cone with bowed sides, 5
m in diameter at the base and probably about three
times as high. The base seems to have been sur
rounded by arched niches, probably for statuary;
whether these were also fountains is in doubt. Above
this the base stepped back sharply to the principal
element. The form of the terminal finial is also in
doubt; it appears on the coins as a sort of stylized
flower, but the central element might be a pine cone.
How the water issued is also unknown, because the
name suggests that it welled out of the top to run
down the sides, while the form suggests rather a play
of jets from the summit. The original basin had a
diameter of 13.60 m and was surrounded by an open
drain that caught the overflow. Later, probably in the
time of Constantine, a wall 0 .9 0 m thick was built
beyond this. It does not seem to have been an en
largement of the basin, but rather a retaining wall to
isolate the fountain, part of a regrading and repaving
of the area around it.
R endP ontA cc 13 (1937): 1 5 -3 9 (A. M . Colim);
Nash 2 .6 1 -6 3 ; R om a, a rcb eo lo g ia n el cen tro (1985),
1 .1 1 3 -2 1 (E. Leone et al.).
Metae M ercuriae: evidently a mistake for Metae
Murciae; see Murcia.
M ica Aurea: a building listed in the regionary cat
alogues in Regio II and defined by Martial (2.59) as
a cen atio parva, a dining pavilion from which one
could see the T holu s C aesareus. The poem concludes
ipse iu bet m ortis te m em inisse deus. This has led PA
to conclude that the Tholus Caesareus must be the
Mausoleum Augusti. Domitian constructed the Mica
Aurea in a . d . 90 (Hieron. a. Abr. 2 1 0 6 ; Cassiodorus
in M G H C hron. Min. 2 .1 4 0 ), and M artials epigram
seems appropriate for inscription on a building. But
the Mausoleum Augusti could hardly be conspicuous
from the Caelian and does not lend itself to descrip
tion as a tholus. It seems quite possible that the Tem-
plum Gentis Flaviae might be meant, for it was a
round building, a new one, and evidently a towering
one (Martial 9 .3 .1 2 ; 9.34.2) on the Quirinal. The
conceit of being able to see one tower from another
seems to be involved here.
B u llC om 88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 9 2 -9 3 (E. Rodriguez Al
meida), 92 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 2 9 6 -9 8 (E. Rodriguez Al
meida).
M ica Aurea in Ianiculo: a place on the Janiculan
hill mentioned in the Einsiedeln itinerary (6.2
= Jordan 2.6 5 3 ) between the Molinae (q.v.) and S.
M aria in Trastevere and repeated in the names of
two medieval churches, SS. Cosma e Damiano in
M ica Aurea (= S. Cosimato) and S. Iohannes in Mica
Aurea (HCh 2 4 0 , 273). A sepulchral inscription
253
M IL L IA R IU M A U R E U M
from S. Cosimato, possibly of the sixth century, may
also preserve the designation (B ullC om 17 [1889]:
39299 [G. Gatti]). Gatti presumes that the allusion
is to the yellow sand of the Janiculum (Mons Aureus,
M ontorio), but the Einsiedeln itinerary seems to fix
the M ica Aurea as a definite locality. Because it is not
attested before late antiquity and may be entirely
medieval, it need not concern us greatly, but a dining
pavilion of the sort M artial describes seems very un
likely in this location, while a belvedere from which
to view Rome would be highly appropriate. It also
seems possible that A urea is a corruption of Aurelia,
the Via Aurelia running through this part of Rome.
Milliarium Aureum: erected by Augustus as super
intendent of the road system, a charge he assumed in
20 B .C ., and conceived as a point where all the roads
converging on Rome met (Cass. Dio 5 4 .8 .4 ; Plu
tarch, G alb a 24.4). It stood sub Saturni a ed e in cap-
ite R om an i fo r i (Pliny, H N 3 .6 6 ; Tacitus, Hist. 1.27;
Suetonius, O tb o 6.2). It was almost certainly a mon
ument in the form of a Roman milestone made of, or
sheathed in, gilded bronze, but there seems to be no
support in our ancient sources for the notion that it
was inscribed with the names of the major cities of
the empire (or Italy) and the distances of these from
Rome; this seems a modern inference based on the
example of other ancient milestones. From the way
Dio relates the erection of the Milliarium, it seems
much more likely that inscribed on it were the names
of the roads out of Rome and the men of praetorian
rank Augustus had made Curatores Viarum to see to
the upkeep of them. Still less credible is that the
carved stone members labeled Milliarium Aureum at
the northwest end of the Forum Romanum today ac
tually belonged to the base of that monument. The
frieze decorated with an anthemion belongs rela
tively high on a building, and both elements are of a
diameter equal to that of the Umbilicus Romae
(q.v.), too large for a milestone, unless it were of co
lossal scale.
During the excavation of the five-column monu
ment of the Tetrarchs behind the Rostra Augusti in
1959, Kahler found a circular concrete base at the
southeast corner of the Hemicyclium of the Rostra
that might well from size and location be the remains
of the Milliarium Aureum (H. Kahler, D as Funfsau-
len d en km al fu r d ie Tetrarchen a u f d em Forum R o
m anum [Cologne 1964], 2 3 , 5 8 59).
Nash 2 .6 4 - 6 5 .
M in e rv a , A edes (1) (Fig. 14): a temple on the Av-
entine shown on a fragment of the Marble Plan la
beled m i n e r b a e (FUR pi. 2 3 ; Rodriguez pi. 15). It
was adjacent to, but not aligned with, the Temple of
Diana; the reason for the difference in orientation is
254
not clear. Its precinct seems to have been deep in
front and back and very shallow on the sides. In
front the area is irregular, but there is no sign of an
altar. The temple stands on a podium, approached
from the front, but is peripteral, with a deep pro-
naos. Although it is very carelessly drawn, one can
see that it was Hellenistic in character. Six columns
are shown in front, eight in back, and thirteen along
either side. PA estimates the dimensions as about 22
m wide by 45 m long.
The age of the temple is not known, but it is older
than the Second Punic War, because in that war it
was by vote of the people assigned to the scrib ae and
bistrion es as a meeting place and a place for their
dedications (Festus 4 4 6 -4 8 L ). It was at this time
that poetry, and especially dramatic poetry, was be
ginning to assume importance, and Livius Androni-
cus had written a hymn to be performed by a chorus
of twenty-seven young women. Livy (27.37.7) says
the hymn was ordered by the pontifices in expiation
of a portent; in 2 0 7 B .C ., and similar expiations are
known (cf. Livy 3 1 .1 2 .9 10), but Festus says the
hymn was written qu ia prosperiu s res p u b lica popult
R om an i g eri co ep ta est, which can only refer to the
Battle of the Metaurus. Because Livius Andronicus
had been the slave of Livius Salinator, either the con
sul who was the victor of the Metaurus or his father
(in which case he was the teacher of the consul), it
looks very much as though the hymn had been
undertaken for Salinator as a victory ode and then
converted to other purpose on the occurrence of the
portent. Earlier such portents had not been so ex
piated (cf. Livy 2 7 .1 1 .4 -6 ) . In the performance of
this hymn the chorus marched in solemn procession
from the Temple of Apollo through the Forum Ro
manum and Forum Boarium, up the Clivus Publi-
cius, and so to the Temple of Iuno Regina. We must
presume that thereafter Livius Andronicus wished to
dedicate a copy of his hymn (Livy seems clearly to
have studied it) or some part of the reward he re
ceived on this occasion, but that the Temple of Iuno
Regina did not seem a suitable place for such a ded
ication (it seems to have belonged especially to the
women of Rome). The Temple of Minerva was
nearby, as chance would have it, and eminently suit
able, and because Livius Andronicus was a play
wright and actor, as well as a poet, the people at this
time designated the Temple of Minerva as the meet
ing place of all those engaged in such activities, and
especially, presumably, the collegiu m p oetaru m , of
which we get hints in the prologues of Terence, Dur
ing this period one might suppose the temple would
have become almost the exclusive interest of such
people, a repository of their records and a clubhouse
they frequented at least in part in the hope of finding
commissions.

The rest of the history of the temple is obscure.
Minervas chief festivals were the Quinquatrus of 19
March and a celebration on 19 June. The former
came to be a five-day festival, thanks to a misunder
standing of the name, which really meant only the
fifth day after the Ides. Ovid (Fast. 3 .8 0 9 14) tells us
that the first day was considered the birthday of the
goddess, while the remaining four were given over to
ludi circenses. He lists her worshipers as all those en
gaged in any art or craft, especially the makers of
cloth and clothing, and those involved with poetry
and the fine arts. The temple he associates with this
is that of Minerva Capta on the slope of the Caelian
near its base (q.v.), while he gives 19 June as the
foundation date for the Aventine temple (Fast.
6 .7 2 5 -2 8 ). But Festus (306L) and the Fasti Praenes-
tini both associate the Quinquatrus with the Aven
tine temple, so probably it was celebrated at both,
perhaps by the artisans especially at Minerva Capta
and by the artists at the Aventine temple. In the
Res G estae (19) Augustus records a restoration
of this temple, but we know nothing further about
this.
Degrassi 4 2 6 - 2 8 , 4 7 2 ; RdA 1 suppl. (1985): 9,
6 3 - 6 9 (W. Schiirmann).
M in e rv a , A edes (2): a temple listed by the N otitia
in Regio I (om . Cur.) about which nothing is known.
It is linked with the temples of Mars and Tempestates
(see M ars, Aedes and Tempestates, Aedes).
M in e rv a , D elu b ru m : a shrine said to have been
dedicated by Pompey the Great after his successful
return from the East. Pliny (H N 7.97) preserves the
dedicatory inscription, but nothing further is known
about it.
See TAPS 80.2 (1990): 2 -1 0 (R. E. A. Palmer),
where the suggestion is made that it lay in the north
eastern part of the Campus Martius.
M in e rv a , Tem p lu m : among the buildings ascribed
to Domitian by the Chronographer of 3 5 4 (Chron.
146), a Templum Castorum et Minervae, and listed
by the Curiosum in Regio VIII. This seems to indi
cate a Domitianic restoration and rededication of the
Aedes Castoris in the Forum Romanum, for which
there is no other evidence, or the creation of a new
shrine in an already cluttered part of the city. The
Dioscuri are not usually associated with Minerva, so
it has been presumed that Domitian might have car
ried out minor repairs to the Temple of Castor and
added a sacellum for his patron divinity in the little
rooms behind the Lacus Iuturnae or in the vestibule
building of the Domus Tiberiana, but this seems to
contradict what little evidence we have. It would be
better to suppose that in connection with his repair
M IN E R V A C A P TA (M IN E R V IU M )
of the Temple of Castor Domitian dedicated a statue
of Minerva in it.
M artial, however, speaks of p en etralia n ostrae Pal-
lad os (4 .5 3 .1 -2 ), and in the tabu lae h on esta e mis-
sionis after a . d . 89 the formula for location is regu
larly in m u ro p o st tem plu m divi Augusti ad
M inervam (C IL 1 6 .3 6 -1 5 6 , 1 6 0 -8 9 ), which seem to
indicate that the rededication must have included a
sacellum of Minerva built against the back wall of
the Temple of Castor in much the same way that a
sacellum of Bacchus was built against the back wall
of the Temple of Isis in Pompeii (cf. Overbeck-Mau
1 0 6 -7 ). Because the base of the Temple of Castor
was extraordinarily high, with loculi for the deposit
of valuables built between the column footings (see
Castor, Aedes), one of these would have lent itself to
remodeling as a sacellum, and Martial might then be
thinking of the whole bank of strong chambers along
the back as the penetralia nostrae Pallados. This is
perhaps the best solution to the problem.
A fragment of a statue, possibly of Minerva, was
found near the Lacus Iuturnae (NSc 1901, 114 fig.
73), but not enough is preserved to identify the type.
RivIstA rch, ser. 3 .8 - 9 (1 9 8 5 -8 6 ): 1 1 1 -1 7 (E.
Rodriguez Almeida).
M in e rv a C a p ta (M in erv iu m ): a small temple (de
lubrum) near the foot of the Caelian, a point empha
sized by Ovid (Fast. 3 .8 3 5 -3 8 ) and the list of the
shrines of the Argei (Varro, Ling. 5.47). It was in a
place between the Caelian and the Carinae, on a
street leading to the former. Two streets leading to
the Caelian are known in this area, one commonly
called Vicus Capitis Africae leading toward the Arch
of Dolabella and Silanus and one running up the val
ley and along the shoulder of the hill past SS. Quat-
tro Coronati. Because the former is more distinctly a
clivus and more clearly opposite the Carinae, it is to
be preferred, but the Temple of Divus Claudius may
have confused the picture. A handsome Minerva,
slightly under life size, in Oriental alabaster, found
in Via Celimontana and now in the Museo Nazion-
ale delle Terme, might have belonged to it (NSc
1926, 5 8 - 6 1 [G. Bendinelli]; Helbig4 3 .2 3 6 8 ). An
inscription from the Orto Teofili (C IL 6.524) seems
likely to pertain.
The epithet is puzzling. Ovid offers various expla
nations, the most plausible being that the cult statue
came as part of the spoils of Falerii in 241 B .C ., and
he says this is supported by an ancient inscription
(Ovid, Fast. 3 .8 4 3 -4 4 ) . But if so, why does he offer
other explanations? The day of dedication was 19
M arch, the Quinquatrus, the great festival of M i
nerva especially celebrated by artisans (Degrassi
4 2 6 -2 8 ).
RdA 2 suppl. (1985): 6 3 - 6 9 (W. Schiirmann).
255
M IN E R V A C H A L C ID IC A
Minerva Chalcidica: a tholus listed in the Cu-
riosum in Regio IX and shown on a fragment of the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 1 ; Rodriguez pi. 26) labeled
m i [ . . . ] r v a c h , just north of the Divorum and east
of the Serapeum. It is listed among the buildings of
Domitian (Chron. 146; Hieron. a. Abr. 2105) and is
mentioned in the Einsiedeln itinerary (7.7, Jordan
2.654) as Minervium (see also M irabilia: Jordan
2 .6 3 1 , V Z 3.50). It is responsible for the name of the
church of S. M aria sopra Minerva (earlier De M i
nerva). On the M arble Plan no columns are indi
cated, simply a ring wall with at its center an ar
rangement of four radial flights of steps narrowing
inward, rather like certain Pompeian fountains with
water stairs, leading to a circular platform with a
rectangular feature at its center. One thinks of an
elaborate base for a colossal statue, perhaps one em
ploying water, because the Aqua Virgo is here close
to its terminus north of the Saepta Iulia, but if the
rectangle represents the statue, it faced northwest or
southeast, which seems illogical in view of the prox
imity of the Divorum. The epithet is usually taken to
mean simply that the statue came from Chalkis in
Euboea. The notion that the temple might be re
garded as the type of building called chalcidicum
seems highly improbable.
A drawing by Onofrio Panvinio in the Vatican Li
brary (Cod. Vat. Lat. 3 4 3 9 fol. 25 r; Nash 2.68 fig.
755) shows the northern half of a round temple with
interior and exterior colonnades, the exterior colon
nade of twenty-four unfluted columns, and the inte
rior colonnade of sixteen fluted columns. There are
apparently four doors at the cardinal points of the
compass, but no special feature in the interior. The
temple is said to be p r o p e arcum cam ilianum in an-
g u lo p la tea e T(em pli) M inervae, and there are nu
merous notes of measurements. The diameter (?) is
given as 5 6 palmi, about 14 m. The temple is identi
fied as a temple of Isis and Serapis, or Sol Serapis, or
Sol, and other notes in the margins are casual addi
tions. Panvinio is known to have relied on Pirro Li-
gorio for much of his material, but the precision of
the measurements encourages belief in the authentic
ity of this, and the location makes it certain that it
must be the Temple of Minerva Chalcidica.
It cannot be the temple shown on the Marble Plan,
however, nor yet in all likelihood the temple shown
on a rare coin of Domitian (B. M. C oins, R om . E m p.
2 .3 4 6 no. 241 and pi. 67.7), where we see a round
temple with Corinthian columns on a podium of
three steps and with an epistyle of three fasciae sur
mounted by a flat roof ornamented with large pal-
mettes and globes along the edge. No wall is shown,
and the statue is a helmeted Minerva in swift move
ment who carries a shield and spear in her left hand
and raises her right hand as though to urge on fol
256
lowers. While the representation on the Marble Plan
might be interpreted as intended for this temple, that
in Panvinios drawing is clearly a more elaborate
building. Either we must presume a rebuilding of the
Temple of Minerva Chalcidica after the time of Sep-
timius Severus and the Marble Plan, or we must con
clude that Panvinio (Ligorio?), finding remains of a
round building, completed it on evidence from an
other source. Certainly the four doors are very odd.
FUR 9 7 -1 0 2 (L. Cozza); A rcbC l 12 (1960): 9 1 -
95 (F. Castagnoli); Nash 2 .6 6 6 8 ; RdA 2 suppl.
(1985): 1 3 -1 5 , 7 7 -8 8 (W. Schurmann).
M inerva M edica: a temple listed by the regionary
catalogues in Regio V (Esquiliae), dating from the
republic (Cicero, Div. 2 .1 2 3 ; C/L 6 .1 0 1 3 3 = ILS
52 2 9 , 3 0 9 8 0 = IL S 3 1 2 5 = IL L R P 235). In 1887 fa-
vissae containing several hundred votive objects, in
cluding one inscribed with the name of Minerva,
were discovered in Via Carlo Botta (Via Curva), be
tween Via Buonarotti and Via Machiavelli. These al
most certainly belonged to the temple in question,
but no remains of the architecture were recovered.
The votive objects show that the shrine was hospit
able to Apollo and other divinities, as well as M i
nerva, but they show also that it was a relatively
humble place. Only one bronze figure was found.
For the building commonly called Minerva Medica,
see Nymphaeum.
L. Gatti Lo Guzzo, II d ep o sito v otivo d ell
E squ ilin o d etto d i M inerva M edica (Florence 1978).
Minutus Minucius, Ara, Sacellum: see Porticus
Minucia.
M ithraeum:
1. M ithraeum Prope Carceres Circi M axim i: In
1931, during conversion of a factory into storage
space for the Rome opera, were found remains of an
enigmatic building of the second century northwest
of the carceres of the Circus Maximus and separated
from them only by a narrow street. This building
was of brick-faced concrete and consisted of at least
four parallel chambers of the same dimensions, all
probably originally roofed with barrel vaults and
connected by doorways in series with arches or lin
tels finished with flat arches. They provided support
for a monumental stair, which at one time probably
ran the length of the four and led up opposite the
carceres of the circus to some important edifice
above. One thinks of a temple, but the stair was early
broken by modifications, rooms and an approach to
the substructures being built into and carved out of
it and heavy buttressing added in places, probably as
a result of lesions caused by the circus brook. Even
in a mutilated state the stair must have been impres

sive and intended for use by large numbers of people.
Because it rose so close to the circus, it must have
been a public building.
A Mithraeum was built into three of the substruc
ture chambers in the second half of the third century.
One entered from the circus side through a small ves
tibule and then down a narrow corridor, turning at
right angles to enter the spelaeu m . The outer part of
this is paved with bipedal tiles; the chamber in front
of the niche intended for the relief of Mithras Tau-
roctonos is paved with colored marble, all second
hand; and the lower parts of the walls and numerous
bases were all revetted with marble, also second
hand. Benches for the diners were constructed in the
two inner chambers, one of them a triclinium in
form, and niches for statues of the attendants of
Mithras were carved out of the thickness of the walls
in the doorways between. These must once have
been finished with marble and framed with colon
nettes, consoles for which are still in place. The ter
minal niche, sunk deep under an arch and preceded
by a welter of altars and offerings, was finished with
rustication as a cave. Originally it probably held a
large relief of the god, but later this seems to have
been moved to the outer foom and something
smaller substituted.
B u llC om 68 (1940): 1 4 3 -7 3 (C. Pietrangeli); Ver-
maseren, C orpus 1.1818 7; Nash 2 .6 9 71.
2. M ithraeum Domus Barberinorum: In 1936,
during building operations in the garden behind Pa
lazzo Barberini, three rooms of a house of the first
century were found, the narrow westernmost one
converted into a simple Mithraeum. There is a nar
row central aisle flanked by raised side benches for
the diners, each with a ledge in front of it, and each
with a hollow for a basin in the middle. The left
bench supports four brick piers, which support the
segmentally vaulted roof. The cult niche against the
end wall preserves remains of rustication and a large
painting of Mithras Tauroctonos under an arch with
the signs of the zodiac.
B u llC om 71 (1 9 4 3 -4 5 ): 9 7 -1 0 8 (G. Gatti and G.
Annibaldi); Vermaseren, C orpus 1 .1 6 8 7 0 ; Nash
2 .7 2 -7 4 .
3. M ithraeum Domus d em en tis: Excavations
under the church of S. Clemente begun in 1857 led
to the discovery in 1869 of a Mithraeum of the early
third century built into a house of the first century
(see Domus, Clemens). This had been later deliber
ately destroyed, filled with earth and the door walled
up. Because of the level of the ground water at that
time, excavation became possible only in 1914, after
a drain, the Emissarium Clementinum, was built 14
m below street level. The Mithraeum consists of a
M IT H R A E U M
rectangular room with a low segmental vault divided
between a central aisle and side benches provided
with broad ledges along the aisle, which are inter
rupted by niches, three to the right and two to the
left. Three meters in front of the cult niche is a rather
deep hole in front of each side bench. The ceiling is
rusticated and pierced by eleven apertures once
framed in mosaic, four rectangular and seven round;
the latter are believed to be connected with the wor
ship of the planets. M osaic lunettes at the ends had
been deliberately destroyed.
An altar of Parian marble found partly in the sanc
tuary and partly in the room opposite the spelaeum
is carved with mithraic reliefs, the front with Mithras
Tauroctonos, and surmounted by heads of Sol and
Luna. The cult niche was stripped at the time of the
destruction of the Mithraeum in the fourth century.
The rooms preceding the Mithraeum on this level are
of uncertain character. It has been argued that they
functioned in conjunction with the Mithraeum, but
because some of them were originally parts of a pri
vate bath, this is doubtful.
E. Junyent, II titolo d i San C lem en te in R om a
(Rome 1932), 6 6 - 8 1 ; Vermaseren, C orpus 1 .1 5 6
5 9 ; Nash 2 .7 5 -7 8 .
4 . M ithraeum Domus Sanctae Priscae: In 1934,
during building operations, the monks of S. Prisca on
the Aventine discovered a Mithraeum, the entrance
end of which underlies the apse of the church. Over
the next four years they conducted excavations here,
but World War II interrupted the work. It was re
newed in 1953 by the Netherlands Historical Insti
tute in Rome and essentially completed in 1958.
Parts of two houses of late first-early second century
date were discovered, into a room of one of which a
small Mithraeum was built in the late second cen
tury. It consisted of a central aisle flanked by side
benches, into the forward ends of which were built
niches for statues of Cautes and Cautopates. The
whole spelaeum was painted, and on the side walls
were processions of the m ystae with verses added
above them. The large cult niche contained a stucco
group of Mithras Tauroctonos.
This Mithraeum was then rebuilt and enlarged ca.
a . d . 2 2 0 . Benches were added in what had earlier
been the vestibule. The old benches were refur
bished, and a throne was added to that on the right.
Large parts of the sanctuary were repainted, and new
frescoes of the mystae were installed. The whole of
the cult niche was stuccoed and rusticated. In the
center was the stucco group of Mithras Tauroctonos,
reworked and repainted; this was subsequently bro
ken up and scattered over the whole room by early
Christians. Filling the whole front of the cult niche
was a reclining figure of a full-bearded divinity that
257
M IT H R A E U M

the excavators identify as Caelus-Oceanus. Three 2. See Domus, Nummii.

other rooms that served for rites of initiation were 3. Found in 1883 on the Esquiline east of S. M ar
also added to the Mithraeum at this time. tino ai M onti (Via S. Giovanni Lanza 128) in a house
Vermaseren, C orpu s 1 .1 9 3 -2 0 1 ; Nash 2 .7 9 - 8 4 ; of the time of Constantine or a little earlier. A larar-
M. J. Vermaseren and C. C. Van Essen, T he E x ca ium with statues of Isis-Fortuna and Serapis, as well
vations in the M ithraeum o f th e C hurch o f Santa as the Olympians, stood in a room above a M ith
Prisca in R om e (Leyden 1965). raeum, accessible by a stair from the lararium. This
was a small vaulted room with a marble Mithraic
5. Mithraeum Therm arum Antoninianarum: relief supported on brackets, in front of which was a
Excavations of the subterranean service corridors rude altar. Several small niches appear in the walls,
running under the Baths of Caracalla were begun in and niches on the stair landing were probably for
1908 and led in 1912 to the discovery in those to the statues of Cautes and Cautopates.
northwest of the main building of the largest M ith Vermaseren, C orpu s 1 .1 6 0 -6 1 .
raeum known in Rome. It is a nave 23 m long floored 4. Found in the sixteenth century in the Vigna
with black-and-white mosaic, flanked by relatively Muti opposite the church of S. Vitale, notable for a
low side benches with a broad ledge along their front statue and a relief of Aion.
broken into four sections by large brick-faced con Vermaseren, C orpu s 1.166.
crete piers that carried the roof as a series of cross 5. A small Mithraeum on the Quirinal in Via Maz-
vaults. In the front of the side benches are shallow zarino (C IL 6.3 1 0 3 9 ).
niches, two on each side, and down the center of the Vermaseren, C orpu s 1.165.
nave are a dolium sunk in the floor so its mouth is 6. A Mithraeum was known on the Capitoline as
flush with the pavement, a shallow impluvium-like early as the time of Cyriacus of Ancona and was vis
basin, and two square breaks from which some fea ited by Smetius as late as 1550, but destroyed be
ture has been removed. The cult niche was sunk in tween then and 1594, when Montfaucon arrived in
the back wall, preceded by the usual assemblage of Rome. It was evidently a large sanctuary between the
altar and bases for dedications. Only small frag stair of the church of S. M aria in Aracoeli and the
ments of the relief of Mithras Tauroctonos were Museo Capitolino.
found. Vermaseren, C orpu s 1 .1 7 6 -7 7 .
N Sc 1912, 3 1 9 25 (E. Ghislanzoni); Vermaseren, 7. A small cave found in 1872 near the Salita delle
C orpus 1 .1 8 7 -9 0 ; Nash 2.85. Tre Pile on the Capitoline with a relief of Mithras
Tauroctonos.
6. Mithraeum in Cam po M artio (in the area of Vermaseren, C orpu s 1.177.
the Palazzo della Cancelleria Apostolica): Discovery
of a Mithraeum under the Palazzo della Cancelleria M olinae: public mills on the Janiculan hill inside
was made in the first months of 1938. It lay near the the Porta Aurelia driven by the water of the Aqua
main entrance to the palace, to the right of this, ori Traiana. These served for grinding grain. No one
ented north and south. There were scanty remains of tells us how early they were functioning, but they
the architecture, but enough to recognize the typical appear in the regionary catalogues and were in reg
plan of such shrines. The impressive finds included a ular use until the Goths cut the aqueduct in the siege
round altar, a long commemorative inscription, and of Rome in 5 3 7 . Belisarius then invented floating
a fragment of the relief of Mithras Tauroctonos in an mills powered by the Tiber (Procopius, B ellG oth
unusual textured style. The remains date from the 1 .1 9 .1 9 -2 2 ). The molinae are mentioned again in
middle of the third century, and the shrine is believed the seventh and eighth centuries (LPD 1.324 [Hon-
to have had a relatively short life. orius, 62533] an interpolation = VZ 2 .2 5 2 -5 3 ;
H om m ag es a Jo s e p h B id ez et a Franz C um ont LPD 1.504 [Hadrianus, 7 7 2 -9 5 ] = V Z 2 .2 8 0 -8 1 ;
('C ollection L a to m u s [Brussels 1949]), 2 .2 2 9 4 4 (B.
Einsiedeln itinerary 6.2 = Jordan 2 .6 5 3 ; Einsiedeln
Nogara and F. M agi); Vermaseren, C orpus 1 .1 7 8 sylloge 4 7 = C IL 6 .1 7 1 1 ). Parts of the reservoirs and
79. sluice gates for use in keeping the mills in operation
when the aqueduct had to be shut off and millstones
M ithraeum: Other Mithraea are known to have were found under Via Giacomo Medici 25 m south
been found in Rome: west of its juncture with Via Angelo Masina in 1880
1. In Piazza S. Silvestro, built by Tamesius Argen- (MAAR 1 [1917]: 5 9 -6 1 [A. W. Van Buren]) and
tius Olympus, nephew of Nonius Victor, in 3 5 7 -3 6 2 again in May 1990. M ost of the mills would have
and probably destroyed in 3 9 1 -3 9 2 . stood farther down the slope, where the grade is
C IL 6 .7 5 4 = IL S 4 2 6 9 ; Vermaseren, C orpus steeper. No one says how extensive these mills were,
1.173. but from C IL 6 .1 7 1 1 one gathers that they were im

258

portant. See also Lanciani, LFUR sheet 27, where the
complex is misplaced about 20 m north of its actual
location.
O p R om 11 (1979): 1 3 -3 6 (O. Wikander); CEFR
98 (1987): 4 4 2 -5 6 (F. Coarelli); B u llC om 92
(1987): 1 6 7 -6 9 (L. Cozza).
M oneta (or M oneta Caesaris): the imperial mint
of Rome, the first monument listed by the regionary
catalogues for Regio III, lying east of S. Clemente,
where inscriptions recording dedications by officials
of the mint have come to light. These are to Apollo
(C1L 6.42), Fortuna (C/L 6.43 = IL S 1634), Hercules
(C IL 6 .4 4 = IL S 1635), Victoria (C IL 6.7 9 1 ), and
the Genius Familiae Monetalis (C IL 6 .2 3 9 = ILS
1633). Cf. also C IL 6.298 , 1145, 1146, 1636,
1 6 4 7 = 1 0 .1 7 1 0 , 3 3 7 2 6 = 1 5 .7 1 4 0 . The earliest is
dated a . d . 115, but the mint was probably estab
lished here considerably earlier. Whether this area
was included in the grounds of the Domus Aurea of
Nero, which may have run to the line of the Servian
Walls, makes no difference, because the mint, as an
imperial bureau, may have been absorbed into the
imperial enclave. It would not have been highly
visible from the main blocks of the Domus Aurea.
One official seems to have styled himself p rocu
rator m o n eta e et eo d e m tem p ore p roc. ludi (C IL
6 .1 647 = 1 0 .1710), which suggests one of the four
training schools for gladiators. But because these
seem to have clustered close to the Colosseum, a
short distance away, it is impossible to say which it ^
might have been.
M onetarii: the name given workers in the imperial
mint, apparently also applied to the district around
the mint in Regio III, but known only from the edict
of Tarracius Bassus of the late fourth century (C IL
6 .3 1893 b8 = IL S 6072).
M ons Romuleus: see Statua Salonini Gallieni.
M ontani M ons Oppius: see Oppius Mons.
M onumentum: see Sepulcrum, Sepulcretum,
Bustum, etc.
Monumentum Argentariorum: see Arcus
Septimii Severi (in Foro Boario).
M onumentum Arruntiorum : see Sepulcrum
Arruntiorum.
M onumentum Aureliorum: see Sepulcrum
Aureliorum.
M onumentum Cinciorum: see Cincia.
MUNDUS
Monumentum D omitiorum: see Sepulcrum
Domitiorum.
Monumentum Iuliorum: see Tumulus Iuliae.
M onumenta M ariana (M onumenta M arii): see
H onos et Virtus (M ariana), Aedes.
M onumenta M arii (in Capitolio): see Tropaea
Marii.
M onum enta Statiliorum: see Sepulcrum
Statiliorum.
Mucialis Collis: see Quirinalis Collis.
Mundus (1): according to Plutarch (R om . 11) a cir
cular trench dug around the Comitium in which, to
gether with specimen fruits of all that was useful and
necessary for a city, each of the founders of the city
deposited a handful of earth from his native place.
With this circle then as center, the city was laid out
in a ring around it, and the trench of the pomerium
furrowed to bound it. Plutarch seems to have here a
genuinely ancient foundation ritual, but must be
mistaken in associating this mundus with the Comi
tium of republican Rome. Such a comitium would
have had to lie near the center of the Palatine, while
we have no record of public assemblies of comitial
character on that hill in the regal period, or under
the republic. There must have been civil assemblies
of the men of the Palatine village, and presumably
these were held within the pomerium, but we do not
know where. Probably Plutarchs source has con
cocted a Romulean origin for a foundation ceremony
that was used for early Latin colonies. For example,
at Cosa in Etruria, founded in 273 B .C ., the comi
tium is the oldest building on the forum, at the
middle of one long side, and although the forum is
not at the geographical center of the city, it is the
heart of the city plan. Here a trench such as Plutarch
describes might well have been dug around the area
for the comitium as the first of the foundation
ceremonies (but cf., e.g., F. E. Brown, C osa: T he
M aking o f a R om an Tow n [Ann Arbor, Mich. 1980],
1 6 -1 7 ). Ovid (Fast. 4 .8 1 9 -3 6 ) gives a similar account
of the foundation rituals of Rome but does not
specify where the fo ssa for the handfuls of earth
and first offerings was dug, or what its shape was.
He adds the detail that after the trench was filled,
an altar was set up over it. See also Roma
Quadrata.
Mundus (2): a sacrarium connected with the gods
of the underworld. Cf. Varro (ap. M acrob. Sat.
1.16.18): mundus cum patet, d eoru m tristium atqu e
259
M U R C IA
inferum qu asi ianua p atet; Servius (ad Aen. 3.134):
qu idam aras su peroru m d eoru m volunt esse, m e-
diox im oru m id est m arin oru m fo c o s , in feroru m vero
m u n dos; Festus (126L): Cereris qu i m undus ap p el-
latur, qu i ter in an n o so let p atere: V/7/7 K al. Sept.
(postridie V olkanalia) et II I N on . O ctobr. et VI Id.
N ovem br. Q ui vel \eninr\ dictus est q u o d terra m o-
vetur.
Festus (144L) relies on the description of Cato in
his com m en tariu s iuris civilis, who says the mundus
got its name from the mundus above us, having the
same form, ut ex is qu i intravere co g n oscere potu i. In
its base, veluti con secratam D is M anibus, was an in
fe rio r pars kept closed at all times, except for the
three prescribed days. The days when it was open
were regarded as unlucky, and no public business
was conducted on them, except the most necessary,
although they were not nefasti. The association with
Ceres may mean no more than that the need was felt
to find an association less dread than the real one for
the monument, and Ceres, who as the mother of Pro
serpina could pass back and forth between Olympus
and the underworld, could serve here. No one gives
any indication of where the Mundus was located or
why the Tarentum with its smoking vent and Ara Di-
tis et Proserpinae is never called a mundus.
It must have been a domed, or beehive-domed,
chamber at least big enough for a man to'enter, but
rather difficult of access; very likely it was largely, or
entirely, underground. How the opening and closing
of its aperture were effected no one says, but one
thinks of a well head and a stone lid.
Discovery by Boni in 1914 of a pair of beehive-
domed chambers with connecting corridors under
the Domus Augustiana stirred hopes that the solu
tion to the difficulties of the Mundus might be found
here; there was even a well shaft opening in the
middle of the floor of one of them. But these were
entirely covered over in the construction of the Do
mus Augustiana, whereas the Mundus was still ac
cessible until late antiquity. They have since been
convincingly identified as archaic cisterns or granar
ies. However, it seems entirely possible from the de
scription we have of the Mundus that it was origi
nally a granary of the same archaic type that was
discovered after having been long forgotten and then
interpreted as a shrine to the gods of the underworld,
and thereafter it became a cult center. In this case it
is perhaps more likely to have been on the Palatine
than anywhere else.
D ialA rcb 9 -1 0 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 3 4 6 - 7 7 (F. Coarelli);
R. Altheim-Stiehl and M . Rosenbach, eds., B eitrge
zur altitalischen G eistesg esch ich te: F estschrift G er
hard R a d k e (Aschendorff Mnster 1986), 3 2 - 3 6 (F.
Castagnoli).
260
M urcia: an ancient Roman divinity worshiped in
the valley of the Circus M aximus, between the Pala
tine and the Aventine, which was called Vallis M ur
cia in late antiquity (Servius a d A en. 8 .6 3 6 ; Symma-
chus, R elat. 9 .6 ; Claudian, D e Cons. Stilich. 2 .4 04:
Cassiodorus, Var. 3 .5 1 .4 ), a name that has been re
vived in modern times. Specific reference was to a
shrine within the circus toward the southeast end of
the spina, where the turning posts were called Metae
Murciae (Apuleius, M et. 6 .8 ; Tertullian, D e S p ed .
8). As Varro (Ling. 5.1 5 4 ) says: Intum us circus ad
M urciae vocatu r (cf. Livy 1 .3 3 .5 ; Paulus ex Fest.
135L; A. Degrassi, In scription es Italia e 13.3.78).
There is every indication that the actual shrine,
which is called an ara vetus (Pliny, H N 15.121), sa-
cellum (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 4 ; Paulus ex Fest. 135L;.
and fan u m (Servius a d Aen. 8.636) was on the spina.
The ancients themselves did not know the meaning
of the name but equated the divinity with Venus and
attempted to derive the name from Venus Myrtea
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 4 ; Pliny, H N 1 5 .1 2 1 ; Plutarch,
Q uaest. R om . 20) on the theory that there had once
been a stand of myrtle there. This is highly unlikely,
but the circus brook is without a name, and Cloacina
also was eventually equated with Venus, so it seems
not impossible that originally Murcia was the divin
ity of the brook. The earliest evidence for the euripus
of the Circus Maximus is close to a . d . 2 0 0 , and the
first mention of it in literature is by Tertullian (Hum
phrey 276). Earlier the circus brook must have been
culverted, and during those centuries the nature of
Murcia might well have been lost to memory, while
her altar survived.
Muri Aureliani: the city fortifications begun by
Aurelian between the war with the Marcomanni and
that with Zenobia in a . d . 27 1 2 7 2 (S.H.A. Aurel.
21 .9 and 3 9 .2 ; Aur. Viet., C aes. 3 5 .7 ; Chron. 148:
Eutropius 9 .1 5 .1 ; Orosius 7 .2 3 .5 ; Hieron. a. Abr.
2290) and finished by Probus about ten years later
(Zosimus 1.49.2). They were extensively restored
and improved in the early fourth century, almost cer
tainly by Maxentius in anticipation of the attack of
Constantine (Chron. 148), and again by Arcadius
and Honorius in 4 0 2 4 0 3 , as is attested by inscrip
tions on the Portae Portuensis, Praenestina, and Ti-
burtina (C IL 6 .1 1 8 8 , 1189 = /LS 797, 1190) and by
Claudian (D e Sext. Cons. H on . 531). The descrip
tion of the walls appended to the Einsiedeln itinerary
is believed to have been made in preparation for this
repair (Jordan 2 .1 5 5 -7 8 ). Repairs by Theodoric are
attested by brick-stamps (C IL 1 5 .1665 b27 = /L5
828) and by the historical chronicle (Cassiodorus.
Var. 2 .3 4 ; M G H C hron. Min. 2 .1 0 8 for a . d . 547).
Popes Hadrian I (7 7 2 -7 9 5 ) and Leo IV (8 4 7 -8 5 5

were especially noteworthy for their work on the
walls; Pope Leo brought the Vatican, the Civitas
Leonina, within the circuit (LPD 1.501, 513 and
2 .1 1 5, 1 2 3 -2 4 ; V Z 2 .2 7 8 -7 9 , 2 8 9 -9 0 , 3 2 1 -2 2 ).
The senate of Rome voted a restoration of the walls
at the Porta Metrovia in 1157, as an inscription at
tests. The popes of the Renaissance repeatedly re
paired the walls and the gates, as their arms and in
scriptions show. Today the circuit is preserved along
its ancient course, except for (1) the stretches along
the left bank of the river, that from Pons Aurelius to
the takeoff to the Porta Flaminia having disappeared
in the Middle Ages, that from the point where the
wall reaches the river west of Porta Ostiensis north
to the crossing of the river to the Porta Portuensis
having been largely destroyed in the early part of this
century; (2) the Bastione di Sangallo built by Anto
nio da Sangallo the Younger for Pope Paul III (1 5 3 4 -
1549), from a point about a half-kilometer west of
the Porta Appia to the Porta Ardeatina; and (3) the
wall on the right bank of the river, the wall here hav
ing been replaced under Pope Urban VIII (1 6 2 3 -
1644) by a fortification that runs from the Leonine
City, which had received new fortifications under
Pope Paul III and Pope Pius IV, along the spine of the
Janiculan hill to the Porta Aurelia and from the Porta
Aurelia to the river along a line that brought the
Porta Portese, replacing the Porta Portuensis, a half
kilometer further upstream. The remains of the walls
have repeatedly come to light in the Trastevere, es
pecially remains of the stretch from Porta Aurelia to
Pons Aurelius, and the Porta Settimiana still stands
to mark an important exit.
The line chosen by Aurelian for the wall was at
least in part an already existing boundary for pur
poses of collecting municipal customs, established in
the time of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus and
marked by a series of cippi (C IL 1016a-c, 8594,
3 1 2 2 7 ; IL S 375). The wall was built hastily and in
corporated everything that could be made use of oc
curring in its path, including houses and tombs, the
Amphitheatrum Castrense, stretches of aqueduct
bridge from Porta Tiburtina to Porta M aior (Porta
Praenestina), the terrace walls of the Horti Aci-
liorum, and the walls of the Castra Praetoria. It is
estimated that about one-sixth of the circuit is based
on already existing structures.
The wall is made of concrete faced with brick in
side and out, and the curtain, 4 m thick and 6.50 m
high, is provided with roughly square towers at in
tervals averaging 100 Roman feet (29.60 m), which
project beyond the wall only on the exterior. These
towers have bases of solid masonry to the height of
the wall walk and rose above it with a barrel-vaulted
chamber in which a stair led to a flat roof provided
M U R I A U R E L IA N I
with battlements. Windows in the tower chamber al
lowed the emplacement of two ballistae, which could
swivel ninety degrees. In places the wall is provided
with an interior gallery roofed with a barrel vault on
which the battlemented wall walk is supported. The
floor of the gallery is raised a storey above ground
level on the interior and is arcaded behind, the vault
being supported on brick-faced piers. Loopholes in
the shape of vertical slits with reveals splayed on the
interior occur, nine to a bay, between towers. In
those sectors the gallery runs through the backs of
the towers, and stairs lead from it up to the tower
chambers. In very exceptional instances a tower with
a semicircular front is introduced.
In the rebuilding of the second period (Maxen-
tian), the wall was raised to double its height by the
addition of a gallery at the height of the original wall
walk, or by a simple heightening wall about one-half
as thick as the original curtain with a narrow battle
mented wall walk above. Variations in these two
types of addition also appear. The new wall would
have been impregnable against any sort of siege ma
chinery then known, including scaling ladders, and
communication along the circuit was on the whole
efficient, although not for the transport of heavy
equipment. The towers at this time had another sto
rey added above, sometimes with walling up of the
old windows. The new storey regularly had a hipped
roof and round-headed windows for ballista em
placements.
The gates are of four distinct types. Porta Appia
and Porta Ostiensis East represent the four first-class
gates. They had semicircular towers with one cov
ered chamber reached by a stair from behind; the
chamber had a flat crenellated roof, and the curtain
connecting the towers was faced with stone. It is pre
sumed that there were two arched openings and a
single chamber with five window openings above
these crowned by a crenellated roof. The eight
second-class gates had curtains faced with brick and
single arched openings framed in travertine flanked
by semicircular towers. They were otherwise like the
first-class gates in design, but with a smaller chamber
over the gate. The seven third-class gates were simple
archways set in ordinary curtains. The fourth-class
gates were posterns with travertine jambs capped
with flat arches, of which nine are known.
In the M axentian rebuilding the towers flanking
the Porta Appia were much enlarged and made to
project a full diameter in front of it, becoming in ef
fect attached circles, while two storeys were added
to the superstructure. An interior court was created
by attaching the ornamental Arco di Druso of the
Aqua Antoniniana to the Porta Appia by lateral
wings, which probably included guard rooms and
261
M U R U S M U S T E L L IN U S
tax-collection offices. Other gates were less elabo
rately rebuilt, but the minor Porta Asinaria was given
flanking towers and an interior court, and others
were strengthened. Numerous minor gates and pos
terns were walled up.
Under Arcadius and Honorius, the wall and tow
ers were restored in great haste over a period of six
teen months. The gates received new stone curtains
in one or two storeys. The double gates were reduced
to gates of a single arch, and all gates were fitted with
portcullisses. M ost of the gate towers were made rec
tangular in their lower parts and faced with stone
taken from other structures, travertine for the most
part, but marble in the case of the Portae Flaminia
and Appia.
Work on the walls between this period and the
Renaissance is of minor importance and consists of
repair rather than redesign. In 5 3 6 Belisarius is said
to have introduced a new sort of merlon that pro
tected the defenders on the wall more effectively. And
he dug a ditch in front of the wall, a project that
Maxentius had undertaken but left incomplete. But
the greatest work of Belisarius was tactical, the stra
tegic deploying of machinery. And after his time
work on the walls was extremely shoddy and inept.
I. A. Richmond, T h e City W all o f Im p erial R om e
(Oxford 1930); Lugli 1934, 1392 6 1 ; Bloch 3 1 3 ;
B ullC om 80 (1 9 6 5 -6 7 ): 1 4 9 -8 3 (P. Romeo); Nash
2 .8 6 -1 0 3 ; M . Todd, T h e Walls o f R o m e (London
1978); B u llC om 91.1 (1986): 1 0 3 -3 0 (L. Cozza);
A n alR om 16 (1987): 2 5 - 5 2 (L. Cozza); B u llC om 92
(1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 1 3 7 -7 4 (L. Cozza); PBSR 5 7 (1989): 1 -
6 (L. Cozza).
Murus Mustellinus: Festus (142L) says there was
a shrine of Mutinus Titinus (see Mutunus Tutunus,
Sacellum) on the Velia: adversum m urum m ustel-
linum in angiportu, and that this was destroyed to
make a private bath for Cn. Domitius Calvinus, al
though it had existed from the founding of the city
until the time of Augustus. Mutinus was a Priapic
divinity of great antiquity. M urum is Scaligers con
jecture for m utum in the manuscript. The epithet has
never been explained, nor the shrine located, but
Domitiuss rebuilding of the Regia is commonly ad
duced as supporting evidence for a location near that
building.
Murus Servii Tullii (Fig. 5 8 ): the great republican
walls of Rome, assigned by tradition to Servius Tul
lius (Livy 1 .4 4 .3 ; Dion. Hal. 4 .1 3 .5 ), the sixth king
of Rome and last recognized to have enlarged the
city, which he did by the addition of the Esquiline
and Viminal hills. Ascriptions of fortifications to ear
lier kings ([Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 5 .2 ; Florus 1 .1 .1 3 ;
Livy 1 .3 6 .1 ; Strabo 5 .3 .7 [234]) have always been
262
regarded as referring only to work of very limited
extent. But the Servian Walls are now seen as in re
ality a fortification of the second quarter of the
fourth century, following the sack and burning of the
city by the Gauls, for the stone used is predominantly
the grayish yellow tufa of the Grotta Oscura quarries
of Veii, which would have become available to the
Romans only after the destruction of Veii, and the
failure of the Romans to put up any defense of
the city against the Gauls is understandable only if
the city was essentially without fortifications. Other
stone included in the system, especially the poor
granular cappellaccio that is the surface stone of
Rome, may be due to existing works of terracing for
either defense or building, or to scarping as part of
the work of construction. Probably there was an ag
ger and fossa fortification on the tableland from the
Quirinal to the Esquiline from a very early period, as
there seem to have been separate walls defending the
Palatine and Capitoline, but the first comprehensive
wall system including all seven of the hills of Rome
is that of the fourth century, and this is also recorded
in fragmentary fashion in Livy (6.32.1 for 3 7 7 B .C .:
7.2 0 .9 for 353 B .C .) , where the emphasis on cut
stone may be significant.
The circuit was about 11 kilometers in length and
ran from the north side of the Capitoline across the
saddle between it and the Quirinal and along the
northwest brow of the Quirinal almost to the head
of the valley between the Quirinal and Pincian.
Along this stretch were five gates, from the Porta
Fontinalis on the shoulder of the Capitoline to the
Porta Collina by which the Via Salaria entered
Rome. The wall then turned sharply south and ran
along the plateau behind Quirinal, Viminal, and Es
quiline. Here it kept the character of an agger and
fossa fortification and in the Esquiline sector contin
ued to be known as the Agger until the time of Ju
venal (8.43). Dionysius (9 .6 8 .3 -4 ) describes it as an
earthwork 5 0 feet wide and preceded by a fossa 100
feet wide and 3 0 feet deep. In the building of the
Servian Walls, the agger was revetted with stone in
side and out and came to be provided with towers
(Varro ap. C ensorin. 17.8). In this section, because
of its vulnerability, there were only two gates, the
Porta Viminalis and Porta Esquilina.
The line from Esquiline to Aventine is very uncer
tain, except for the Porta Capena in the throat be
tween the Caelian and the Aventinus Minor. It
would make the best sense to have the line run be
yond the church of SS. Quattro Coronati, where a
gully separating the Oppius from the tableland of the
Esquiline would have given a certain natural advan
tage in that stretch, cross the Caelian immediately,
and run along the southern brow of the Caelian back
toward the narrows where the Porta Capena was sit
 M URUS TERREUS

uated. The wall embraced both lobes of the Aventine

and crossed the Forum Boarium on a line roughly
parallel to the river to link up again with the Capi-
toline. On the Caelian were two gates, the Porta
Querquetulana and Porta Caelimontana, on the Av
entine three, the Portae Naevia, Raudusculana, and
Lavernalis, and in the Forum Boarium three, the Por
tae Trigmina, Flumentana, and Carmentalis.
The walls are built of large rectangular blocks,
regularly 2 Roman feet (0.590 .6 0 m) high but of
variable length, laid dry in alternate courses of head
ers and stretchers with occasional irregularities for
small stretches. One fragment of it still stands as high
as 10 m, and the others have a regular thickness of
about 4 m. No example of either tower or gate sur
vives to give us some notion of these elements,
though there are vestiges of towers in places. The
quarry marks, which are very numerous, have ex
cited great interest but are apparently of no special
significance.
The walls had repeatedly to be repaired. The prin Figure 58
cipal restorations of which we have notice are those M urus Servii Tullii and
in 2 1 7 B .C ., during the Second Punic War (Livy Principal Roads
22 .8 .7 ), in 2 1 2 after a fire (Livy 2 5 .7 .5 ), and in 87 Entering R om e,
with the G ates in the
during the Social War (Appian, B ellC iv 1.66). But
W alls N um bered
these must be simply a random sample, because the
walls continued to be serviceable and impressive for
at least two and a half centuries (Pliny, H N 36 .1 0 4 ). (S.H.A. H eliog ab . 30.4) and su bag er (N ot., Cur.:
In the course of time improvements, such as arched C am pu m Vim inalem subager).
ballista emplacements, were introduced, and lithoid G. Saflund, L e m ura di R o m a rep u bblican e (Upp
tufas were employed in repairs to the facing and con sala 1932); Lugli 1934, 1 1 2 -3 8 ; Nash 2 .1 0 4 -1 6 ;
crete in the core. R om M itt 76 (1969): 1 0 3 -1 0 (H. Riemann); M . G.
The best remains of the Servian Walls are a stretch Picozzi and P. Sommella, eds., R om a m ed io repub-
in Piazza dei Cinquecento on the Viminal and blican a (Rome 1973), 73 1 ; CAR 3-D , 160 pp. 112
stretches along the south side of the Aventine, espe 13, 3-G , 1 6 7 -6 8 pp. 2 5 2 -5 7 ; N Sc 1979, 2 9 7 -3 2 7
cially at Viale Aventino in the gap between the Av- (E. Lissi Caronna); R. Thomsen, K ing Servius Tullius
entinus M aior and Aventinus Minor. The former, a (Copenhagen 1980), 2 1 8 3 5 ; B u llC om 89 (1984):
considerable stretch in the vicinity of Porta Viminalis 6 7 -6 8 (R. Egidi), 7 8 -7 9 (R. Quinto); Coarelli 1988,
on both sides of the gate, shows its character as an 3/5-59.
agger with stone revetment. The latter shows the im
provements introduced in the first century B .C ., the Murus Terreus: known only from a passage in
use of concrete and a well-preserved ballista em Varro {Ling. 5 .4 8 ): eid em region i adtribu ta subura
placement. Other bits of the fortification can be q u o d sub m u ro terreo C arinarum . The Carinae are
picked up all along the northwest brow of the Quir- known to have been the southwestern part of the
inal, especially in Piazza Magnanapoli and Via An Oppius, and it has been widely supposed that the
tonio Salandra, or on the Esquiline at the Audito Murus Terreus was an agger, or earthwork, that pro
rium Maecenatis, which stands athwart the wall, and vided defense for a village there. But the Subura in
elsewhere, but these are difficult to read and less im question is not the familiar Subura in the valley be
pressive. tween the Oppius and Viminal, but a Subura be
The agger, as it appeared in final form, was not tween the Oppius and the Caelian, for Varro is ex
only an impressive achievement but its summit was plicitly discussing the Regio Suburana, the Caelian
the highest eminence in Rome. For Horace {Sat. and its adjacencies. Moreover, the Romans were fa
1.8.15) it was sunny and a place to stroll; for Juvenal miliar with earthwork fortifications and seem always
(8.43) it was windy. It was used to denote a part of to have called these aggeres. Here we must be dealing
the city (p o m a r io d e agger a p roseu ch a, C IL with a massive terrace wall of the unaccustomed ma
6 .9821 = IL S 74 9 5 ), and we find both su per aggerem terial sun-dried brick, which served to retain the

263
M U T A T O R IU M C A E S A R IS
brow of the hill and distinguish the summit, the Ca-
rinae, from what lay below, the Subura.
M utatorium Caesaris: listed in the regionary cat
alogues in Regio I and shown on the Marble Plan
(FUR pi. 15; Rodriguez pi. 1) inscribed m u t a t o
r i u m , an open area a block and a half northeast of
the Via Appia, opposite the Baths of Caracalla. The
open area is surrounded by insulae with rows of
shops on one or more fronts, except for a single
building, a rhombic hall divided into aisles by three
rows of four columns each, roughly equally spaced,
with an annex along the southeast side and perhaps
a row of small rooms along the southwest. An in
scription (Forcellini, s.v.) informs us that this might
264
have been either a place where members of the im
perial administration changed from the litter used in
the city to a traveling carriage (so Hlsen) or a cov
ered bazaar.
M utunus Tutunus (or Titinus), Sacellum: a
shrine of an ancient Italic fertility god of Priapic
character in an angiportus on the Velia. In the time
of Augustus, Cn. Domitius Calvinus destroyed it to
make room for the baths of his house, and it has
therefore been supposed to be not far from the Re
gia, which he rebuilt, but there is no proof. On this
god, see Roscher 2 .2 0 4 7 (R. Peter) and R. E. A.
Palmer, R om an R eligion a n d R om an E m pire (Phila
delphia 1974), 1 8 7 -2 0 6 .
Naevia, N em ora (or Silva): a wood on the Aven-
tine outside the Porta Naevia (q.v.) of the Servian
Walls that had allegedly belonged to a certain Nae-
vius (Festus 171L), but by Varros day this had be
come merely a place-name (Varro, Ling. 5.1 6 3 ). A
mutilated passage in Festus (170L) suggests that it
got an evil reputation from those who frequented it.
N aum achia: see Piscina, Stagnum, Naumachia.
N aum achiae V: listed in the regionary catalogues
in Regio X IV without further description. Sidonius
(E p ist. 1.5.9) implies that in his day the naumachiae
were an impressive sight, but it seems impossible that
there could have been five in existence at the same
time, and so scholars have suggested the obvious cor
rection of V to II.
N aum achia Augusti: the basin that Augustus cre
ated in 2 B .C . on the right bank of the Tiber, where
a magnificent show of naval warfare was staged in
connection with the dedication of the Temple of
Mars Ultor (Veil. Pat. 2 .1 0 0 .1 ; Augustus, R G 2 3 ;
Suetonius, Aug. 4 3 .1 ; Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 5 .3 ; Hieron. a.
Abr. 2013). It was 1,800 feet long and 1,200 feet
wide (Augustus, R G 23), and to supply it Augustus
brought in a new aqueduct of water of inferior qual
ity, the Aqua Alsietina (q.v.; Frontinus, A q. 1.11,
22). From the beginning it seems to have had a park
(nemus) connected with it, and perhaps gardens as
well (Tacitus, Ann. 14 .1 5 ; Suetonius, Tib. 72.1), but
by the time of Suetonius only the name, Nemus Cae-
sarum, was still preserved (Suetonius, Aug. 43.1).
There was some sort of pon s n au m achiariu s, prob
ably a lofty bridge leading to an island in the center,
clearly an exceptional feat of engineering (Pliny, H N
16.190, 2 0 0 ; Cass. Dio 66.2 5 ), which Tiberius re
stored after a fire.
Nero (Cass. Dio 62.20.5) and Titus (Cass. Dio
6 6 .2 5 ; Suetonius, Titus 7.3) used the naumachia,
and Statius (Silv. 4 .4 .6 -7 ) mentions it, but by the
time of Alexander Severus only fragments remained
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .1 0 .7 ). It is believed that the naumachia
lay in the vicinity of the church of S. Cosimato and
that the Nemus Caesarum was probably adjacent
to, but not originally part of, the Horti Caesaris
(2)(q.v.). The location is further confirmed by re
ports of the discovery of large blocks of traver
tine cut to a curve during excavations for the store
named Standa on the northwest side of the Viale di
Trastevere.
Naum achia Caesaris: a basin constructed by Ju
lius Caesar in the Codeta M inor (q.v.) bordering on
the Campus Martius for the naval show mounted in
connection with his triumph in 4 6 B .C . (Suetonius,
Iul. 3 9 .4 ; Cass. Dio 4 3 .2 3 .4 ; Appian, BellC iv
2.1 0 2). This was soon filled in, Suetonius {Iul. 44.1)
says because Caesar projected building a magnificent
temple of Mars on the site. Cassius Dio (45.17.8)
gives the more plausible explanation that it was by
vote of the senate in 43 B .C . because of an epidemic.
It is not clear whether this was a measure of hygiene
or a gesture of atonement.
N aum achia Caligulae: see Saepta Iulia.
N aum achia Domitiani: a basin that Domitian
constructed iuxta T iberim (Suetonius, D om . 4.2) for
naval spectacles. It is said to have been in a new place
(Cass. Dio 67.8 ), so most topographers conjecture
that it was on the right bank of the river, but all
Domitians other building for shows was in the Cam
pus Martius. Before Suetoniuss time stone from it
was used to repair the Circus Maximus after a fire
(Suetonius, D om . 5 ); this is usually seen as Trajans
work on the circus (Pausanias 5 .1 2 .6 ; Cass. Dio
68 .7 .2 ). This would be the more understandable if
265
N A U M A C H IA P H IL I P P I
Trajan built a naumachia of his own (see Naumachia
Traiani).
N aum achia Philippi: see Lacus Philippi.
N aum achia Traiani: possibly the large building of
which remains were discovered just northwest of the
Castel SantAngelo. The remains consist of the end
of a rectangle, two parallel vaulted corridors with
heavy walls joined by a corridor perpendicular to
these, the corners being slightly bowed. Remains of
four rows of seating were found at points over the
vault, and spur walls indicate that this was carried
higher on radial vaults with stairs of access, shops,
and services arranged underneath, as commonly in
theaters and amphitheaters. The construction in con
crete faced with reticulate and brick is typical for
Trajan, and the facing of the corridor with fine sig-
ninum and arrangements for drainage make it highly
likely that this, which is certainly not a circus, was
for water spectacles. It will then be one of the nau-
machiae of the regionary catalogues. It has been
thought to be a replacement for the naumachia of
Domitian, destroyed by Trajan for material to repair
the Circus Maximus (Suetonius, D om . 5 ; Cass. Dio
68.7.2). It was possibly the building whose ruins
Procopius (B ellG o th 2.1.5) took to be of a stadium
for gladiatorial combats.
It gave its name to S. Pellegrino in Naumachia, a
church of the eighth century, and in the sixth to the
eleventh centuries the designation Naumachiae came
to be applied to a very large area stretching from the
Vatican Hill to the Castel SantAngelo and as far
south as the Via Cornelia.
CAR 1-E, 2 pp. 2 0 - 2 2 ; Q ITA 5 (1968): 1 0 5 -1 1
(C. Buzzetti).
Naum achia Vaticana: see N aum achia Traiani.
Navale Inferius: see Navalia.
N avalia: the ship sheds of the war fleet along the
left bank of the Tiber. The original set is known to
have been in the lower Campus Martius opposite the
Prata Quinctia (q.v.). Livy (3.26.8) gives a very cir
cumstantial account of the process of making Cin-
cinnatus dictator, clear enough to be sure that the
stretch from a little above the end of the island up
stream perhaps as far as Palazzo Farnese is where the
Navalia lay.
The earliest certain mention of the Navalia, for
179 B .C . (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .6 ), speaks of building a porti-
cus p o st navalia. The passage is mutilated, and the
purpose and extent of the portico seem not to have
been given. This was a time when the portico as an
architectural form had just come into popularity,
266
and some were built for utility, others for ornament.
Too little is known about the topography of this part
of the Campus Martius to permit conjecture as to
what this portico might have been. But after 167,
when the royal flagship of Perseus of Macedon was
brought to Rome, it could not be housed in the ex
isting navalia, and a special shed had to be con
structed for it (Livy 4 5 .3 5 .3 and 4 2 .1 2 , with Poly
bius 3 6 .5 [3 ].9). It seems, therefore, natural to
suppose that the navalia were extended from time to
time as need arose. In 338 B .C ., after the great Ro
man naval victory at Antium, the ships of the Latins
were in part destroyed, but in part in navalia R om ae
su bd u ctae (Livy 8 .1 4 .1 2 ), and there is every reason
to believe the navalia meant are those in question.
The fact that they are outside the protection of the
Servian Walls has been introduced as evidence
against this, but we now know that no stretch of the
riverbank was included within the fortifications, and
presumably in time of war the fleet would not be
kept in its sheds.
The account of the return of Cato the Younger
bringing the treasure of Cyprus further confirms this
location for the navalia in his day, for, although the
people of Rome lined the riverbank to receive him,
he took his ships past them without stopping and
continued upstream to the ships proper berths, then
unloaded the treasure and paraded it through the
Forum Romanum to deposit it in the Temple of Sat
urn and on the Capitol (Plutarch, C ato Min. 3 9 .1 -3 ;
Veil. Pat. 2 .4 5 .5 ). However, the ship of Aeneas of
which Procopius (B ellG oth 4 .2 2 .7 8) gives an ac
count, saying that it was preserved in his day in na
valia in the middle of the city, must remain suspect.
N ot only does no other source mention this, but it
runs counter to what is explicitly written in the
A eneid. If Procopius was not the victim of a hoax,
he must be confused about the identity of the ship in
question. However, it might well have been dis
played in the navalia.
Other mentions of the navalia show that they were
architecturally important enough to have engaged
the labors of Hermodorus of Salamis (Cicero, D e Or.
1.62) and that they were used as a place of confine
ment for hostages (Polybius 36.5 [3],9) and animals
intended for use in circus games (Pliny, H N 36.40).
Festuss mention (187L) of a Porta Navalis is puz
zling, because no gate of the Servian Walls could be
thought of as leading very directly to the navalia.
This is either a mistake or a monument otherwise
unknown.
On a fragment of the M arble Plan (FUR pis. 8, 15:
appeared the inscription n a v a l e m f e r , apparently
complete. This has been interpreted as Navale Infer
ius and the slab assigned with great probability to
the upper-right-hand corner of the plan, beyond

Monte Testaccio and the M attatoio in an area be
tween the Via Ostiensis and the river. \XTiile there is
no reason to exclude the possibility of such a navale,
it is unsupported by other evidence, and the inscrip
tion is far from satisfactory. The buildings indicated
on the fragment are also puzzling and do not suggest
ship sheds, and they are evidently some distance
from the river itself. Medallions of Antoninus Pius
(Cohen 2 .2 7 1 -7 2 nos. 1 7 -1 9 ; Gnecchi 2.9 nos. 1 -3
and pi. 4 3 .1 - 2 ; Banti 2.3: 3 5 -3 6 nos. 5 -7 ) showing
the approach of the snake of Aesculapius to the is
land have been thought to show a section of the na-
valia with the prow of a trireme emerging, but the
arched opening and the flat roof above make it
clearly a bridge. Navalia are always shown with in
dividual peaked roofs over each ship.
Q ITA 5 (1968): 2 7 -3 3 (F. Coarelli).
Nemus Caesarum : see Naum achia Augusti.
Nemus Therm arum : a park adjacent to the Stag-
num Agrippae (q.v.), lying west of the Thermae
Agrippae, mentioned only by Tacitus (Ann. 15.37) in
connection with the orgiastic revels of Nero just be
fore the account of the great fire of a . d . 64. It has
therefore been supposed to have extended from the
Stagnum Agrippae to the Thermae Neronianae over
an area otherwise devoid of known remains of build
ings.
Neptunus, Aedes: Evidently as early as 2 0 6 b .c .
there was a temple of Neptune in Circo Flaminio, for
Cassius Dio (17 fr. 57.60) records among the por
tents of that year that both the doors and altar of
this sweated profusely (and cf. C IL 6.8 4 2 3 ), al
though Livy (28.11.4) mentions only the altar. Pliny
(HN 36.26) says that in the temple of Domitius in
Circo Flaminio was a group of Neptunus (ipse), The
tis, Achilles, Nereids riding on dolphins, cetuses, and
hippocamps, Tritons, and the chorus of Phorcus with
fishes and many other marine creatures. This was
considered the masterpiece of Scopas (Minor?) and
would have been a magnificent achievement had it
been his whole lifes work. A coin of Cn. Domitius
Ahenobarbus of 4 2 -3 8 B .C . (Crawford 5 2 7 no.
519, dated 41 B .C .) shows a tetrastyle temple and
carries the inscription n e p t . c n . d o m i t i u s . l . f . i m p ( B.
M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2 .4 8 7 no. 93). The temple is
shown raised on a podium but without a stair of ap
proach, prostyle or amphiprostyle, and on the ob
verse is the head of a heavyset, clean-shaven man in
scribed a h e n o b a r b . The suggestion is that Aheno
barbus vowed the temple on the eve of his naval
battle with Cn. Domitius Calvinus, for after his vic
tory in that battle he was saluted as imperator. In 40
B .C . he was made governor of Bithynia, and he re
N IG E R L A P IS
mained there for some years, but became consul in
32. It seems possible that he brought the group by
Scopas back from his governorship, having acquired
it in Bithynia or elsewhere in the Greek world, and
rebuilt the old Temple of Neptune when he was con
sul, for he died before Actium.
A large frieze decorated in part with a magnificent
marine thiasos and in part with a lustration of a Ro
man army was for many years in Palazzo Santacroce
and is now divided between the Louvre in Paris (lus
tration) and the Glyptothek in Munich (marine thia
sos). Costume and style date it clearly in the last half
of the first century B .C . It must have decorated an
altar or a large base, and it has been suggested that
this was the base for Scopass group. That is possible,
but there is no proof one way or the other, and the
thiasos would amount to an inappropriate duplica
tion of the subject.
The Temple of Neptune has been generally sup
posed to be the temple (pycnostyle, hexastyle, and
peripteral) built into the church of S. Salvatore in
Campo, which seems rather remote from the Circus
Flaminius. Now that we know that the Temple of
Castor and Pollux (see Castor et Pollux, Aedes)
stood on the southwest side of the circus, the Temple
of Neptune might better be similarly located.
Nash 2 .1 2 0 -2 2 ; D ialA rch 2 (1968): 3 0 2 -6 8 (F.
Coarelli); M EFRA 85.1 (1973): 1 4 8 -5 4 (P. Gros); S.
Lattimore, T h e M arine T hiasos in G reek A rt (Los
Angeles 1974), 1 3 - 2 7 ; QITA 10 (1988): 5 9 -7 5 (E.
Tortorici).
Neptunus, A ra: see Neptunus, Aedes.
Neptunus, Templum: see Basilica Neptuni and
Hadrianus, Divus, Templum.
Niger Lapis: In a mutilated passage that can be re
stored with considerable probability, Festus (184L)
says the Niger Lapis is a locus funestus in the Comi-
tium intended to mark the place of the death, or
burial, of Romulus, but actually used for the burial
of Faustulus, Romuluss foster father, or of Hostus
Hostilius, the grandfather of Tullus Hostilius. The
scholia on Horace, E p o d . 1 6 .1 3 14, state that Rom
ulus was buried either p ro R ostris or p o st R ostra, the
tomb marked by funerary lions. Dionysius (1.87.2)
says a lion stood over the burial place of Faustulus
by the Rostra, but then later (3.1.2) he says that the
grandfather of Tullus Hostilius was buried there
with a stele attesting to his valor.
These various stories do not need to concern us
overmuch. In fact, in 1899 was found an irregular
four-sided area in front of the Curia Iulia, about 4 m
x 3 m, paved with slabs of black marble (m arm or
Taenarium ) that had been marked off so no one
267
N IX A E
would walk on it inadvertently with a pluteus of
plates of white marble about 1 m high set in a base
of travertine. Under this were found the base of a U-
shaped altar, part of a tapering cippus or stele of
Grotta Oscura tufa inscribed on all four faces with a
boustrephedon inscription at large scale in an ar
chaic alphabet, which not only took all the space
available but also required the slicing of one corner
to make an extra face so that it could be completed
(IL L R P 3), and a plain tryncated cone of tufa. To
gether with these things were archaic votive bronzes
and terracotta revetments, pottery, and the remains
of a sacrifice of the fourth century. It appears that
the cippi and other archaic material had been set
about the altar base almost haphazardly, all viewed
as sacred material but at the time no longer under
stood, a sacrifice of expiation performed, and the
area isolated. The present pavement of black marble
is at the level of the Caesarean pavement of the Com-
itium, but must replace an earlier one.
The material under the Niger Lapis is all of the
highest interest and importance. It is easy to see that
the altar, once it had lost its upper parts and was
associated with burial, would have been interpreted
as the base for a pair of funerary lions, though such
altars cannot have been unfamiliar. The truncated
cone might have been either a boundary stone or a
statue base. The inscribed stele, the reading, comple
tion, and interpretation of which has occupied nearly
every student of Roman antiquity, continues to be a
bone of contention. In view of its unusual material,
obviously foreign and unsuitable for inscribing, it is
more likely to be a boundary stone than anything
else, and the inscription on it is then likely to be a
curse on anyone who moved it. The appearance of
the name of Jupiter and words such as sa k ro s and
iou xm en ta also supports this notion. The alphabet is
close to the version of the Greek alphabet in use in
southern Etruria and the Faliscan territory in the late
seventh and sixth centuries, with certain additions.
The only area in the neighborhood likely to have
been so religiously bounded is the Comitium, but the
votive material found together with the cippus seems
unlikely to have been dedicated in the Comitium.
Exploration under this area has ascertained that
there is no burial here. The Comitium having always
been an inaugurated templum, that is what we
should have expected.
Lugli 1946, 1212 6 ; R. E. A. Palmer, T h e King
an d th e C om itiu m (Wiesbaden 1969); B u llC om 88
(198283): 6164 (B. Frischer); Coarelli 1983, 161
99; M onA nt 5 2 (ser. misc. 3.1 [1984]): 1 -3 7 (P. Ro-
manelli); PP 39 (1984): 5 6 - 6 1 (F. Castagnoli);
B u llC om 89 (1984): 2 4 5 48 (F. Ammannato).
268
N ixae: a place designation listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio IX . For the Ides of October the
Fasti Filocali of a . d . 3 5 4 (Degrassi 257) carry the
annotation equ u s a d nixas fit. This must be the sac
rifice of the October horse, rather than the race, but,
because the sacrifice was performed with a spear, it
might have been performed somewhere near the
racetrack, rather than at the Altar of M ars, though
the entrails must have been offered on the altar. At
this time the only part of the Campus Martius that
was not built up was probably that north of the east/
west street leading to the Pons Neronianus, now bur
ied under Via dei Coronari. According to Festus
(182L), the nixi d i were three statues brought from
abroad as spoils and dedicated in the Capitoline
temple in front of the cella of Minerva. They were
kneeling and seem to have been telamon figures like
those popular in theaters in Italy in the second and
first centuries B .C . The Nixae then might be caryatid
figures used architecturally or simply decoratively,
but the regionary catalogues list them and the Tri-
garium (q.v.) separately. Others have wished to see
these as figures of women in parturition or goddesses
who protected women in parturition. They are not
mentioned in sources earlier than the fourth centurv.
La Rocca 1984, 5 7 - 6 5 ; C EFR 98 (1987): 1 9 1 -
2 1 0 (J.-M . Flambard); TAPS 80 (1990): 3 3 -3 5 (R.
E. A. Palmer).
Nodinus: a brook of Rome mentioned only by Ci
cero (N a t.D . 3 .5 2 ), without indication of its loca
tion. It was included in the augural prayer along with
Tiberinus, Spino, and Almo, so it should be in the
immediate vicinity of the city and not culverted in
Ciceros day.
Noenses de A ra M atidiae: known from a single
fragment of the edict of Tarracius Bassus (CIL
6.3 1 8 9 3 blO 11 = /LS 6072) of the late fourth cen
tury. The reading is not entirely certain. See Matidia,
Ara and M atidia, Templum.
N ova Via (Fig. 6 3): so called to distinguish it from
Sacra Via, the only other street within Rome known
to have been called a via in the republican period. It
was very old (Varro, Ling. 6.59). It started at Porta
Mugonia on the Clivus Palatinus and in front of the
Temple of Iuppiter Stator, where it was called
sum m a N ov a Via (Livy 1 .4 1 .4 ; Solinus 1.24), and
ran along the base of the north side of the hill in a
straight line to its northwest corner, passing along
the way between the Lucus Vestae and the Aedes
Vestae (Cicero, Div. 1.101). At the northwest corner
of the hill it originally turned sharply, almost at a

right angle, and ran to the Velabrum, where it appar
ently merged with the Clivus Victoriae. Its end in the
Velabrum was originally called infim a N ova Via
(Varro, Ling. 5.43). In the late republican or Augus
tan period, for reasons unknown, this stretch was
abolished and the street terminated at the point
where it had turned, at the stair leading from the
Temple of Vesta to the Clivus Victoriae. Its termina
tion here then became known as infima Nova Via
(Livy 5 .3 2 .6 , 5 0 .5 , and 5 2 .1 1 ; A. Gellius 16.17.2).
In Ovids day it already had a direct connection with
the Forum Romanum (Ovid, Fast. 6.3 9 6 ), probably
by the stair mentioned earlier, and because Ovid
speaks of this as an innovation, he may give a date
for the destruction of the west leg of the street.
It was originally a street of great importance, run
ning from Porta Mugonia to Porta Romana or Ro-
manula (Varro, Ling. 5.164) and very likely passing
Porta Ianualis at the northwest corner of the Palatine
along the way, in which case it must have followed
the original pomerium of the Palatine settlement. As
the Atrium Vestae and Domus Tiberiana were en
larged, the importance of the Nova Via diminished,
until it became little more than a service cor
ridor. Verrius Flaccus (Festus 372L) objected that the
common people ran the two words of the name
into one in his day, whereas they should be distin
guished.
Nash 2 .1 2 3 -2 4 .
Novum Templum: see Augustus, Divus,
Templum.
Ad N ucem : a locality outside the pomerium of
Rome given as the burial place in a funerary inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .2 8 6 4 4 ). This was a cemetery about 300
m beyond Porta Salaria. It is found again on a lead
tessera (Rostovtzeff, Sylloge 498). The name is too
plain to be informative.
C. Num itorii, Aedificia (?): recorded in an inscrip
tion listing public works on the streets of Rome in
1 0 0 -8 0 B .C . (C IL 12.809 = IL L R P 464). The word
aedificia is a supplement of ] i c i a on the stone, and
identification is impossible.
Ad Numfium: known from a single fragment of the
edict of Tarracius Bassus of the late fourth century
against fraudulent merchants and shopkeepers (C IL
6 .3 1 8 98 11). The reading is not entirely certain. This
might be the same as Ad Nymphas (q.v.).
Nymphae, Aedes: a temple in the Campus Martius
where records pertaining to the census were kept,
N YM PH AEU M
Figure 59
N ym phaeum ( Tem pio
di M in erv a M e d ica ),
P lan, Show ing Two
Building Periods
presumably temporarily, and that Cicero claims Clo-
dius set on fire to destroy these records (Cicero, Cael.
78, M ilon. 73, P arad ox a 4 .3 1 , Har. R esp. 57). Be
cause the census was taken in the Villa Publica, the
temple must have been nearby. It probably stood
somewhere along the Porticus Aemilia (q.v.) con
necting the Porta Fontinalis and the Ara Martis,
where the censors set their curule chairs, and prob
ably not far from the altar. It is not likely to have
been in the Villa Publica itself. The day of dedication
was 23 August, the same as the Volcanalia (Degrassi
501).
Ad Nymphas: a location in the Subura (M aior), ev
idently at the foot of the Cispian cusp of the Esqui-
line (C IL 6.461 = IL S 3 3 6 1 , 9 5 2 6 = ILS 7565).
N ymphaea Tria: listed in the regionary catalogues
in Regio XIII (Aventinus), possibly the same as the
nym fia tria said to have been built by Diocletian
(Chron. 148). Because nymphaea were relatively
common, this must have been one in which three
were united in some special way.
Nymphaeum: see Fons, Lacus, Nymphaeum.
Nymphaeum (Fig. 5 9 ): on the Esquiline on Via
Giovanni Giolitti between Via Labicana and the Au-
relian Walls, a large structure of concrete faced with
brick commonly called Tempio di Minerva Medica
because of the mistaken belief that the Athena Gius-
tiniani was found here. This is now believed to be
the remains of a spectacular nymphaeum of the sec
ond half of the third century. The main hall is deca
gonal, about 2 4 m in diameter and 33 m in height,
roofed with a dome built on a skeleton of brick ribs,
269
 N YM PH A EU M A LEXA N DRI

but still stepped at the base on the exterior. At

ground level the walls of the main room open out
into apsidal niches with half-domes, one on each side
of the decagon, except for the entrance side, four of
them, those to either side, open, their domes sup
ported on columns, five closed. Opposite the en
trance two large exterior buttresses took some of the
thrust of the main dome. In the upper wall in each
wall of the decagon is a large arched window. The
engineering of the dome is of the greatest interest and
has been repeatedly studied. The building was faced
with marble outside as well as inside. It has been pre
sumed that it was fed by the Aqua Anio Vetus (see
Anio Vetus), the line of which runs close by, but this
is not known, and the use of water in the building is
a matter of speculation. It might better be a dining
pavilion. Later a monumental entrance with two
large lateral exedras of curved plan was added, as
were two huge curved rooms behind the cross axis
of the main hall that look like nymphaea in their
own right, along with other minor constructions that
confuse the reading of the architecture. This complex
Figure 60
is often assigned to the Horti Liciniani, but again
N vm phaeum A lexan dri, without proof. In the fifteenth century it acquired the
First Level, Plan o f name Le Galluzze, of uncertain meaning and origin.
A ctual State Lugli 1938, 4 8 0 - 8 3 ; Nash 2 .1 2 7 -2 9 .

Nymphaeum Alexandri (Figs. 60, 6 1): a magnifi

cent fountain, the terminus of the Aqua Iulia, in the
fork of the Via Tiburtina Vetus and Via Labicana, in
what is now Piazza Vittorio Emanuele. The existing
remains are of brick-faced concrete in two main sto
reys. The upper storey is a large apsidal niche flanked
by open arches, the whole to be restored with Co
rinthian columns and entablature, of which frag
ments exist, and finished above with an attic. The
side arches held the marble trophies that Pope Sixtus
V removed in 1590 and set on the balustrade of
Piazza del Campidoglio; these are generally recog
nized as Domitianic work and were probably not
made for this setting. The group of the central niche
is entirely unknown. Below the upper storey water
poured from severely architectural niches in a half
storey forming a podium for the upper storey into a
broad channel invisible to those viewing it from
ground level. From this it passed to the lower storey.
The lower storey is much ruined, but it seems to have
consisted of a relatively solid block thrust forward
and relieved by the addition of a columnar architec
ture framing numerous niches from which water
poured into a large, probably semicircular basin. The
niches were probably furnished with fountain statu
Figure 61
N ym phaeum A lexan dri,
ary.
Second Level, Plan o f This appears to be the Nymphaeum Alexandri
A ctual State listed by the regionary catalogues in Regio V (cf. CIL
6 .3 1 8 9 3 d5). On a medallion of Alexander Severus

270

struck in a.d . 2 26 (Cohen 4 .4 4 9 no. 4 7 9 ; Gnecchi
2 .8 2 .2 0 and pi. 99 no. 8; Band 4 .2 : 138 nos. 137
38) is a monument that is strikingly like this. It con
sists of two storeys, the upper storey containing three
niches framed by columns, the central niche with a
two-figure group, the side niches with trophies. The
roof of this storey is crowned by a quadriga, possibly
flanked by trophies. The lower storey is a relatively
solid block decorated with columns and niches that
continue down the sides, which seem to splay, and in
front is a triangular basin. On other coins of the
same year showing the same monument, the basin is
clearly semicircular, and the half-storey is dominated
by a recumbent water divinity in the center, while
other figures, possibly trumpeting Victorias, crown
the forward corners. The groups flanking the quad
riga on the attic here seem to be clearly Victorias
with trophies (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 6 pi. 11 nos.
3 2 3 -2 5 ).
The monument is clearly triumphal in character,
and it has been conjectured that it was created out
of a triumphal arch, but that seems unwarranted. In
the Middle Ages, as early as 1176, it was connected
with Marius and his victory over the Cimbri (Jordan
N Y M P H A E U M IO V IS
2.5 1 7). This legend then grew and was embroidered,
probably because of the story of Caesars restoration
of the trophies of Marius that Sulla had dismantled
(Veil. Pat. 2 .4 3 .4 ; Suetonius, Iul. 11). It persists as
the popular name of the ruin today: Trofei di Mario.
Nash 2 .1 2 5 2 6 ; G. Tedeschi Grisanti, I tro fei di
M ario," il n in feo d e llA cqu a G iulia su llE squ ilin o
(Rome 1977); R en dP on tA cc 5 0 (1 9 7 7 -7 8 ): 1 6 5 -7 7
(G. Tedeschi Grisanti); B u llC om 9 1 .2 (1986): 3 4 3 -
5 0 (D. Cattalini and G. Tedeschi Grisanti).
Nymphaeum Flavi Philippi: known from a fifth-
century inscription recording a restoration by this
praefectus urbi (C IL 6.1 7 2 8 ). There were originally
three copies of this inscription known, two of which
have been lost, so it must have been a monument of
some importance. The existing inscription was found
in Via Cavour near the church of S. Francesco di Pa
olo, and ruins beneath the church have been thought
to belong to the nymphaeum.
Nymphaeum Iovis: listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio VII, probably in the southern part of
the regio and supplied by the Aqua Virgo.
271
Obeliscus: A large unidentified obelisk is said to lie
buried in the Campus Martius between the Salita dei
Crescenzi and Piazza S. Luigi dei Francesi, mainly
under Palazzo Giustiniani and Palazzo Patrizi. It has
been supposed that this belonged to the Stadium of
Domitian (see Stadium Domitiani), but that stadium
had no spina, and no obelisk in it would have fallen
here. The location is within the southern reaches of
the Thermae Neronianae, of which considerable re
mains not only existed in the seventeenth century
and were drawn by Aid Giovannoli in just this area,
but also still exist today, built into buildings of later
date. An obelisk is an unlikely ornament for a bath
complex, and we must doubt that whatever gave rise
to this tradition has been properly identified.
II B u on arotti, ser. 3.1 (1882): 4159 (C. Maes);
R om a, rivista d i studi e di vita rom an a 2 (1924):
5 0 5 -9 (W. von Winterfeld).
Obeliscus Antinoi: the obelisk now standing on
the Pincian Hill in Viale dellObelisco, found outside
Porta Maggiore between the Via Labicana and the
line of the Aqua Claudia. It was almost certainly the
central ornament of the spina of the Circus Varianus
(q.v.), brought there probably by Elagabalus. It was
made in the time of Hadrian and probably originally
stood before the Temple of Divus Antinous in the
city of Antinoopolis in Egypt, as the hieroglyphic in
scription in clumsy and difficult language declares.
The notion that it ornamented a tomb or cenotaph
in the Villa Adriana at Tivoli, more specifically along
the Canopus, is not convincing, because the in
scription is in hieroglyphs and the rites it mentions
would be inappropriate there. It is about 9 m high.
It was found in pieces by the Saccoccia brothers in
their vineyard in the sixteenth century and reerected
in 1570 at a point marked by an inscription affixed
to one of the piers of the Acqua Felice footed on the
north side of the Circus Varianus. In 1633 it was
taken to the courtyard of Palazzo Barberini. Princess
Cornelia Barberini presented it to Pope Clement XIV
(1 7 6 9 -1 7 7 4 ), and it was moved to the Giardino
della Pigna in the Vatican palace. Pope Pius VII ar
ranged to have it set up on the Pincian, which Marini
accomplished in 1822.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 9 5 - 9 7 ; Iversen 1 .1 6 1 -7 3 ;
Nash 2 .1 3 0 - 3 3 ; A n alR om 11 (1982): 6 9 -1 0 8 (N.
Hannestad); M EFRA 98 (1986): 2 1 7 -5 3 (J.-C.
Grenier and F. Coarelli); Boatwright 2 3 9 -6 0 .
Obeliscus Augusti (Gnomon) (Fig. 4 2 ): an obelisk
of red granite, 2 1 .7 9 m high, originally erected in
Heliopolis in the early sixth century b . c . by Psam-
metichus II, and brought to Rome by Augustus in 10
B .C . and set up as a monument to the conquest of
Egypt and a dedication to the sun (C IL 6 .7 0 2 = ILS
9 1 ; Amm. M arc. 1 7 .4 .1 2 ; Strabo 1 7 .1 .2 7 [805];
Pliny, HN 36 .7 1 ). It was made the gnomon of a co
lossal sundial laid out on a pavement extending from
a little north of Piazza del Parlamento to Piazza della
Torretta and from a little east of S. Lorenzo in Lucina
to a point south of the axis of the south faade of
Palazzo Borghese (see Horologium Solare Augusti).
Thus it was part of the Augustan complex that in
cluded the Ara Pacis and the Mausoleum Augusti.
The obelisk was presumably fitted with a gilded
sphere surmounted by a short spire at its apex and
probably mounted on a stepped base. Into the pave
ment was sunk a network of bronze markers to show
the length of the shadow throughout the year and
inscriptions indicating the seasons and signs of the
zodiac and various meteorological phenomena
(Pliny, H N 36 .7 2 ). Pliny observed that by his day the
readings had been inaccurate for thirty years, appar
ently due to settling of the obelisk in the soft soil of
the Campus Martius (Pliny, H N 36.73).
In 1 9 7 9 -1 9 8 0 a series of borings and small exca
vations was carried out to try to rediscover parts of

the sundial, some of which had come to light in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (LS 1.83, 136, 169).
A section inscribed with krios and p artben os and
noting the cessation of the etesian winds between
Leo and Virgo was found; this permitted a general
reconstruction of the whole. It was discovered that
in or about the time of Domitian the sundial had
been raised about 1.60 m and corrected, with a cal
endar in Greek to west of the central axis, and pre
sumably one in Latin to east. Probably it was similar
in its original layout and the inscriptions were sal
vaged and reused.
The obelisk was still standing in the eighth century
(Einsiedeln itinerary 2.5 and 4 .3 , Jordan 2 .6 4 8 49),
but was thrown down and broken subsequently and
not rediscovered until 1512. It was excavated in
1748 and, after several attempts, reerected in 1 7 9 0 -
1792 in Piazza di M ontecitorio, at which time it was
repaired with material from the Columna Antonini
Pii (q.v.; LS 4 .1 5 1 ; B u llC om 4 2 [1914]: 3 8 0 -8 1 [M.
M archetti]; PBSR 2 [1904]: 3 [T. Ashby]). See also
Horologium Solare Augusti.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 8 0 9 1 ; Iversen 1.14260;
Nash 2 .1 3 4 - 3 6 ; E. Buchner, D ie Sonnenuhr des A u
gustus (Mainz 1982).
Obeliscus Augusti in Circo M axim o: an obelisk
originally erected by Sethos I with further hiero
glyphs by his son Ramesses II (1 3 0 4 -1 2 3 7 b . c . ) ,
which Augustus brought from Heliopolis in 10 b . c .
at the same time as the Gnomon (see Obeliscus Au
gusti [Gnomon]) and set up on the spina of the Cir
cus Maximus as a monument to the conquest of
Egypt and a dedication to the sun (C/L 6.701 = JLS
91), this inscription identical with that of the Gno
mon (Strabo 1 7 .1 .2 7 [805]; Amm. M arc. 1 7 .4 .1 2 ;
Pliny, H N 3 6 .7 1 ; Chron. 145). It is 2 3 .7 0 m high.
After the fourth century it is not mentioned.
Fragments of the base and inscription were found
during the reign of Pope Gregory XIII (1 5 7 2 -1 5 8 5 ),
and the obelisk itself, broken in three pieces, was dis
covered in 1587. It was then taken and reerected in
Piazza del Popolo, where it still stands (LS 4 .1 4 8
51).
D Onofrio 1965, 52, 1737 7 ; Iversen 1 .7 3 7 5 ;
Nash 2 .1 3 7 -3 8 .
Obeliscus Capitolinus: an obelisk originally erect
ed by Ramesses II at Heliopolis that stood on the
Capitoline near a palm tree on the slope east of the
stair that in the sixteenth century led south from the
east end of S. M aria in Aracoeli down to the saddle
between crests (Piazza del Campidoglio). It is shown
in a number of drawings by van Heemskerck. In
1542 it was dismounted. Its history in antiquity is
entirely unknown, and its association with a temple
O B E L IS C U S C O N S T A N T II
of Isis et Serapis in Capitolio is entirely hypothetical.
After it was dismounted, it was given in 1582 to Ci-
riaco Mattei by the Conservatori. It was transported
to Villa Celimontana and set as the central ornament
of a large hippodrome garden arranged on the left
flank of the casino. It stood there until 1817, when
it was moved to the end of an avenue, where it stands
today. In its location on the Capitoline it was sup
ported on four couchant lion protomes at the angles
atop a high square plinth and carried a spiked globe
at its summit. The shaft consisted of two distinct
pieces, the lower and larger uninscribed and flaring
at the base, the upper covered with Ramessess hier
oglyphs on all four faces. Clearly this was a pastiche,
and the lion protome supports indicate that as a
whole it is not ancient Roman work.
It has recently been argued that this obelisk was
an invention of Cola di Rienzo, erected in 1347 to
stand together with an already existing palm tree as
a symbol of Libertas and Roma Caput Mundi. Cer
tainly the iconography is supportive of such an inter
pretation. It stood until Pope Paul Ills construction
of a new entrance portico to the monastery of Ara
coeli, when it was moved to the cemetery of Ara
coeli, a short distance away, for safekeeping. There
it remained until it was given to Ciriaco Mattei.
Where the small Egyptian obelisk extended by the
new shaft originally stood in Rome, and where the
granite for the new shaft came from, is not known.
So small an obelisk might have been even a private
donation to a temple of the Egyptian gods and is not
likely to have got into the historical record.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 0 4 - 1 6 ; Iversen 1 .1 0 6 -1 4 ;
Nash 2 .1 3 9 -4 1 .
Obeliscus Constantii: the largest obelisk in Rome,
brought by Constantius and set up in a . d . 3 5 7 on
the spina of the Circus Maximus (Amm. Marc.
16 .1 0 .1 7 , 1 7 .4 .1 8 ; Cassiodorus, War. 3 .5 1 .8 ). It was
originally cut for Tuthmosis III in the fifteenth cen
tury B .C . and erected by his grandson Tuthmosis IV
before the Temple of Ammon in Thebes. Augustus is
said to have contemplated bringing it to Rome; Con
stantine brought it down the Nile to Alexandria. Its
transportation to Rome by a special ship and its re
erection in the circus are described in detail by Am-
mianus (1 7 .4 .1 3 -1 6 ) and were recorded in the in
scription on the base (C IL 6 .1 1 6 3 , 3 1 2 4 9 = ILS
736). Ammianus tells us that it was originally sur
mounted by a gilded bronze sphere, like many Ro
man obelisks, but, after this was early struck by
lightning, it was replaced by a gilded bronze torch. It
is of red granite, 3 2 .5 0 m high, the largest in the
world, and covered with hieroglyphs. It is also the
oldest obelisk in Rome and the last to be brought
there. t
273
O B E L IS C U S D O M IT IA N I
It is mentioned in the past tense in the twelfth cen
tury (M irabilia: Jordan 2 .6 3 9 , V Z 3.58). It was en
countered in an excavation in 1 4 1 0 1417 (Anony
mous Magliabechianus 17 = V Z 4 .1 3 1 ; LS 1.45). In
1587 it was discovered broken in three pieces and
buried at a depth of about 7 m. It was excavated by
Pope Sixtus V and reerected as part of his scheme of
streets and obelisks in Piazza S. Giovanni in Later-
ano to the right (west) of the principal faade of the
Lateran palace at the fork of Via di S. Giovanni and
Via Merulana (LS 4 .1 4 8 -5 1 ).
D Onofrio 1965, 1 6 0 7 2 ; Iversen 1 .5 7 -6 4 ; Nash
2 .1 4 2 -4 3 .
Obeliscus Domitiani: see Obelisci Isei
Campensis.
Obeliscus H ortorum Sallustianorum: an obelisk
13 m high brought to Rome at some uncertain time,
but after the time of Augustus (Amm. Marc.
17.4.16), and carved, evidently at Rome, with hier
oglyphs copying those of the obelisk of Augustus in
the Circus Maximus, but so ineptly that some signs
are reversed. It stood in the northern reaches of the
Horti Sallustiani (q.v.); its foundation was found in
1912 in the block bounded by the Vie Sicilia, Sar
degna, Toscana, and Abruzzi. It was still standing in
the eighth century and is mentioned in the Einsiedeln
itinerary (2.7; Jordan 2 .6 4 9 ). Apparently it was
never completely buried; the Anonymous Magliabe
chianus mentions it as lying broken by its base in
1 4 1 0 -1 4 1 5 (VZ 4 .1 3 0 ), and there are a number of
Renaissance drawings of it. In 1733 Princess Ludo-
visi gave it to Pope Clement X II, and in 1736 it was
taken to Piazza S. Giovanni in Laterano but left lying
on the ground there. Following the erection of the
Quirinal obelisk in Montecavallo in 1786, Pope Pius
VI decided to take the Sallustian obelisk to Trinit
deM onti and erect it in a balancing position to the
Quirinal obelisk at the juncture of Via Sistina/Via
delle Quattro Fontane and Via dei Condotti. This
was accomplished in 1789. The base, a large block
of red granite, was covered over after the removal of
the obelisk in 1 7 3 4 but rediscovered in 1843. In
1926 it was transported to the Capitoline and made
into a monument to the martyrs of the Fascist move
ment, a monument that was dismantled following
the collapse of fascism.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 6 8 - 7 9 ; Nash 2 .1 4 4 -4 7 .
Obeliscus Insulanus: see Insula Tiberina.
Obelisci Isei Campensis: several small obelisks
have been found at various times in the vicinity of
the Temple of Isis Campensis (see Isis, Aedes [1] ).
These were probably brought to Rome during the
274
first and second centuries after Christ and set up (in
pairs?) before the entrance to the temple. The follow
ing are known:
1. The obelisk standing as the central ornament of
the fountain in Piazza della Rotonda, of the time of
Ramesses II, originally erected in front of the Temple
of Ra at Heliopolis. It is 6 m high and covered with
hieroglyphs. Because in the fifteenth century it was
in front of S. M acuto just west of S. Ignazio, it is
often called the Obelisco di S. M acuto, and it was
erected in the piazzetta there, probably toward the
end of the fourteenth century. There is no record of
its discovery, but it was known to the Anonymous
Magliabechianus (VZ 4 .1 3 0 ). At that time its base
was poorly proportioned and awkward. In 1711
Pope Clement X I had it moved to stand in the center
of Della Portas fountain basin in Piazza della Ro
tonda. The architect was F. Barigioni, and the sculp
tors of the new base were F. Pincellotti and V. Felici.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 5 0 5 5 ; Iversen 1.1015 ; Nash
2 .1 5 0 -5 1 .
2. The obelisk mounted on the back of an elephant
in Piazza della Minerva, found in 1665 in the garden
of the convent of the Dominicans attached to the
church of S. M aria Sopra Minerva to the northeast.
It is of rose granite and 5 .4 7 m high. Originally Phar
aoh Apries (5 8 9 -5 7 0 B .C .) had erected it at Sais. A
single line of hieroglyphs ornaments each face. The
designer of the new base was G. L. Bernini, and the
sculptor was E. Ferrata.
D Onofrio 1965, 2 3 0 - 3 7 ; Iversen 1 .9 3 -1 0 0 ;
Nash 2 .1 5 2 .
3. The obelisk standing in Viale delle Terme Dio-
cletiane, found in 1883 intact under the apse of S.
M aria Sopra Minerva, originally erected by Ram
esses II at Heliopolis. It is about 6 m high and has
hieroglyphs on all four faces. In 1887 it was decided
to use it as part of a monument to the soldiers who
fell at Dogali in the African War. This was erected in
front of the main railroad station in Rome. In 1924
the whole monument was moved a short distance to
a small public garden between Viale delle Terme and
Via delle Terme Diocletiane. This is probably the
counterpart of (1) above, being the same size and
dedicated by the same pharaoh.
D Onofrio 1965, 3 0 3 - 8 ; Iversen 1 .1 7 4 -7 7 ; Nash
2 .1 4 8 -4 9 .
4 6. Ligorio mentions three obelisks, one of
which was discovered in an excavation in front of S.
M aria Sopra Minerva. This is probably that which
came into the possession of the Medici, was used to
ornament their villa on the Pincian until 1787 (LS
3.1 1 4 , 121), and then was taken to Florence and
erected in the Boboli Gardens. Its inscriptions are al
most identical with those of (1) above. The fragmen
tary remains of the other two had the same measure

ments and the same hieroglyphs. These were given to
Cardinal Alessandro Albani, who gave them to the
city of Urbino in 1737. They have been made up into
a single obelisk with the. addition of an uninscribed
fragment and stand in front of the church of S. D o
menico in Urbino. The inscription is of the time of
Apries (5 8 9 -5 7 0 b . c .) , like (2) above.
Nash 2 .1 5 3 -5 4 , 1 5 7 -5 8 .
7. A portion of a small obelisk of red granite that
may have come from the Iseum was once in Palazzo
Cavalieri Maffei in Piazza Cairoli, passed then to
Villa Albani, where Cavaceppi restored it, and ap
pears to have been sent to Paris under unknown cir
cumstances. It is now in the Glyptothek in Munich.
Only the middle portion, 3 .2 0 m long, is ancient.
The inscription in hieroglyphs of Roman date and
content is mutilated but shows that one T. Sextius
Africanus erected it. G. Zoega {D e O rigine et Usu
O b eliscoru m [Rome 1797], 6 3 84, 192) says this
was probably the counterpart of an obelisk of which
a fragment was found in the Temple of Fortuna Pri-
migenia at Praeneste in 1792 that eventually passed
to the Museo Nazionale Archeologico in Naples. An
other fragment found in Praeneste in 1872 belongs
to yet another counterpart. It is still in Palestrina.
From these fragments, we learn that the obelisks
were erected in the time of Claudius. A T. Sextius
Africanus, presumably our man, was consul in a.d .
59 and an Arval Brother.
B u llC om 32 (1906): 2 5 2 - 5 7 (O. Marucchi); A.
Frtwngler and P. Wolters, B eschreibu n g d er G lyp
toth ek zu M nchen2 (Munich 1910), no. 2 2 ; A.
Ruesch, G u ida illustrata d el M u seo N azion ale d i N a
p o li (Naples 1908), no. 3 3 5 ; Iversen 1 .1 8 0 81.
Obelisci Mausolei Augusti (Fig. 5 5 ): a pair of
obelisks of red granite a little over 14 m high that
stood in front of the Mausoleum Augusti (q.v.) in the
Campus Martius, first mentioned by Ammianus
Marcellinus (17.4.16) and listed in the regionary cat
alogues. As they are not mentioned by either Strabo
in his description of the mausoleum (5.3.8 [236]) or
Pliny (H N 3 6 .6 9 -7 4 ), it is presumed that they were
placed there only late, but there is no telling when.
Their relationship to the bronze tablets inscribed
with the R es G estae D ivi Augusti is a further prob
lem. Because they are uninscribed, it is likely that
they were made expressly for this location. One was
excavated in 1519 during work on the Via di Ripetta
(LS 1.192) and for sixty-odd years lay in four pieces
along the west side of the mausoleum behind the
church of S. Rocco, where it was a considerable ob
stacle to traffic in the Via di Ripetta. Finally, in 1586
it was removed and in 1587 erected in Piazza Esquil-
ina behind the apse of S. M aria Maggiore. The other
seems to have been discovered at the same time, but
O B E L IS C U S V A T IC A N U S
it was not excavated until 1556 (LS 2.1 5 ). It was
then reburied for unknown reasons. It was rediscov
ered in August 1781, during work connected with
the hospital of S. Rocco, and brought to light in three
pieces, together with its base, split in two. It was im
mediately decided to reerect this as part of a monu
mental resystematization of the Dioscuri of Monte-
cavallo. This was carried out by the architect
Antinori.
D Onofrio 1965, 1 5 4 -5 9 , 2 5 6 - 6 7 ; Iversen 1 .4 7 -
5 4 , 1 1 5 -2 7 ; Nash 2 .1 5 5 -5 6 .
Obeliscus Mediceus: see Obelisci Isei
Campensis ( 4 - 6 ).
Obeliscus Pamphilius: the obelisk that has been
reerected as part of Berninis fountain of the four riv
ers in Piazza Navona. This ornamented the middle
of the spina of the Circus of Maxentius out on Via
Appia, where in the seventeenth century it lay bro
ken in five pieces. Here Pope Innocent X saw it in
1647 and had it brought to Rome with the intention
of using it as part of a fountain in Piazza Navona.
The competition for the design of the fountain was
won by Bernini with the design we see today. The
hieroglyphs carved on the shaft include the names of
Domitian and Divus Vespasianus and Titus and al
lude to restoration of that which was destroyed. It
has therefore been concluded that the obelisk was
made by order of Domitian to be erected in the
Temple of Isis Campensis, which burned in the fire
of Titus in a . d . 80, Domitian being known to have
been favorably disposed to the cult of the Egyptian
gods. This is possible, but, because the Iseum was
still a place of worship in the fourth century, the re
moval of an obelisk from it to ornament a circus
seems unlikely, and one must prefer to look for a
more secular building that it might have orna
mented. The dedication is not to Isis, but to Har-
machis (see Roscher 1 .1 8 2 8 -3 0 [W. Drexler]), the
newly risen sun, which seems to make this one with
the obelisks of Augustus and suggests that it might
have been similarly used, perhaps in the Circus Gaii
et Neronis (q.v.).
B u llC om 36 (1908): 2 5 4 - 7 4 (G. Farina); D On
ofrio 1965, 2 2 2 - 2 9 ; Iversen 1 .7 6 -9 2 ; Nash 2 .1 5 9
6 0 ; M EFRA 9 9 .2 (1987): 9 3 7 -6 1 (J.-C. Grenier).
Obeliscus Vaticanus (Fig. 2 5 ): the obelisk now in
the center of Piazza S. Pietro, brought from Helio
polis in the time of Caligula and set up on the spina
of the Circus Gaii et Neronis (q.v.). It is a monolith
of red granite without hieroglyphs, but with dedica
tions to Divus Augustus and Tiberius overlying par
tially erased inscriptions of Cornelius Gallus on op
posite faces at the base of the shaft (A. E. Gordon,
275
ODEUM
Illustrated In trodu ction to L atin E pigraphy [Berke
ley 1983], no. 35). It is 2 5 .3 6 m high and required a
specially built ship to transport it from Egypt (Pliny,
H N 16.2012, 3 6 .7 4 ; Suetonius, C laud. 20 .3 ). Later
the ship was sunk to make the foundation of one of
the breakwaters of the Claudian port at Portus Au-
gusti and a lighthouse built on it. It is the only obe
lisk known not to have fallen at some time and is
shown standing on the south side of the basilica of
S. Pietro in several Renaissance drawings, especially
those of van Heemskerck. In 1586 it was moved
from its original position to the center of the piazza
by Domenico Fontana at the behest of Pope Sixtus V.
It was originally surmounted by a spiked globe of
gilded bronze; in the Middle Ages a legend devel
oped that the ashes of Julius Caesar were contained
in this. At the time it was moved a cross was substi
tuted for the globe, which was given to the Comune
Capitolino. It is now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori
(Helbig*1 2.1 5 8 1 ).
D Onofrio 1965, 1 3 -1 0 3 ; Iversen 1 .2 9 -4 6 ; Capi-
tolium 38 (1963): 4 8 9 94 (F. M agi); Nash 2 .1 6 1
62.
Odeum: a building for musical performances and
contests that Domitian erected in the Campus Mar-
tius (Suetonius, D om . 5 ; Chron. 146; Hieron. a. Abr.
21 0 5 ), probably in conjunction with his Stadium
(see Stadium Domitiani). Dio (69.4.1) says it was
built by Apollodorus of Damascus; this is usually
regarded as referring to a restoration under Trajan,
but without warrant. Apollodorus is credited with
the Forum Traiani, now recognized to have been
conceived and begun under Domitian, and Rabirius
is credited only with the Domus Augustiana and
Capitolium (Martial 7.5 6 ), works of the earlier years
of Domitians reign. The Odeum was much admired
by Ammianus (16.1 0 .1 4 ), and Polemius Silvius
(545) considered it one of the seven wonders of
Rome. In the C uriosum it is said to have had
10,600 loca, which would mean that it could accom
modate about 7 ,0 0 0 spectators. It has never been lo
cated. The curved faade of Palazzo Massimo alle
Colonne on Corso Vittorio Emanuele has often been
thought to reflect the curve of the cavea used as a
foundation, and its proximity to the Stadium of
Domitian is used to support this identification. It has
also been thought to lie under the low hill of Monte
Giordano, but that seems rather remote and there
fore unlikely.
Officinae Minii: workshops for the production of
the red pigment minium (cinnabar) from mercury
ore brought to Rome from mines in Spain (Vitruvius
7 .9.4). These workshops in Vitruviuss day were on
the slope of the Quirinal between the Temple of
276
Quirinus (see Quirinus, Aedes) and the Temple of
Flora (see Flora, Templum). The fact that Vitruvius
locates them for his reader suggests that they were
rather obscure.
Oppius M ons (Figs. 62, 7 5 ): the southwestern lobe
of the Esquiline Hill, separated from the Cispian to
the north by the valley up which ran the Clivus Sub-
uranus, from the Caelian to the south by the basin
of the Colosseum and the valley up which run Via di
S. Giovanni and the modern Via Labicana, from the
Velia to the west by a shallow depression formerly
represented by Via del Colosseo and then a steeper
rise to the height of the Oppius, and from the table
land of the Esquiline on the east by the valley up
which runs Via Merulana. It is joined to the table
land on the northeast by a waist running from the
church of S. M artino ai M onti to a point a little
south of the Auditorium Maecenatis. In the festival
of the Septimontium (q.v.) the Oppius is distin
guished from the Fagutal, as well as the Cispian (Fes-
tus 4 5 8 -5 9 L , 4 76L ), which is probably not signifi
cant for configuration, because the Cermalus is
distinguished from the Palatium. In the ceremony of
the Argei, Varro {Ling. 5.50) describes the second
division of the city as made up of two m on tes, the
Oppius and the Cispian, and locates the Fagutal on
the Oppius. According to Varro (a p . Fest. 476L ), it
got its name from Opiter Oppius, a Tusculan sent to
Rome with a force to guard the city while Tullus
Hostilius was besieging Veii. It is a plebeian gentili-
cial name of uncertain origin.
In C IL 12.1003 = 6 .3 2 4 5 5 = IL S 5428 = IL L R P
698, an inscription of late republican date found
near the reservoir called Sette Sale, mention is made
of magistri and flam ines of the Montani of Mons
Oppius, as well as a sacellum and money belonging
to these for public works. To have such officers this
must have been more than a compital organization,
but this is the latest appearance of the name Oppius
(see Pagus Montanus).
The cemeteries of the Esquiline from just east of
the church of S. M artino ai M onti to the vicinity of
Piazza Vittorio Emanuele, extending on both sides
of the agger of the Servian Walls, may belong to the
settlement of Titus Tatius and the Sabines on the
Quirinal, Viminal, and Capitoline, or may be evi
dence that the Oppius was the site of one of the ear
liest villages of Rome. They go back to the Early Iron
Age of the eighth century, possibly even earlier. As
the evidence of such sites as Acqua Rossa and Veii
shows, this does not mean that there were rival vil
lages on Palatine, Oppius, Quirinal, and so on, but
rather that clusters of habitations belonging to a
single polity were scattered over the site adjacent to
the fields farmed by their inhabitants. Some of the
 O R B O N A , FA N U M

graves in the Esquiline cemetery are as old as any in

the Sepulcretum (q.v.) of the Forum Romanum
(M onA nt 15 [1905] [G. Pinza]; Ryberg, A rch eolog i
cal R ecord , 1 -5 0 ).

Ops, Aedes, Templum (Fig. 19): a temple on the

Capitoline, almost certainly within the Area Capito
lina, first mentioned when struck by lightning in 186
B .C . (Livy 3 9 .2 2 .4 ). A L. Metellus, pontifex (Momm
sen believed this to be L. Caecilius Metellus Diadu-
matus, cos. 117 B .C ., while PA and Degrassi would
make him L. Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus, cos. 119
B .C .) , at sometime dedicated a temple to Ops Opifera
(Pliny, H N 11.174), which might be a restoration of
this temple or an entirely new one, in which case we
have no other notice of it, except in the fasti. There
were two holidays in honor of Ops, one to Ops Opi
fera on 23 August, which was certainly an anniver
sary (Degrassi 5012), and one on 19 December, the
Opalia (Degrassi 5 4 0 - 4 1 ) , also recorded in the cal
endar with the added note in the Fasti Amiternini:
O ps a d foru m . Because nothing is known of a temple
of Ops ad forum, it has been presumed that this cel
ebration was held at the Temple of Saturn, generally
conceived to be Opss consort (Macrobius, Sat.
1 .1 0 .1 9 20), or at the shrine of Ops Consiva in the
Regia (q.v.). But after a . d . 7 there was an altar of
Ceres M ater et Ops Augusta (see Ceres M ater et Ops
Augusta, Ara) on the Vicus Iugarius, and that might
be meant. Granted the extension of the festival of the T. Veneris et Romae
Saturnalia beginning on 17 December to three days
(and unofficially to as many as seven), the link of the
Saturnalia and Opalia seems deliberate.
The Capitoline Temple of Ops became known in
history as the place where Julius Caesar deposited a
treasure of 700 million sesterces that Antony subse
quently appropriated (Cicero, Att. 14.14.5, 1 6 .1 4 .4 ; 0 40 8 0 16 0 240 320 400
\r -1
Phil. 1.17, 2.35 and 93, 8 .2 6 ; Veil. Pat. 2.6 0 .4 ). It
also figured in the evil omens of 4 4 B .C ., when a gale
broke open the doors (Obsequens 68). It is men on the Capitoline. It has therefore been presumed Figure 6 2
that the temple was dedicated on this day (Degrassi M o n s Oppius and
tioned casually by Cicero (Att. 6 .1 .1 7 ; cf. also Schol.
M on s Cispius,
Veron. a d Verg. Aen. 2 .7 1 4 ), then as the place of as 5 0 2 -3 ), but the further inference that Ops in C api
G eneral Plan Showing
sembly for women at one point during a celebration tolio is identical with Ops Consiva is unwarranted. Know n Rem ains o f
of the Ludi Saeculares (C IL 6 .3 2 3 2 3 .7 5 = IL S 50 5 0 ), The addition of the epithet Augusta on bronze A ntiquity in R elation to
and as a place where priests gathered in a . d . 80 to weights (ILS 8637) is a bit puzzling; despite the early M odern Streets

vow the restoration of the Temple of Jupiter Capi-
tolinus after it burned (C IL 6 .2 0 5 9 .1 1 ). It was a suit
able place for the display of military diplomata (C IL
16.3, 29). It may well have been the place where an
official set of weights and measures was kept (see ILS
8637).
In the Fasti Vallenses we find for 25 August: o p i c ,
the festival of Ops Consiva, known also from other
sources, which took place at the sacellum of this di
vinity in the Regia, followed by o p i i i n c a p i t o l i o ,
the only certain date in connection with the temple
dedication of the altar of Ceres M ater et Ops Au
gusta, Ops Augusta does not appear on coins before
the time of Antoninus Pius (B . M. C oins, R om . Em p.
4 .3 4 no. 221 and 2 0 2 -3 nos. 1 2 5 8 -6 2 ), and there is
no record of an imperial rebuilding of the Temple of
Ops on the Capitoline.
Ops Consiva: see Regia.
O rbona, Fanum : the shrine, perhaps no more than
an altar, of a divinity of sinister character associated

277
O RC U S, AEDES
with Febris and M ala Fortuna by Pliny (H N 2.1 6 , a
passage probably copied from Cicero, N at. D. 3 .6 3 ,
where the text is mutilated). It is located by Pliny
near the Aedes Larum (q.v.) on the Velia in summa
Sacra Via, but no one else mentions it. For a discus
sion of the divinity and her character, see Roscher
2 .2 0 9 (R. Peter) and the literature cited there.
O rcus, Aedes: a temple on the Palatine near the im
perial palace that Elagabalus destroyed to make
space for his Temple to Elagabalus (S.H.A. H eliog ab.
1.6). The passage is corrupt, and O rcus is a conjec
ture for orti or h o rti in the manuscripts. Because this
temple is otherwise unattested, some prefer correc
tion to H orta (q.v.). The difficulties with every aspect
of the question are enormous.
Orfienses: see Lacus Orphei.
Ovile (Ovilia): the enclosure forming part of the
Villa Publica where the Romans assembled in the
comitia centuriata to vote, to take the census, to hold
military levies, and the like. The name was joking,
from its forming part of the Villa Publica and some
278
what resembling a sheep pen during assemblies. It
was also called Saepta (Cicero, M ilan. 4 1 ; cf. Servius
a d Eel. 1.33), but the name Ovile or Ovilia persisted
even after it had been magnificently rebuilt as the
Saepta Iulia (Livy 2 6 .2 2 .1 1 ; Lucan 2 .1 9 7 ; Juvenal
6 .5 2 9 ; Ausonius, G ratiarum A ctio 3). It was an in
augurated templum throughout history (Cicero,
R ab. Perd. 11).
Originally it was probably somewhat smaller than
the Saepta Iulia, because Cicero was enormously im
pressed by the extent of the building Julius Caesar
projected (A tt. 4 .1 6 .8 ). But it was probably always
proportionately long and narrow, permitting divi
sion into corridors corresponding in number in some
way to the voting units of the assemblies, down
which the voters passed to cross the p on tes and cast
their votes. The actual process of voting is shown on
a coin of P. Nerva, dated by Crawford 1 1 3 -1 1 2 B .C .
(Crawford 2 9 2 .1 ; B. M. C oins, R om . R ep. 2 .2 7 4 no.
52 6 and pi. 93 .1 5 ). There is no reason to believe the
Saepta Iulia did not occupy the site of the Ovile.
L. R. Taylor, R om an Voting A ssem blies (Ann Ar
bor, Mich. 1966), 4 7 -5 8 , 7 8 -1 1 3 .
Pacati F(undus): mentioned in one inscription, C IL
6.9103 = 3 1 8 9 5 , a fragment of the edict of Tarracius
Bassus of the late fourth century against fraudulent
merchants and shopkeepers.
Paedagogium: see Domus Augustiana.
Paedagogium Puerorum a Capite Africae: see
Caput Africae.
Pagus: see Regio, Vicus, Pagus.
Pagus Aventinensis: known from an inscription of
the Augustan period found at Lanuvium (C IL
14.2105 = IL S 26 7 6 ), in which among his titles a cer
tain Castricius has listed Paganor(um) Aven-
tin(ensium) XXVIvir. Evidently, at least for religious
purposes, this pagus persisted as an organization
into the imperial period. After the inclusion of the
Aventine within the pomerium in the time of Clau
dius, it may have been dissolved.
Pagus Ianiculensis: known from two inscriptions
found in laying the foundations for the tobacco
works on Piazza M astai, both of the republican pe
riod, one worked in a pavement of opus signinum
{C IL 12.1 0 0 0 , 1001 = 6 .2 2 1 9 = ILS 6 0 7 9 , 2 2 2 0
= IL L R P 699, 700). This indicates that the Transti-
berim was divided into more than one pagus, be
cause the name applied to it as a whole was Vati-
canus Ager (q.v.).
Pagus M ontanus: found in an inscription on a
travertine cippus found in situ behind the tribune of
the church of S. Vito on the Esquiline, northwest of
Piazza Vittorio Emanuele (C IL l 2.591 = 6.3823
= 3 1 5 7 7 = ILS 6082). This is a senatus consultum of
the second century B .C . with respect to abuse of pub
lic land belonging to the pagus and shows that the
districts beyond the Servian Walls continued to keep
their organization as pagi relatively late. The bound
aries of the Pagus Montanus cannot be set definitely.
The tableland beyond the Servian Walls is unified
from Porta Collina to Porta Esquilina, but the Quir-
inal and Viminal were always called colies, not
m on tes, so Montanus has usually been interpreted as
equivalent to Esquilinus, and the location of the cip
pus supports this.
Pagus Succusanus: according to Verrius Flaccus a
praesidium stativum , the purpose of which was to
come to the aid of the Esquiliae when the Gabines
threatened that part of the city (Festus 402L ). It was
in, or at the head of, the valley between the Esquiline
and the Caelian and gave the name Subura (q.v.) to
this by the change of the third letter from C to B.
Varro {Ling. 5.48) gives substantially the same infor
mation, but adds that M . Iunius Gracchanus of the
second century B .C . explained the name Subura as
deriving from sub u rbe. All this appears to be learned
speculation or invention. Gabii and Rome were on
friendly terms from a very early period and, except
for a brief period of hostilities in the time of Tarquin-
ius Superbus, ending with the Battle of Lake Regillus
in 4 9 3 B .C ., almost always allies. It is hard to think
that a permanent garrison would ever have been es
tablished against the Gabines. Because the abbrevia
tion for the Tribus Suburana was sue, this suggested
an original form Sucurana and a derivation from suc-
currere, hence the Pagus Succusanus, an invention
that was then used to explain Subura by a circular
argument.
Palatinus, M ons (Figs. 5 8 , 6 3 ): the central mesa
like hill of Rome toward which the others all seem
to converge in an arc. It dominated the old Tiber
crossing, by both ferry and bridge, and the traffic
along the riverbank. It is an irregular quadrilateral in
P A L A T IN U S , M O N S
. A!cus
S. ANASTASIA
Figure 63 ftfF
FORUM BOARIUM
M o n s Palatinus,
G en eral Plan o f
R em ains o f Antiquity,
as Know n
shape and about 2 kilometers in circuit, with an area
of about twenty-five acres. It was believed to be the
site of the oldest settlement in Rome, and Tacitus
(Ann. 12.24) gives an account of the pomerium of
Romulus that would confirm this. The only natural
approach to its summit is the throat up which the so-
called Clivus Palatinus runs. It is also almost com
pletely surrounded by water, on the north and north
west by the Cloaca and a small tributary of the
Cloaca running from the slope of the Velia along the
line of Nova Via and later culverted under Nova Via,
and on the southeast and southwest by the Circus
Maximus brook and its tributary running from the
basin of the Colosseum between the Palatine and
Caelian. Only the short stretch from Summa Sacra
Via (see Sacra Via) to the M eta Sudans (q.v.) seems
to have been undefended by running water.
The hill had two distinct crests, but the old dis
tinction of these by the names Palatium and Cerma-
lus has been disproved by Castagnoli, who has
shown that the Cermalus was not a crest, but the
southwest slope of the hill. The slopes were probably
scarped, at least in places, and the hill was a natural
stronghold improved by defense works along its
brow. There was probably always a descent to the
Forum Boarium for the convenience of those in
charge of the Tiber ferry, if nothing else, and this
may be represented by the Scalae Caci (q.v.).
The name Palatium, the usual form, differs from
280
A rcus Constantini
0 5 0 10 0
CIRCUS MAXIMUS
the names of all the other hills of Rome, except Cap-
itolium, in being a substantive. From it the odd early
adjective Palatualis was formed (Ennius ap. Varron.
Ling. 7.45) and shortened to Palatuar (Festus 476L).
The first vowel varied in length, being usually short,
but long in M artial (1.70.5, 9 .1 0 1 .1 3 ). Various der
ivations of the name were offered, all more or less
fanciful; as in the case of many old place-names, the
true derivation cannot be traced, and speculation is
fruitless.
The fortifications of the Palatine are a very com
plicated problem (Saflund 3 17). In most places they
have disappeared, thanks to later building, but
around the west corner of the hill as far as the Scalae
Caci there are remains of a wall of blocks of Fidenae
and Grotta Oscura tufa in courses 0 .5 8 0 .6 2 m high
that strongly resemble the Servian Walls and must be
roughly contemporary with them, perhaps a little
earlier than them in date. This must have been a
separate system making an arx within the larger cir
cuit. Just at the west corner inside the wall of blocks
of Fidenae tufa are poor remains that may have be
longed to an earlier fortification in smaller blocks of
cappellaccio. These have been assigned a date in the
sixth century, but the character of this system and its
date are very uncertain. Since the discovery that the
Servian Walls (see Murus Servii Tullii) were a closed
circuit running through the Forum Boarium, the na
ture and importance of the walls of the Palatine have

been called into question. The gates of the Palatine
mentioned by Varro (Ling. 5 .1 6 4 - 6 5 : cf. Pliny, H N
3.66) were not gates in the fortifications, but gates in
the pomerium, all lying at the base of the hill. The
Porta Mugonia was the entrance to the Clivus Pala-
tmus; the Porta Romana, or Romanula, was in the
Velabrum at the foot of the Clivus Victoriae and just
beyond its juncture with Nova Via, the river gate;
and the Porta Ianualis was probably at the north cor
ner of the hill where the stair now goes up from the
Aedes Vestae, the approach to the Ianus Geminus.
The names are interesting and puzzling. Those who
give the Palatine a fourth gate (Pliny, H N 3.66) prob
ably put it at the foot of the Scalae Caci, but we do
not know its name. The only gate of real importance
seems to have been the Porta Mugonia, and it was
without architectural form, simply a place designa
tion. Recent excavations by the University of Pisa
under the direction of A. Carandini have brought to
light remains of an archaic wall at the base of the hill
along the line of Via Nova, but it is by no means
clear that this was a fortification (A rcbeo 48 [Febru
ary 1989]: 5 7 -5 9 [A. M . Steiner and N. Terrenato]).
Among early remains on the Palatine are an ar
chaic cistern or granary excavated in the rock and
given a revetment of small blocks of cappellaccio
with a layer of clay between this and the rock for
insulation, plastered on the interior. It has a beehive
roof with corbeled dome, and beside it was a well or
entrance shaft. The cistern is 5 .8 0 m deep and 2.80
m in diameter. Near it is a second open cistern, cir
cular, similarly built of cappellaccio with a layer of
clay between the wall and the rock, in which were
found fragments of archaic pottery. These are on the
edge of an area sacra at the west corner of the hill in
which the most conspicuous monument is the
Temple of the Magna Mater. Despite the increasing
expansion of imperial palaces over the surface of the
hill, and the enormous substructures that eventually
carried them over the Clivus Victoriae and out to
ward the Circus Maximus, this area sacra was al
ways respected. Many of the constructions are puz
zling, and there certainly is not room here for all the
early public buildings and sanctuaries we hear of on
the Palatine, but most important are the cuttings for
a group of primitive huts near the top of the Scalae
Caci. These consist of oval floors that approach a
rectangle with rounded corners in plan dug into the
rock, in which post holes have been dug along the
edge and in the center, sometimes with additional
smaller holes for a porch at one end. The construc
tion must have been wattle-and-daub over a frame
work of poles of varying dimensions with deeply
overhanging thatched roofs, the drainage from
which was carried off in apposite gutters carved in
the rock. The ceramic material recovered in the ex
P A L A T IN U S , M O N S
cavation included some belonging to the Early Iron
Age. This was traditionally the site of the hut of
Faustulus and the Casa Romuli, and the importance
of the area is confirmed by its relation to the Scalae
Caci, which gave access to the Forum Boarium and
the river. O f the shrines known to have existed on
the Palatine, only those of the imperial period are
likely to be found, because the hill was repeatedly
swept by fire and in the great fire of Nero must have
been among the worst devastated. Even so, except
for the Temple of the Magna Mater, there is no
agreement among scholars as to the identity of those
we have, although Luglis identification of that just
northwest of the banquet hall of the Domus Augus-
tiana as the Temple of Apollo Palatinus has now won
wide acceptance. The great temple complex at the
east corner of the hill around the little church of S.
Sebastiano is especially puzzling, because it remains
largely unexcavated, although its essential character
is quite clear.
Although we hear of early residences on most of
the hills of Rome, including the Capitoline, which
was excluded from the city of the four regions, no
king after Romulus is supposed to have lived on the
Palatine. By the last century of the republic it had
become the most fashionable place in Rome to have
a house, although Rome was not a great follower of
fashion in house locations. But the earliest republi
can house there of which we have record is that of
Vitruvius Vaccus (see Domus, Vitruvius Vaccus) de
stroyed in 3 3 0 B.C . Except along the slopes of the
hill, the republican planning and street system have
been obliterated by later building, but Ciceros
troubles in the recovery of his house after it had been
burned by Clodius and a part dedicated as a shrine
to Libertas have provided us with important evi
dence as to how tightly packed housing here was and
also with the names of several owners. Q. Lutatius
Catulus built a portico on the site of the house of M.
Fulvius Flaccus (cos. 125 B .C .) and a house for him
self. Ciceros house was next to this, with Metellus
Celers on the other side. Nearby were houses of M.
Livius Drusus, P. Clodius Pulcher (let to M . Caelius
Rufus), P. Sulla, Q. Cicero, and M . Licinius Calvus.
The house of Hortensius later bought by Augustus
has recently been identified on the southwest brow
of the hill between the Scalae Caci and Luglis
Temple of Apollo. There is much to recommend this
identification, but it lacks positive proof. This makes
the identification of the so-called Casa di Livia diffi
cult; it was certainly part of the imperial compound,
and the decorations can be dated 3 0 - 2 0 B .C ., but no
likely occupant suggests himself, unless this is the re
building of part of the house of M ark Antony on the
Palatine that Augustus gave to Agrippa and Messalla
and that burned (Cass. Dio 53 .2 7 .5 ).
281
P A L A T IU M L IC IN IA N U M
Tiberius seems to have covered most of the north
west lobe of the hill with his Domus Tiberiana (q.v.),
and Caligula then extended this in the direction of
Nova Via and the Forum Romanum. Nero seems to
have built at least part of the Domus Transitoria on
the southeast lobe, and Domitian and his successors,
especially Septimius Severus, expanded the imperial
possessions until the whole hill became in effect an
imperial enclave. It continued to be the chief resi
dence of the emperors in Rome until the time of Con
stantine, and one hears occasionally of additions,
paintings illustrating games by Carinus (S.H.A.
Carin. 19.1), and baths by Maxentius (Chron. 148),
the latter recently identified.
At the time of the composition of the regionary
catalogues in the fourth century, however, a consid
erable part of the slopes of the hill was apparently
still occupied by vici (20), insulae (2644 or 27 4 2 ),
domus (88 or 89), and baths (36 or 44). After the
removal of power to Constantinople the Palatine
palace continued to be an imperial residence, and
Constantius was received there on his state visit to
Rome (Amm. M arc. 16.10.13). In the fifth century
the emperors again took up residence there: Honor-
ius (Claudian, Sext. C ons. H on. 35), Valentinian III
(.M G H C hron. Min. 1.303, 2 .2 7 , 79, 86, 157), Lu
cius Severus (M G H C hron. Min. 2 .1 5 8 ), Odoacer
and Theodoric (M G H C hron. Min. 1 .3 2 4 ; Cassio-
dorus, Var. 7.5.5). Narses died there (M G H Chron.
Min. 1.336). Later functionaries of the bureaucracy
used various parts of it; one hears especially of the
cartularius, the head of the military archives in
the seventh and eighth centuries, who lived near the
Arch of Titus and who seems to have been succeeded
by the head of the papal archives, for they were kept
here, and the region became known as Palladium
(eleventh to thirteenth centuries). There are a num
ber of early churches around the foot of the hill (S.
Anastasia, S. Teodoro, S. M aria Antiqua), but few
on top (S. M aria in Pallara, S. Cesareo).
The hill was strangely abandoned in the later
Middle Ages and is practically ignored in such doc
uments as the Einsiedeln itinerary and the M irabilia.
It was rediscovered only in the sixteenth century, at
which time it was covered with gardens and vine
yards through which numerous ruins jutted. Between
1540 and 1550 the northern half, the Domus Tiberi
ana, came into the possession of Cardinal Ales
sandro Farnese, who converted it into magnificent
gardens, still one of the showplaces of Rome. Exca
vations were carried out in the eighteenth century in
the Domus Augustiana, and Boni conducted inten
sive work there in the first two decades of this cen
tury. Much of the slope around the west angle to
ward the Velabrum, from S. Teodoro to S. Anastasia,
282
was stripped away in 1 9 3 4 1936 under Bartoli in a
search for the Lupercal, which was without positive
result. However, work here was not in general car
ried below the early imperial level. Large areas re
main virtually untouched today, especially the Vigna
Barberini at the east corner and the Domus Tiber
iana. And deep excavations, while they have pro
duced some fascinating discoveries under the Domus
Augustiana, have been very limited in scope. There is
a great deal yet to be done here. M ost recently the
area around the Temple of the Magna M ater (see
Magna Mater, Aedes) has been the object of exhaus
tive work by the University of Rome under the direc
tion of P. Pensabene (1 9 7 7 -1 9 8 7 ). See also Pectus-
cum Palati.
H J 2 9 -1 1 1 ; Lugli 1946, 3 9 3 - 4 2 0 ; A rchC l 16
(1964): 1 7 3 -9 9 (F. Castagnoli); Nash 2 .1 6 3 -6 9 ;
R F IC 105 (1977): 1 5 -1 9 (F. Castagnoli); R endLinc,
ser. 8.34 (1979): 3 3 1 - 4 7 (F. Castagnoli); AJA 84
(1980): 9 3 - 9 6 (H. B. Evans); R E L 65 (1987): 8 9 -
114 (M. Royo); C EFR 98 (1987): 7 7 1 -7 9 (G. Car-
ettoni).
Palatium Licinianum: the name given in several
medieval documents to a complex on the Esquiline
near the church of S. Bibiana, at the crossing of Via
Giolitti and Via Cairoli (M irabilia: Jordan 2 .6 40
= V Z 3 .6 0 ; LPD 1 .2 4 9 -5 0 [Simplicius, a . d . 4 6 8 -
483] = V Z 2 .2 4 2 ). This has naturally led to associa
tion with the Horti Liciniani (q.v.), the emperor Li-
cinius Gallienuss villa of uncertain location, and it
has been conjectured that by the fourth century the
whole area from Via Tiburtina to Via Labicana and
from the Servian Walls to the Aurelian Walls had
come into the possession of the emperors. This seems
improbable, but the zone is very poorly known ar-
chaeologically.
HJ 3 5 9 ; Lugli 1938, 4 7 8 -8 0 .
Palatium Sessorianum: see Sessorium.
Pales, Templum: a temple that M . Atilius Regulus
built after his victory over the Salentini in 2 6 7 B . C .
(Florus 1 .1 5 .2 0 ; Schol. Veron. and Bern, a d Verg.
G eorg. 3.1). There is no indication of where this
temple stood, and it is at least possible that it was
not even in Rome. But the note in the Fasti Antiates
Maiores for 7 July, p a l i b u s i i (NSc 1921, 1 0 1 -2 ;
Degrassi 47 9 ), probably gives us a date for the anni
versary of the temple. The plural may be explained
as an allusion to the nature of the divinity, Pales usu
ally appearing as feminine, but occasionally as mas
culine (Roscher 3 .2 7 7 -7 8 [G. W issowa]). A double
temple is also possible, but less probable. Attempts
to take the Parilia on 21 April away from Pales on

the grounds that she is not mentioned in connection
with that date in any of the fasti and that her festival
is now established on an entirely different date are
mistaken (see, e.g., Ovid, Fast. 4 .7 2 1 -8 0 6 ). Ironi
cally enough, the general inclination to put this
temple on the Palatine seems to derive from the as
sociation of the Parilia with the birthday of Rome.
Because it was a victory monument and Atilius en
joyed a triumph, it is more likely to have stood some
where along the route of the triumphal procession,
in the Campus Martius perhaps, or on the Aventine
above the Circus Maximus.
Pallacinae: a name that appears in classical litera
ture only in Cicero (R ose. Am. 18, 132) as the name
of a vicus and baths before which (ad baln eas) Sex.
Roscius was killed on his way back from dinner. In
early Christian sources the name appears several
times (cf., e.g., HCh 2 9 1 -9 2 , 3 0 8 , and the sources
cited in H J 5 5 6 ); these establish that a district near
the church of S. M arco was known as Pallacinae.
This is probably a name surviving from antiquity,
but the fragments of the Marble Plan (Rodriguez pi.
22) suggest such a welter of streets and houses in this
area that identification of a particular vicus is impos
sible.
Palma Aurea: see Ad Palmam.
Ad Palmam: a name that is found in late antiquity,
beginning not before the fifth or sixth century, for
the area between the Curia Senatus and the Arch of
Septimius Severus, where the emperor made public
appearances and addresses (M G H C hron. Min.
1 .324 for a . d . 5 1 7 [Anon. Vales.]; Jordan 1.2.259
and citations). It was the area earlier known as Ad
Tria Fata (q.v.) and a favorite place for the erection
of imperial statues and monuments of appropriate
dignity. Presumably some emperor had presented the
city with a palm of gilded bronze as a symbol of the
eternity and supremacy of Rome. It might have been
regarded as an acceptable replacement for the Altar
of Victoria (see Victoria, Ara) that Gratian removed
definitively from the Curia in a . d . 382.
Palus Capreae: see Caprae Palus.
Pantheon (Fig. 6 4 ): a temple that Agrippa originally
erected, together with his baths, the Basilica Nep-
tuni, and the Saepta Iulia (qq.v.), in a group in the
Campus Martius. The relationships among these
buildings are not at all clear, and their functions
seem to have been very different from one another,
but all seem to have been major monuments. Because
Julius Caesar is credited with having conceived the
PA N TH EO N
plan of the Saepta Iulia, it may be that more of
the original scheme belongs to him. The inscrip
tion on the faade (CIL 6 .8 9 6 = 31 1 9 6 = IL S 129:
m .a g r i p p a . l . F . c o s .T E R T i U M . f e c i t ) dates the Pan
theon to 2 7 B . C . , but Dio (53.27.2) implies that it
was finished in 25 and goes on to say that it might
have been given the name Pantheon because of the
many statues of gods it contained, but he believed it
was due to the resemblance of the dome to the dome
of the heavens, which shows that he did not know
the history of the building. Dio also reports that
Agrippa wished to include a statue of Augustus and
call the building Augusteum and, when Augustus re
fused him permission, included a statue of Divus Iul-
ius and put statues of Augustus and himself in the
porch. From this it appears that the design of the
building was in honor of Augustuss divine fore
bears, especially M ars and Venus, a forerunner of the
Temple of M ars Ultor. To what extent Dio was rely
ing on historical documents, and to what extent he
was using his own firsthand knowledge of the build
ing, is not clear. In the ears of the statue of Venus
were earrings made of the halves of a pearl of Cleo
patra (Pliny, H N 9 .1 2 1 ; Macrobius, Sat. 3.1 7 .1 7 ),
and in the pediment were noteworthy sculptures,
which Pliny (H N 36.38) says were not sufficiently
appreciated because of the height at which they were
displayed. They were the work of Diogenes of Ath
ens, and his caryatids on the columns of the building
were considered especially fine, while the capitals of
the columns were of bronze (Pliny, H N 34 .1 3 ). This
information has given rise to much discussion of the
architecture. The simplest solution of the problem is
to see the pronaos as columnar with Corinthian (?)
capitals of bronze supported by caryatid figures of
marble.
The Pantheon of Agrippa burned in the fire of T i
tus in a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio 66 .2 4 .2 ) and was restored
by Domitian (Chron. 146, Hieron. a. Abr. 2 1 0 5 ). In
the time of Trajan it was struck by lightning and
burned again (Orosius 7 .1 2 .5 ; Hieron. a. Abr.
2 1 2 7 ). The restoration then carried out by Hadrian
(S.H.A. H adr. 19.10) seems to have been an entirely
new building, probably on an entirely new plan. It is
dated by brick-stamps after a . d . 126, and even the
foundations have produced clear evidence of being
Hadrianic. Work by Antoninus Pius (S.H.A. Ant.
Pius 8.2), if it was not a completion of Hadrians
building, must have been a minor repair. And evi
dence for the restoration of Septimius Severus and
Caracalla recorded in an inscription on the archi
trave (C IL 6 .8 9 6 = IL S 129) is elusive. On 12 Janu
ary a . d . 59 the Arval Brethren met in the Pantheon
(C IL 6.2041 = IL S 229). For Hadrian it was one of
three favorite places in Rome where he held court
283
 PA N TH EO N

longs to this complex, an entrance arch. Access to

the court was apparently always possible through
lateral doors as far south as the pronaos.
The pronaos resembles that of a classical temple
with a triangular pediment, except that the pediment
is exceptionally high and shallow to help hide the
dome behind it. One originally mounted to the pro
naos by steps. The columns were of granite, eight
gray ones in front, eight rose ones behind, with Cor
inthian capitals of white marble, finely carved. They
are arranged to make three aisles, one leading to the
main door and one to a large apsidal niche to either
side of the door. A thick sprinkling of nail holes in
the shallow pediment indicates that the decoration
was in bronze, possibly a great wreath, while the
ceiling of the pronaos was also bronze, hung from
trusses of great bronze beams, arranged as three
vaults over the three aisles. The great bronze doors
of the main entrance, embellished with handsome
bosses and given a deep transom filled with grill-
work, were recast in the sixteenth century, but with
fairly scrupulous attention to the original design.
Between the pronaos and the rotunda is a rectan
gular intermediate block that rises high above the
pronaos. It carries some of the moldings of the pro
naos in continuation, but it adds a deep attic storey
decorated with a separate pediment echoing that of
the pronaos. This effectively hides the view of the
dome for anyone approaching from the forecourt
but seems awkwardly separated from the pronaos. In
it are arranged stairs of triangular plan by which the
public could climb to the roof and chambers in the
upper portion like those in the attic of a triumphal
arch. It seems likely that the whole design of this ele
ment derives from the triumphal arch and that it was
intended to carry an elaborate program of statuary
that would further have helped to conceal the dome.
The rotunda is a great drum of brick-faced con
crete, 6 .2 0 m thick, into which from the interior
open seven large niches and the entrance throat, the
niches being alternately curved and as rectangular as
fitting the curve of the drum admits, while between
these are eight semicircular rooms that open to the
Figure 64 (Cass. Dio 69 .7 .1 ). For Ammianus (16.10.14) it was exterior. So effectively the drum is a complicated ser
Pan th eon , F lo o r Plan one of the wonders of Rome, and it is listed in the pentine wall. In the second storey are unfloored
w ith A d jacencies regionary catalogues in Regio IX. chambers above the interior niches provided with
(1 cm = 6.5m )
The existing building faces due north and consists windows filled with grillwork through which light
of a pronaos, an intermediate block, and a rotunda. filtered down into the niches, changing with the
It was preceded by a colonnaded forecourt, rather movement of the sun. The niches in the ground sto
narrow in proportion to its length, but the length rey are given pairs of columns to screen them from
and the question of monumental access from the the central space, except for the entrance throat and
north are debatable. The arch that many topogra the niche opposite this. In the latter the columns are
phers have wished to place in the center of this court, moved to flank the niche, and the cornice is broken
the Arcus Pietatis of the Anonymous Magliabechi- forward to emphasize the apse. Between each pair of
anus (Urlichs 155; V Z 4 .1 2 2 ), should be, if it be- niches is an aedicula, now converted into an altar, a

284

high base brought forward and carrying a pair of
columns that support a pediment, either triangular
or lunate. The marbles used are very rich and varied,
almost the full range of the imperial repertory, except
for Oriental alabaster. The pavement is of large discs
and squares of colored marble, especially granite and
porphyry, framed in contrasting squares. O f the re
vetment of the upper storey, only a portion in the
southwest quadrant shows the original design, the
whole having been removed and replaced with a new
design in 1747. Originally this was much less plastic,
but richly colored, a deep plain band surmounted by
rather simple rectangular windows with four shal
low pilasters between each pair of them, finished at
the top with a simple cornice.
At this height on the interior the curve of the dome
takes off, a perfect half-sphere equal to the height of
the drum that supports it, the diameter 4 3 .2 0 m (144
Roman feet). It is coffered with five rings of square
coffers that gradually diminish in size and must orig
inally have been colored and ornamented with
bronze mounts or sheathing. At the top is a circular
opening, 9 m in diameter, finished with a curious
bronze ring with hooks for attachments. This open
ing, the oculus, is the only source of light but entirely
adequate throughout the year.
On the exterior the drum rises another storey ver
tically through the height of one and one-half rows
of coffers and contains a series of chambers with
travertine-framed doors accessible by a wide cornice
that once ran around the whole on the exterior and
must have been a promenade from which to look
over the Campus Martius. The chambers may even
have been let out as shops. Above this the exterior of
the dome rises in a series of seven steps, the thickness
of the shell diminishing gradually. The fabric is of
concrete in which the aggregate is of progressively
lighter material, beginning with travertine, then tufas
of different weight, terracotta, and, finally, pumice at
the top. In the lowest part of the dome is a compli
cated series of relieving arches corresponding to the
architecture below, but these do not continue higher,
and no one knows how the dome was cast; it is in
effect a dome of a single piece and has often been
described as a teacup. The three divisions of the
building pronaos, intermediate block, and ro
tunda stand structurally entirely free of one an
other, but there is every indication that this was only
because the building was so daringly innovative, and
that they were all designed together.
Although the brickwork of the drum is especially
fine, it shows no trace of stucco finish and may never
have had any; it was certainly not revetted with
marble. The pronaos and the intermediate block
were faced with marble and bronze, but the drum
PA N TH EO N
was not intended to be seen. In back it was hidden
by a series of parallel chambers with heavy brick
faced walls filling the space between it and the Basil
ica Neptuni, another Hadrianic building to the
south. These must have acted as buttresses as well.
Along the east side the wall of the Saepta Iulia came
tangent to the drum. On the west we do not know
what there may have been, perhaps the Nemus Ther-
marum of Agrippa. But it is quite clear that there was
no planned exterior prospect of the Pantheon, except
from the forecourt that preceded it.
In a . d . 609 Pope Boniface IV rededicated the Pan
theon as the church of S. Maria ad Martyres (LPD
1 .3 17 ; V Z 2 .2 5 1 ). Constantius II removed the gilt
bronze tiles of the roof in 663 (LPD 1 .3 4 3 ; VZ
2 .2 5 5 ); it was then apparently allowed to decay until
Pope Gregory III (7 3 1 -7 4 1 ) repaired the fabric and
sheathed the roof with lead (LPD 1 .4 1 9 ; V Z 2.264).
By the twelfth century an interesting collection of an
tiquities had been gathered in the piazza in front of
it (cf., e.g., the drawing of van Heemskerck repro
duced in Nash 2 .1 7 4 ). At some unknown time the
two rear columns of the east front of the pronaos
collapsed, and the northeast corner was then re
paired with brickwork. In the seventeenth century
Pope Urban VIII replaced the corner column with
one of red granite, and Pope Alexander VII replaced
the others using two columns of gray granite from
the Thermae Alexandrinae. In 1270 a small Roman
esque campanile was built at the apex of the pro
naos; this survived into the sixteenth century. In the
seventeenth century Pope Urban VIII took the bronze
beams from the roof of the pronaos, and Bernini
added the pair of bell towers known as the asses
ears to the intermediate block. These were not re
moved until the late nineteenth century. The building
had a very rich and complicated history in the Ren
aissance and thereafter that lies outside the scope of
this dictionary. It is still a church.
The podium of an earlier building, presumably
Agrippas Pantheon, has been found and mapped. It
lies about 2 .5 0 m under the pronaos of Hadrians
building, a rectangular edifice, 4 3 .7 6 m wide and
19.82 m deep, facing south, so the front columns of
Hadrians Pantheon stand over its back wall, while
the doorways almost coincide. The pronaos of
Agrippas building was only 2 1 .2 6 m wide, so it had
a T-shaped plan like that of the Temple of Concor
dia. A succession of marble pavements found be
neath the floor of the rotunda without clear associa
tion with architecture has been taken to represent the
vicissitudes of the Pantheon between Agrippa and
Hadrian. But it is quite clear that whatever ideologi
cal connection there may have been between Agrip
pas Pantheon and Hadrians, there was no architec
285
 P A R IA N E N SE S
Figure 65
Tem plum Paeis,
R ep resen tatio n on
the M a rb le Plan
tural similarity whatsoever. The seven main niches
have often been suggested to be for the seven plane
tary divinities of the week, which is an attractive no
tion, given the design of the building and the plan to
honor Augustus, but there is simply no proof, and it
does not help us to identify divinities to fill the nu
merous remaining spaces and subsidiary niches.
Nash 2 .1 7 0 -7 5 ; BdA 53 (1968): 7 3 -7 6 (G. Gul-
lini); K. de Fine Licht, T h e R otu n da in R o m e (Co
penhagen 19 6 8 ); W. L. M acDonald, T he P an theon :
D esign, M eaning, a n d P rogeny (London 1976);
Q uadern i d e llIstituto d i Storia d ellA rchitettura, n.s.
fasc. 13 (1981): 3 - 1 0 (G. Martinez), 1 0 -1 8 (M. Pel-
letri); A nalR om , suppl. 10 (1983): 4 1 - 4 6 (F. Coar-
elli), 1 0 9 -1 8 (L. Cozza); B u llC om 89 (1984): 5 5 - 6 4
(M. E. M icheli); A rtB 68 (1986): 2 4 - 3 4 (P. Hutch
inson and R. M ark); A rchitectura 18 (1988): 121
22 (H. Saalman); JS A H 4 9 (1990): 2 2 - 4 3 (W. C.
Loercke).
Parianenses: inhabitants of a district known only
from a single inscription (C IL 6 .9 1 0 3 = 3 1 8 9 5 ), a
fragment of the edict of Tarracius Bassus against
fraudulent merchants and shopkeepers.
Parthorum: houses of great distinction with which
Septimius Severus enriched some of his friends (Aur.
Viet., E pit. 20.6). They are said to have been com
parable to the house of Lateranus. They are listed in
the regionary catalogues in Regio X II and may be
presumed to have stood in a group, but there is no
further evidence for their location. An attempt to
identify them with ruins just northwest of the Baths
of Caracalla (B u llC om 4 4 [1916]: 2 0 4 [R. Lanciani])
seems to rest on very little evidence (G. Lugli, L a
286
zon a a rch eo lo g ica d i R om a [Rome 1925], 2 7 8 79).
The explanation of the name is unknown.
Pavor et Pallor, Fanum : a shrine said to have been
vowed by Tullus Hostilius, together with a college of
Salii (presumably the Salii Collini), at a crisis when
the Albans deserted the Romans in a battle against
the Fidenates and Veientes (Livy 1.27.7). This is then
not mentioned again, but it seems likely that a shrine
in the headquarters of the Salii Collini on the Quir-
inal is meant. The Curia Saliorum was probably in
the vicinity of the Temple of Quirinus (Dion. Hal.
2 .7 0 .1 ), and the shrine of Pavor et Pallor may have
been either the curia itself or an aedicula contained
in it.
Pax, Templum (Figs. 65, 6 6 ): the great Temple of
Peace, in effect the third in the sequence of imperial
fora, begun by Vespasian after the capture of Jeru
salem in a.d . 71 and dedicated in 75 (Suetonius,
Vesp. 9 .1 ; Josephus, B elllu d 7 .5 .7 [158]; Cass. Dio
6 5 .1 5 .1 ; Aur. Viet, C aes. 9.7, Epit. 9.8). Statius as
cribes the dedication of the cult statue to Domitian
(.Silv. 4 .3 .1 7 ), which may have been a replacement
for the original one. In the time of Aulus Gellius
(5 .2 1 .9 ; 16.8.2) the complex contained a well-
known public library, the Bibliotheca Pacis. In the
temple were placed many of the spoils of Jerusalem
and works of famous Greek artists, including many
that had been used to decorate the Domus Aurea of
Nero (Josephus, B elllu d 7 .5 .7 [15861]; Pliny, H N
12.94, 3 4 .8 4 , 3 5 .1 0 2 -3 and 109, 3 6 .2 7 and 5 8;
Pausanias 6 .9 .3 ; Juvenal 9.23). Pliny considered it,
the Basilica Paulli, and the Forum Augustum the
three most beautiful buildings in Rome, equal to any
in the world.
Just before the death of Commodus, presumably
in 191, it burned (Cass. Dio 7 3 .2 4 .1 ; Herodian
1 .1 4 .2 3). It must have been immediately restored,
for it continued to be one of the finest buildings in
the city and a library (S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 3 1 .1 0 ; Amm.
M arc. 16 .1 0 .1 4 ). It gave the name Templum Pacis to
the fourth region of Augustan Rome. In 408 it was
the site of uncanny rumbling of the earth for seven
days (M G H C hron. Min. 2 .6 9 [Marcell. Comit.]).
For Procopius in the sixth century (B ellG oth
4 .2 1 .1 1 -1 2 ) it was a thing of the past, although
fountains and statuary from it still survived.
The plan is known from fragments of the Marble
Plan (FUR pi. 2 0 ; Rodriguez pi. 12), which show it
as a colonnaded square, about 145 m long, the col
onnade addorsed to the wall on the northwest (en
trance) side, but the wall here is apt to have been
moved at the time of the creation of Domitians
Forum Transitorium. In each of the lateral walls
 P A X A U G U S T A , ARA

open two small rectangular exedras. One of these,

built into the thirteenth-centurv Torre dei Conti, is
still preserved. The important end of the complex
was at the southeast, where a great axial hall, rectan
gular, but with an apse containing a base, possibly
for a statue of Pax, is screened from the colonnade
in front of it by only a row of columns. These col
umns and those in the colonnade responding to them
are shown as different from the rest. Great rectan
gular rooms continue the line to either side. One or
two of these must have been the library, and that
south of the axial room carried on a later wall built
across it to divide it the slabs of the Marble Plan
(Forma Urbis Romae), fragments of which first came
to light in May and June 1562. It is of the highest
importance for the study of the topography of an
cient Rome, but its purpose in antiquity and the
meaning of its presence in this building have been
much discussed, because, although it is on slabs of
marble and when whole was clearly a showpiece, it
is rather clumsily and inaccurately executed. It seems
likely that by the time of the Severans and probably
from the time of its construction, the Templum Pacis
was in part used for the municipal administration
under the praefectus urbi (Anderson 11617).
In the open area of the colonnaded square appear
mysterious chains of rectangles, usually interpreted
as garden beds, sometimes as topiary trees or hedges.
Neither explanation is satisfactory. Similar features
appear in the court of the Temple of Divus Claudius
(see Claudius, Divus, Templum) and the Adonaea
(q.v.), somewhat different but probably related fea
tures in connection with the Temple of Hercules Mu- 10.78 = Migne, P L 18 .4 0 3 ), Forum Vespasiani Pacis Figure 66
sarum (see Hercules Musarum, Aedes). Access to the by Polemius Silvius (VZ 1.309), and Forum Pacis by Tem plum P ad s, Plan,

Templum Pacis is perhaps the most difficult problem
connected with it. So far as we know, there was no
monumental approach and no emphasis on the axis
of the complex. It is presumed that there must have
been an important approach from the Forum Ro-
manum, and it used to be believed that this was
through the hall now made into the church of SS.
Cosma e Damiano. The approach is now believed
more likely to have been through the throat between
the Basilica Paulli and the Temple of Antoninus and
Faustina, the Corneta, but there is no evidence. No
substantial part of the complex has ever been exca
vated.
The complex was known as Templum Pacis until
late antiquity, despite its clearly being another in the
sequence of imperial fora. Perhaps this is because at
first it was separated from the others by the Argile-
tum and was the creation of a member of a new dyn
asty. Pliny (HN 36.27) calls the whole complex
Pacis opera. It is called Forum Pacis by Ammi-
anus, Forum Vespasiani by Symmachus (E p ist.
Marcellinus Comes (M G H C hron. Min. 2.6 9). as Known
HJ 2 - 7 ; FUR 7 3 ; Rodriguez 1 .9 5 ; A]A 86 (1982):
1 0 1 -1 0 (J. C. Anderson); Anderson 1 0 1 -1 8 .
Pax Augusta, A ra (Fig. 4 2 ): an altar decreed by the
senate a d C am pu m M artium on Augustuss return
from Spain and Gaul, 4 July 13 B .C . (Degrassi 176),
on which the magistrates, priests, and Vestal Virgins
were to offer annual sacrifice (Augustus, R G 12).
The altar was dedicated on 3 0 January 9 B .C . (Ovid,
Fast. 1 .7 0 9 -2 2 ). Which ceremony, if either, is repre
sented on the reliefs of the altar and altar screen is
much disputed. The altar is shown on coins of Nero
(B . M. C oins, R om . E m p. 1.27172 nos. 3 6 0 65)
but is not mentioned elsewhere in literature or in
scriptions.
The altar stood just west of Via Lata (Via Flami-
nia) near the Horologium Solare Augusti (q.v.) with
which it may have been brought into relation
(R om M itt 83 [1976]: 3 1 9 65 [E. Buchner]), but
otherwise isolated, under Palazzo Fiano at the corner

287
P A X A U G U S T A , A RA
of Via del Corso and Via in Lucina. Fragments of the
decorative and figurative sculptures began to come
to light in quantity as early as 1568 and in the course
of time were scattered among numerous collections
as far away as Paris and Vienna. M ore were found in
an extensive work of consolidation under the pa-
lazzo in 1859. Systematic excavations were carried
out under the palazzo in 1903 and resulted in the
recovery of more fragments and an accurate plan of
the platform on which the altar stood, but had to be
abandoned because of ground water and the precar
ious condition of the palazzo. In 1 9 3 7 -1 9 3 8 , thanks
to a technique of freezing the waterlogged soil sur
rounding the area, it became possible to excavate the
remains completely and to rebuild the foundations
of the palazzo. Thus everything recoverable has now
been recovered. The altar was then carefully studied
and reconstructed, using casts when the original
pieces could not be obtained, although not in its
original location or orientation. Recently work of
cleaning and restoration has produced more infor
mation about the technique and quality of the work.
The altar faced east on an almost square platform
level with Via Lata, but because of the slope of the
land had to be approached by a broad stair on the
west. The platform was bounded by a high screen
wall with broad axial doors with slightly tapering
frames, and the screen was embellished with sculp
tures inside and out. The coins of Nero show acro-
teria at the corners that are missing today. The altar
itself, which nearly fills the interior, stands on a base
of four steps, U-shaped so the officiating priest was
surrounded by the altar table. Only one of the re
markable flanks of this table has been found, an ele
gant scrolled gable above a narrow frieze carved with
a procession and terminating in winged lions. One
side of the relief shows a suovetaurilia sacrifice in
procession, and the other shows the Vestal Virgins
and pontifex maximus. Presumably when complete
the altar frieze showed the annual sacrifice in ideal
ized form. Only poor fragments of the rest survive,
but there are also a few fragments of another figured
frieze at larger scale believed to have decorated the
base of the altar.
The altar screen is divided into two zones horizon
tally, inside and out, and divided into panels by Cor
inthian pilasters at the corners and doorways. On the
exterior the lower zone is filled with rich scrolls of
acanthus peopled with small animals and birds.
Above this on the east and west ends are allegorical
panels flanking the doorways. These are commonly
identified as Italia or Pax (often called Terra Mater
or Tellus) and Roma (with the Genius figures of the
senate and the Roman people, or Honos and Virtus)
288
on the east, and Aeneas sacrificing the white sow to
the Penates and Faustulus discovering the twins
Romulus and Remus at the Lupercal on the west.
About the western pair there is much doubt, because
there are only very poor remains of the Lupercal
panel, and the iconography of the Aeneas panel is
very difficult.
The long sides showed processions, or a proces
sion in two companies, converging toward the door
on the west. That on the north is made up of men
wearing the toga and wreathed for a sacrifice, some
of them capite velato, accompanied by camilli with
various sacrificial implements, followed by a group
in which women and children are prominent. The
first part of this procession has been thought to rep
resent some of the major priesthoods of Rome, the
Septemviri, Augurs, and Quindecimviri. On the op
posite side is a similar procession. The first two slabs
are extremely fragmentary. Then comes a group in
which Augustus appears, wreathed and capite ve
lato, surrounded by lictors, followed by the Flamens
accompanied by camilli with sacrificial implements.
There then follows a large company of men, women,
and children, most of the members young, at least
one man in military dress, and at least one child not
togate and of a decidedly alien appearance.
The usual interpretation makes this procession the
imperial family and household accompanied by the
major priesthoods, those instructed by the senate to
perform annual sacrifice here. This is also usually
read as the immortalization of the ceremony per
formed on 4 July 13 b . c . Against this must be ob
served that only Augustus can be identified posi
tively, while all others seem rather idealized figures
with an emphasis on youth and beauty in the tradi
tion of the Parthenon frieze, to which this is clearly
heavily indebted.
On the interior the lower half of the screen is in
narrow vertical rectangular panels, alternately raised
and sunk with the effect of wooden paling, crowned
with an anthemion. In the upper zone are rich gar
lands of fruit and leaves swung in loops between
bucrania, to the horns of which they are attached by
fluttering ribbons. The loops made by the garlands
are filled with paterae, which float free.
In the time of Hadrian the ground level in this part
of the Campus Martius was raised in an effort to
make it more suitable for construction and brought
up nearly level with the top of the lower frieze of the
altar screen. Thereafter the altar stood in a well, the
edge protected by a coping and a fence.
G. M oretti, Ara P a d s A ugustae, 2 vols. (Rome
1948); CAR 2-G , 85 pp. 1 6 4 - 6 8 ; E. Simon, A ra Pa
d s A ugustae (Tbingen 1967); Nash 1 .6 3 -7 3 ;

R om M itt 83 (1976): 3 1 9 - 6 5 (E. Buchner); E. La
Rocca, Ara Pacts A ugustae, in o cca sio n e d el restauro
della fron te orien tale (Rome 1983); R om M itt 92
(1985): 2 2 1 -3 4 (R. De Angelis Bertolotti); N um en
33 (1986): 3 - 3 2 (G. Freibergs, C. S. Littleton, and
O. Stratynski); Q ITA 10 (1988): 1 0 -1 4 (E. Torto-
rici).
Pectuscum Palati: mentioned once by Festus
(232L) and defined as the part of the city that Rom
ulus obv ersam posu it, in that part in which lay the
majority of the Ager Romanus, toward the sea, and
where the city was most easily approached, whereas
the Ager Etruscus was separated from the Ager Ro
manus by the Tiber, and the other neighboring cities
(civitates) had hills for defense (colles aliq u o t haber-
ent o p p o sito s). The text is perplexing, but if it is
toward the sea, a gentle approach to the city (after
its enlargement by inclusion of Titus Tatius and the
Sabines?), and in some way related to the Palatine,
we are probably dealing with the slope from Summa
Sacra Via to the M eta Sudans, and everything hinges
on our interpretation of the word obversam . It does
not seem possible to make obv ersam p osu it mean
fortified, and there is no trace of fortification. Per
haps it means made a no mans land, excluded
from habitation. A derivation of pectu scu m from
pectus might support this.
Penates Dei, Aedes: on the Velia on the site for
merly occupied by the house of Tullus Hostilius
(Varro ap. N on. 852L ; Solinus 1.22), not far from
the Forum Romanum on a short street leading to the
Carinae (Dion. Hal. 1.68.1). W hat is meant must be
the stretch of Sacra Via leading from Summa Sacra
Via to the Lucus Streniae, as it is the only street con
necting the Velia and Carinae. According to Varro
(Donatus a d Ter., Eun. 256), the stair of the Penates
was built with money received from the sale of the
property of Numerius Equitius Cuppes and Manius
Macellus (see Macellum). Presumably an impressive
stair led up to the temple, but one might also think
of a stepped street leading from the temple to the
Carinae. It is first mentioned in the list of sanctuaries
of the Argei as the sixth station in the Palatine region
(Varro, Ling. 5.54).
Dionysius (1.68.1) describes the temple in detail as
a small shrine containing images of two seated
youths in military dress with spears. An inscription
identified these as the Penates (cf. Servius a d Aen.
3.12), and they were generally believed to be Trojan
gods, though some said Samothracian. They seem to
have been the Dioscuri in a different guise, and their
names were secret. They are shown on coins (B . M.
P E T R O N IA A M N IS
Coins, R om . R ep. 1 .1 9 2 -9 5 nos. 1 2 0 4 30, 2 0 2 -3
nos. 1 3 1 4 -2 6 , 5 2 2 no. 4 0 3 2 ; Crawford 307/la and
b, 312/1, 455/2a).
The temple was struck by lightning in 167 B . C .
(Livy 4 5 .1 6 .5 ). Augustus restored it (R G 19). The
location of the temple is much disputed. Because the
enormous buildings of N eros Domus Aurea, Domi-
tians Horrea Piperataria, Hadrians Temple of Venus
et Roma, and M axentiuss Basilica Nova (Basilica
Constantini) quite changed the character of the Ve
lia, requiring the destruction or removal of every
thing in their way, and the cutting of the Via dei Fori
Imperiali completed the obliteration of the hill, we
have no good fixed points by which to orient our
selves. Coarelli (Coarelli 1983, passim, but especially
49) would put the original location under the west
ern apse of the Basilica Constantini and see the Tem-
plum Romuli as a M axentian replacement for the
Temple of the Penates, an identification Ashby had
called ridiculous. I prefer to put the temple on the
highest part of the Velia, because of the strike by
lightning, because the stair of approach seems to
have been a conspicuous feature, and because a royal
residence would probably have been in a prominent
location. In which case the Temple of the Penates
was probably destroyed in the fire of Nero and there
after gave way to the Domus Aurea.
B u llC om 9 2 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 2 9 3 -9 8 (E. Rodriguez Al
meida).
Pentapylon: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio X between the Temple of Apollo Ramnusius
and the Domus Augustiana et Tiberiana. It has been
thought to be a monumental entrance to the temple
or the gateway to the temple precinct of Vigna Bar-
berini, where one sees the ruin of a grand approach,
but neither identification has other support or seems
apt to be right.
Petra Scelerata: iuxta am phitheatru m , used fre
quently by the hagiographers, but by no one else
(e.g., Acta SS. Eusebii, M arcelli, Hippolyti). It was
next to the Colosseum in the direction of the Lacus
Pastorum (q.v.), so probably in the direction of S.
Clemente. It seems to have been simply a stone of no
special character on which numerous Christian
saints were believed to have been beheaded. Other
stones claiming this distinction are shown preserved
in at least two churches in Rome (see A nalect. B ol-
land. 16 [1897]: 2 0 9 - 5 2 [Delehaye], especially 2 3 0 -
32).
Petronia Amnis: a brook that had its origin at the
Fons Cati (see Cati Fons) on the west slope of the
289
P H R Y G IA N U M
Quirinal, now known as the Acqua S. Felice, in
the courtyard of the Palazzo Quirinale close to the
Porta Salutaris. It flowed west to Via Lata and is ap
parently represented by culverting under the south
ern stretch of Via Lata; it may have determined in a
general way the location of that thoroughfare. Under
Piazza Venezia the brook turned west again and is
represented by culverting under Via di S. M arco and
along the north side of the Theatrum Balbi, just be
yond which it turned south again at almost a right
angle and ran to join the ancient sewer known as the
Chiavicone dellOlmo, which shows construction
analogous with that of the Cloaca M axim a, presum
ably part of the overhaul of Rom es water and sewer
systems carried out by Agrippa. The brook emptied
into the Tiber opposite the northwest end of the is
land. In its upper stretches it was still open in the
time of Festus (296L), presumably running in an
open trench alongside the street, and magistrates had
to take the au spicia peretnnia before crossing it to
preside at assemblies in the Campus Martius. It was
the boundary of the city auspices and probably orig
inally the boundary distinguishing the Prata Flami-
nia from the Campus Martius, although it must have
crossed the Circus Flaminius near its northwest end.
The brook is often said to be joined by the Aqua
Sallustiana, which is certainly not the case. It is also
said to be responsible for the Caprae Palus in the
area of the Pantheon; that is at best highly unlikely.
P. Narducci, Sulle fog n atu re della citt d i R om a
(Rome 1889), 3 4 - 3 9 .
P hrygian u m : listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio X IV (spelled Frigianum) and identified by the
discovery in 1609 in excavating for the foundations
of the faade of the new basilica of S. Pietro of a
group of marble altars dedicated to the Magna M a
ter and divinities associated with her (C IL 6 .4 9 7 -
504 = 30 7 7 9 ; IL S 4 1 4 5 , 4 1 4 7 -5 1 , 41 5 3 ), some of
which had been deliberately smashed by iconoclasts.
These carry consular dates running from a . d . 305 to
a . d . 390 and mention completion of the taurobo-
lium and criobolium by devotees. The temple must
have stood nearby, and further finds indicate that it
was near the southeast corner of the basilica, within
the Circus Gaii et Neronis, suggestively close to the
spina. An inscription on an altar to the Magna M ater
found at Lyon in France (C IL 13.1751 = IL S 4131)
of L. Aemilius Carpus, a dendrophorus, adds vires
ex cep it et a Vaticano transtulit. It is dated a . d . 160.
This indicates that the Vatican shrine was an impor
tant cult center already at that time, and we know
that Antoninus Pius favored the cult (M. J. Vermas-
eren, C y bele an d Attis [London 1977], 1 7 9 -8 0 ). So
far as we know, the ceremonies of taurobolium and
criobolium were performed in Rome only at the Vat
290
ican temple, never on the Palatine. It is interesting
that the temple should have prospered as long as it
did in close proximity to the tomb and later basilica
of S. Pietro.
CAR 1-G, 62 pp. 6 3 -6 4 .
P ietas, A edes (1): in C irco Flam inio, a temple that
was struck by lightning in 94 B . C . (Obsequens 54;
Cicero, Div. 1.9 8 ); its anniversary was the Kalends
of December (Fasti Amiternini; Degrassi 533). This
temple is almost certainly identical with the next
one.
P ietas, A edes (2): in F o ro H olito rio, a temple
vowed by M . Acilius Glabrio on the eve of the Battle
of Thermopylae in 191 B . C . and begun by him, but
dedicated by his son of the same name, created duo-
vir for the purpose, in 181 B . C . (Livy 4 0 .3 4 .4 - 6 ; Val.
M ax. 2 .5 .1 ); it contained a gilded equestrian statue
of the elder Glabrio, the first such statue seen in
Rome (Livy 4 0 .3 4 .4 6; Val. M ax. 2.5 .1 ). Julius Cae
sar destroyed it in 4 4 B . C . to make space for the the
ater that afterward became the Theatrum Marcelli
(Pliny, H N 7 .1 2 1 ; Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 9 .3 ). Because this
temple is almost certainly the same as the preceding
one and the anniversary of the Kalends of December
is still observed according to the Fasti Amiternini
dated after a . u . c . 7 7 5 , it seems likely that Caesar
simply moved the temple, in which case it is likely to
be the little Doric temple in travertine of which six
columns built into the south wall of the church of S.
Nicola in Carcere survive (Fig. 38). On the basis of
what survives and a number of drawings made by
architects in the Renaissance, it can be reconstructed
as peripteral, hexastyle, and with eleven columns on
the flanks. It was frontal in the Roman manner,
raised on a podium 2 .5 2 m high, with a stair of ap
proach only at the east end. The pronaos was four
intercolumniations deep. The cella had walls of pe-
perino and a doorframe of white marble. The trav
ertine columns are at present unfluted but somewhat
rough. The entablature is of travertine, and the frieze
was Doric with single contraction at the corners.
With this temple came to be associated the Greek
story of the daughter who nourished her imprisoned
father (or mother) with the milk of her own breasts,
sometimes called Caritas Romana (Val. M ax. 5 .4 .7 ;
Festus 228L ). It has been plausibly suggested that the
presence of the Columna Lactaria (q.v.) in the Forum
Holitorium was responsible for the association. The
column itself is enigmatic.
R. Delbriick, D ie drei T em pel am Forum H o lito
rium in R om (Rome 1903), 2 2 2 3 , 4 4 4 9 ; Lugli
1946, 5 4 5 -5 3 ; Nash 1 .4 1 8 2 0 ; M em PontA cc, ser.
3.13 (1981): passim, especially 2 7 , 5 8 61, 7 0 71,
1034 (L. Crozzoli Aite).

Pietas Augusta, A ra: an altar (?) voted by the sen
ate in a . d . 22 on the occasion of a serious illness of
Livia, but not erected until 4 3 , long after Livias
death in 29, and really known only from an inscrip
tion now lost (C IL 6 .5 6 2 = ILS 2 0 2 ; cf. Tacitus,
Ann. 3.64). Because we do not know any of the par
ticulars of the inscription, it is conceivable that
something other than an altar was in question. The
reason for the delay in the fulfillment of the vow is
puzzling. The theory that certain reliefs of religious
ceremonies now in Villa Medici belonged to this al
tar and that it was similar in design to the Ara Pacis
Augustae has now been disproved (R m M itt 89
[1982]: 4 3 5 -5 5 [G. Koeppel]). The monument
seems to have been a modest one.
A rcbC l 37 (1985): 2 3 8 - 6 5 (L. Cordischi).
Pila H oratia: the place where the spoils of the Cur-
iatii had been set up in the Forum Romanum (Livy
1 .2 6 .1 0 ; Scbol. B o b . in Cic. M ilan. [Stangl 113]).
Dionysius (3.22.9) tries to be explicit, saying that in
his day it had become the corner pillar of one of the
basilicas in the forum. Because Horatius was sup
posed to have entered Rome on this occasion by the
Porta Capena (Livy 1.26.2), he would presumably
have entered the forum by the Sacra Via, and the
southern corner of the Basilica Paulli is meant. And
any other corner would have suggested different def
inition. The wordplay on pila (spears) and p ila (pil
lar, column) suggests that the pillar was so named
for other reasons and the story of the dedication of
spoils here invented to explain it, although the forum
would seem an inappropriate place for such a dedi
cation. But why a pillar of the Basilica Paulli (and
before it the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia) should be
called Horatia is mysterious.
Pila Tiburtina: M artial (5 .2 2 .3 -4 ) describes his
house in Rome as next to this pillar, where rustic
Flora looks at ancient Jupiter. Ancient Jupiter must
be the Capitolium Vetus (q.v.), and Flora was on a
clivus that led up to this (Varro, Ling. 5.158) from
the direction of Piazza Barberini (see Flora, Tem-
plum). The Pila Tiburtina should be a conspicuous
landmark of some sort, but boundary stones, mile
stones, columns, or even bollards of travertine were
so common in the Rome of M artials time that one
could hardly have singled one out as the Pila Tibur
tina. So perhaps M artial is using it as a common
noun, not an identifying name, and what he means
is simply one of the markers of the precinct of Flora
on the side toward the Capitolium Vetus.
The difficulties induced Hlsen to conjecture that
there might have been a Vicus Pilae Tiburtinae, but
there no evidence for this and it hardly removes the
difficulty.
P IS C IN A , S T A G N U M , N A U M A C H IA
Pincius M ons: the large hill divided from the Quir-
inal by the valley down which runs Via del Tritone.
The brow of the hill runs generally west from Porta
Salaria in the Aurelian Walls to a point about 30 0 m
southwest of Porta Pinciana, and then turns rather
abruptly to run northwest to Porta Flaminia. It was
thus entirely within Regio VII. In the first century
B . C . Lucullus set a fashion by creating the first of the
great horti there (see Horti Luculliani), and it be
came known as Collis Hortorum or Hortulorum
(Suetonius, N ero 5 0 ); what its name may have been
earlier is not known. The postclassical name Mons
Pincius comes from its owners in the fourth cen
tury, the Gens Pincia. See Domus Pinciana, Horti
Aciliorum, Horti Luculliani. Terracing and scarping
in the creation of the sumptuous horti that covered
it have substantially changed the slopes and contours
of this hill.
HJ 4 4 4 -5 0 .
Ad Pirum: a landmark or vicus name by which
Martial once identifies the location of his house in
Rome (1.117.6). A little earlier (1.108.3) he has pro
vided the information that his apartment looks out
over the laurels of the Porticus Vipsania (q.v.), so it
must have been on the slope of the Quirinal. There
is no reason to think that this is different from his
house near the Temple of Flora, up the slope from
Piazza Barberini.
Piscina, Stagnum, N aum achia: A piscina was a
reservoir or a fishpond. It might be spring-fed, as ap
parently the Piscina Publica was, or aqueduct-fed.
Every aqueduct was provided with a piscin a lim aria
on the outskirts of the city to clarify the water, but
this was for that special purpose only. Inside the city
the only piscinae we know are either reservoirs con
nected with the great imperial bath complexes or the
fishponds of private horti. The former are divided
into multiple chambers, usually of about the same
size, that interconnect and are roofed with vaults.
The latter were usually single tanks.
A stagnum was an ornamental water, probably al
ways of considerable size and usually the focus of a
park. We hear of only two in Rome, one of Agrippa
that probably drew water from the Aqua Virgo and
was the central feature of his horti. Here Nero gave
an extravagant and scandalous party, the banquet
being served on a raft that was kept in motion by
other vessels (Tacitus, Ann. 15.37). The other was
the Stagnum Neronis on the site of the Colosseum, a
lake fed by the Aqua Claudia brought in cascades
down the slope of the Caelian. Suetonius (N ero 31.1)
compares it to a sea with buildings like cities on its
margins. It was one of the chief attractions of the
Domus Aurea and the first to be destroyed, probably
291
P IS C IN A A Q U A E A L E X A N D R IN A E
especially in order to restore the water to the people
of Rome.
A n au m ach ia differed from a stagnum in being de
signed as a place to stage mock sea battles. These
were relatively shallow tanks, but evidently usually
of considerable size, and must have been provided
with banks of seats for the spectators. They seem to
have been regarded as unjustifiable waste of space,
water, and money by the Romans, and those of Ju
lius Caesar in the Codeta M inor and Domitian on
the river in the Transtiberim (?) were destroyed
shortly after they were built. Only that of Augustus,
which depended on the poor Aqua Alsietina for its
water, seems to have met with approval, and it was
a fair distance out of the city. We know very little
about it, except that there was an island in the
middle and a bridge, presumably giving access to
this, although it probably served other purposes as
well. The so-called Naumachia Vaticana in the flat
beyond the Mausoleum Hadriani is the only such
building for which we have reasonably accurate in
formation from excavation. It was apparently a long
rectangle with bowed corners surrounded by a low
bank of seats raised on vaulted substructures, very
much like a circus in general design.
Piscina Aquae Alexandrinae : a distributing
reservoir of the Severan period, conjectured on the
basis of its date to have been for the Aqua Alexan
d r ia . It lies north of the Thermae Helenae (q.v.) and
southwest of the Porta Labicana (Porta Maggiore). It
consisted of twelve compartments in two rows of six,
all lined with opus signinum and all intercommuni
cating. Only some rather uncertain remains of this
still survive.
M em PontA cc, ser. 3.8 (1955): 1 4 1 -4 2 (A. M.
Colini).
Piscina Aquae Virginis: a distributing reservoir of
the Aqua Virgo on the west slope of the Pincian Hill
just north of the modern Spanish Steps, commonly
called II Bottino, not mentioned by Frontinus and
therefore presumed to be of later date (LA 1 2 4 -2 5
[3 3 6 -3 7 ]; LFUR sheet 9).
Piscina in Capitolio: a reservoir in the Area Capi
tolina located in a military diploma (C/L 16.22) in
front of the Tribunal Deorum (q.v.).
Piscina Publica: first mentioned in 215 B . C . as a
point just inside Porta Capena to which the praetors
moved their tribunals in the crucial days of the Sec
ond Punic War so that they might be near the senate
and the road along which news from the south
292
would come (Livy 2 3 .3 2 .4 ). Festus (232L), presum
ably quoting Verrius Flaccus, says that it was a place
to which people went to swim and exercise, but that
it no longer existed in his day. We can put it between
the Via Appia, the Vicus Piscinae Publicae, running
from the south end of the Circus Maximus between
the Aventinus M aior and Aventinus M inor (CIL
6.97S = IL S 6 0 7 3 ; Amm. M arc. 17.4.14), and the
Servian Walls. Its location and early date suggest that
it was originally a great public reservoir that in this
district, which abounds in springs and is crossed by
the circus brook, would probably not have been
aqueduct-fed. Once aqueduct water was available in
sufficient supply, the reservoir might have been
turned to use as a swimming pool and then eventu
ally filled in. The persistence of the name and the fact
that it gave its name to Regio X II of the Augustan
city can perhaps be explained by the importance of
the Vicus Piscinae Publicae. Regio X II was bounded
by the Vicus Piscinae Publicae and Vicus Portae Rau-
dusculanae on the northwest, the Via Appia on the
northeast, the Vicus Sulpicius and a line probably
drawn from the end of the Vicus Sulpicius to the Pos-
terula Laurentina on the southeast, and the line of
the Aurelian Walls on the south and southwest. Its
chief features were the Aventinus M inor and Baths
of Caracalla.
Near the Piscina Publica itself were the headquar
ters of the L an ii Piscinenses (C IL 6 .1 6 7 = ILS
3682a), a college of butchers, but about this we
known nothing further.
Piscina Therm arum Diocletianarum: see
Therm ae Diocletiani.
Platanonis: listed by the regionary catalogues in Re
gio X III. The genitive must depend on a missing
noun, perhaps Vicus or Platea. Plane trees are excel
lent shade trees, and there was a plantation of them
in the Porticus Pompeii (Propertius 2 .3 2 .1 3 ), perhaps
the same that M artial (3.19.2) alludes to near the
Hecatostylon. This one is otherwise unknown.
Platea Traiani: a street mentioned only by Symma-
chus (Epist. 6 .3 7 [38] = M G H 6.1.163) in a . d . 398,
where he writes of the collapse of an insula. The
name might have been due to proximity to the
Forum Traiani or the Thermae Traiani, more likely
the latter, which seem, at least in large part, to have
been bordered by an isolating street.
Plutei Traiani (Anaglypha Traiani) : two large re
liefs, each composed of several blocks of white
marble, sculptured on both faces, found in the exca-

varions of the Forum Romanum in 1872, where they
had been mounted on clearly makeshift bases in the
open area just northeast of the unpaved area some
times conjectured to be the place of the Statua Mar-
syae and the Ficus, Olea, Vitis (qq.v.). One is sub
stantially complete; the other lacks one end and the
top of the middle part. They are obviously a pair, but
are finished at the preserved ends, so must have stood
separately. Both show on one face the three animals
for a suovetaurilia properly decked, the boar leading.
On the other face is shown an historical event in
which the statue of Marsyas appears beside a fig tree,
which is probably artificial because it seems to have
a base, although some have seen this as an enclosure.
One relief shows the burning of documents, presum
ably tax records burned in one of the periodic remis
sions of tax debts. The other relief shows an address
from a rostrate platform to a group of men who do
not wear the toga gathered between this and another
large platform with molded borders on which a
woman in long drapery with two children seems to
address an enthroned princeps of heroic size. This is
almost universally interpreted as a statue commemo
rating the institutio alitnentaria, Trajans establish
ment of food relief for indigent children. In the back
ground of each relief appear several buildings, some
clearly temples, others arcaded like the Basilica Iulia.
An arch is shown behind the rostra, and another on
the other relief is seen in the distance between two
temples. There has been great discussion of the iden
tification of the buildings shown without reaching a
consensus, and probably they are not intended to be
read literally, as the repetition of the Marsyas and a
temple with only five columns on the faade shows.
However, there is fair agreement that the Plutei are
of Hadrianic date. Where they stood originally is a
very difficult question. The best suggestion seems to
be that they stood on the ends of one of the rostra,
but their size, especially their considerable height, ac
cords poorly with such a location. In 1949 they were
removed to the Curia Senatus for their protection.
Lugli 1946, 1 6 0 - 6 4 ; Nash 2 .1 7 6 -7 7 ; A n tike
Plastik 12 (1973): 1 6 1 -7 4 (U. Rdiger).
Pomrium (Fig. 67): M ost Romans seem to have
believed the word p om eriu m was derived from p ost
and murus in some way, although the discrepancy
between this and what the pomerium was seems to
have been apparent to a good many. Varro {Ling.
5.143) gives a fair account of the founding of a city
E trusco ritu, which he says obtained in Latium. On
an auspicious day a bull and a cow were harnessed
to a plow, and this was driven about the site in such
a way that the furrow lay outside the ridge of earth
P O M E R IU M
thrown up by the plowshare. The furrow was the
fossa, or trench of symbolic fortifications, and the
earth was the agger, or earthwork. This ring was
the urbis principium , the line at which the auspicia
u rban a ended; auspices would have to be taken
within it before leaving it, which seems to mean the
augurs templum would have to be laid out facing
toward an area lying outside it toward which he was
proceeding. The actual walls were then laid out be
hind this line, and the space between it and the walls
was maintained free of building, burial, and plant
ing. A second ring of open space was usually main
tained free of building just inside the walls as long as
the walls functioned as a defense work, and Livy
(1 .44.4 - 5 ) regarded the whole of this band, inside
and out, as the pomerium and thought it should
properly be called circam oerium . However, he is
contradicted by Suetonius (frag. p. 313 Roth), who
thought only the strip outside was so designated.
A mutilated passage in Festus (2 9 4 -9 5 L) gives the
learned Antistius Labeo as authority for the word
posim iriu m in pontifical use for pomerium, a place
that the pontifex crosses only after taking the aus
pices, and we may ask whether this does not contain
a germ of the truth, that the true elements of the
word were p o n ere and murus. The boundary was of
the greatest religious importance for every Roman
magistrate and priest.
Tacitus (Ann. 12.24), possibly following Claudius,
describes the original pomerium of Romulus. It be
gan at the bronze bull in the Forum Boarium, ran to
the Ara M axim a Herculis, which it included, turned
and ran along the base of the Palatine to the Altar of
Consus, thence to the Curiae Veteres, and thence to
a Sacellum Larum and the Forum Romanum (where
the manuscript reading is d eforu m q u e). The pomer
ium was marked by stones at regular intervals, pre
sumably inscribed cippi. One leg of this pentagonal
area has been left open, that from the Forum Ro
manum to the Forum Boarium. Presumably the line
turned at the entrance to the Forum Romanum and
ran along the Vicus Tuscus, with the Regia, the
Temple of Vesta, and the Temple of Castor inside,
but the relationship to the Cloaca is unclear. It is also
not plain whether Tacitus is simply relying on a lit
erary source for his information. His line is logical
enough, and the points he mentions would make
suitable turning points, while the line of the fortifi
cations should lie along the brow of the Palatine,
with terracing and scarping to make an easily de
fended, tightly organized area. All that is surprising
is that the line of the pomerium is so far in front of
the line of the wall, a line in the valley that the plow
man would have found easy to drive. O f course,
293
P O M E R IU M
parts of the hill have been lost through erosion, and
the line of the walls along the brow is nowhere ab
solutely certain.
The city is supposed to have been enlarged by Ser-
vius Tullius, who added to its territory the Quirinal
and Viminal, and then the Esquiline. He then forti
fied this with an agger-and-fossa system and so ad
vanced the pomerium (Livy 1.44.3), though ritual
would require that these be done in reverse order.
The Caelian is not mentioned, but the Suburana is
the first regio in the list of sacraria of the Argei (see
Argeorum Sacraria), and traditionally it was a very
old center of habitation. It is included within the cir
cuit of the Servian Walls and, except for the hills ex
cluded for other reasons, the Capitoline and Aven-
tine, is the only hill of republican Rome omitted
from consideration. Its omission must be an over
sight by Livy or his source.
This pomerium persisted in use until the time of
Sulla. Because we now know the Servian Walls are
work of the first half of the fourth century and that
Rome was far too occupied with its enemies and em
pire to give thought to urban magnificence and en
largement until after the Second Punic War, the du
ration of this line will occasion less surprise, and
through the second century the area within the walls
may still have been sufficient. Suburban settlements
must have grown up irregularly along the roads lead
ing out of the city, in part dependent on the traffic
along these, but not requiring annexation and orga
nization. W hat prompted Sulla to action is not clear,
for it is not certain in what his enlargement of the
pomerium consisted. But three terminus cippi of the
praetor L. Sentius (C IL l 2.8 3 8 -3 9 = 6 .3 1 6 1 5 = ILS
8 2 0 8 ; N Sc 1943, 2 6 - 2 8 [C. Caprino]; IL L R P 485)
with slightly archaic forms and clearly of republican
date, all discovered in the neighborhood of the main
railroad station of Rome and southwest of the Cas-
tra Praetoria, are probably to be referred to this en
largement. They forbid the construction of ustrina
and the disposal of waste between their line and the
city. The boundary is made d e senatus sententia, and
Sentius is probably a moneyer known from denarii
assigned by Crawford to 101 B . C . (Crawford 3 2 5 ; B.
M. C oins, R om . R ep. 1 .2 2 7 -2 8 nos. 164259). This
enlargement thus appears to have aimed especially at
taking the Campus Esquilinus into the city, what
Horace (Sat. 1.8.14) calls E squ iliae salubres. This
had been the great cemetery of the common people
of the city, as well as many distinguished Romans,
and its liberation from funeral monuments and its
general organization as a quarter with orderly streets
and sewers must have involved considerable effort.
Probably the new line of the pomerium was drawn
294
from Porta Collina in a gradually widening arc, wid
est opposite the Porta Esquilina, that then drew in to
the line of the Servian Walls again as it approached
the Via Labicana valley.
Sullas extension of the pomerium is attested by a
number of sources, that of Julius Caesar by Cassius
Dio (4 3 .5 0 .1 , 4 4 .4 9 .2 ) and Aulus Gellius (13.14.4),
that of Augustus by Tacitus (Ann. 12.23), who in
effect denies Caesars enlargement, Dio (55.6.6), the
Historia Augusta (Aurel. 2 1 .1 1 ), and possibly cer
tain coins, the evidence of which is not unequivocal,
because they might better refer to the foundation of
colonies. Degrassi (D ox a 2 [1949]: 8 4 85) points
out that the cippi of Augustus that have been found
that refer to public land do not stand on a pomerial
line or offer a pomerial formula and seem likely to
date from Augustuss censorship in 8 B . C . , when he
may well have attended to the recovery and bound
ing of public land at various points on the periphery
of Rome. This then (more likely than his reorgani
zation of the city into fourteen regions) might have
led historians to suppose he extended the pomerium,
when in fact he did not. Julius Caesars enlargement
seems equally doubtful, for the two obvious areas for
anyone to have added between the time of Sulla and
that of Claudius, the Aventine and the Campus Mar-
tius, seem clearly not to have been included until
Claudius redrew the pomerium. We have specific tes
timony to this effect for the Aventine (Seneca, De
Brev. Vit. 1 3 .8 ; A. Gellius 1 3 .1 4 .4 -7 ), whereas the
continuance of burial in the Campus Martius (e.g.,
Hirtius and Pansa in 43 B . C . , the bustum of Hirtius
having been found under the Palazzo della Cancel
lera) is proof that it was not included until late. Ex
cept for Sullas inclusion of the Campus Esquilinus,
a real revision of the pomerium seems to have been
put off to the time of Claudius.
Eight cippi belonging to the Claudian revision
have so far come to light, four of them preserving
numbers from a continuous sequence, as well as the
inscription commemorating this revision and the
word p om eriu m inscribed on the top. This revision
is further attested in our literary sources by Tacitus
(Ann. 12.24) and Aulus Gellius (13.14.7). It appears
to have been very thorough and very much needed.
The line seems to have run counterclockwise from
the river at a point below the Aventine on a course a
bit inside a line that was later to become that of the
Aurelian Walls as far as Porta Pia, and then to have
swept considerably to the north to a point 3 3 0 m
north of Porta Flaminia. However, the Via Flaminia
was almost certainly excluded in some way, together
with the area west of this in which the ustrina of the
Antonines (see, e.g., Faustina M aior, Diva, Ara) were

built. A cippus of Hadrian found in the foundation
of a wall near S. Stefano del Cacco seems to prove
that the line ran following a roughly circular arc as
far as Via Flaminia and then turned south along the
east side of that street, at least as far as the Petronia
Amnis under modern Piazza Venezia, then west past
the Divorum, and returned north and west to include
most of the rest of the Campus Martius, but to ex
clude the Mausoleum Augusti and Tarentum. Cer
tain important rites had still to be performed outside
the pomerium, and for these the northern reaches of
the old Campus Martius seem to have been reserved.
One Claudian cippus from the neighborhood of S.
Lucia della Chiavica (or del Gonfalone) seems to give
the boundary of this zone, and its evidence is sup
ported by another cippus of Hadrian not far away.
There is no way of telling whether Claudius included
a section of the right bank of the Tiber within his
pomerium, but it seems not unlikely, because he
seems to have had some notion of drawing a circle
around a central point, perhaps the Milliarium
Aureum (q.v.), and then modifying this as necessity
and utility might dictate.
Claudiuss work on the pomerium was the most
important since that of Servius Tullius and seems to
have enlarged the city in every direction, except pos
sibly to the east, where he may have maintained the
line established by Sulla. The process must have en
tailed the neutralization of thousands of tombs, to
say nothing of other difficulties, such as the inclusion
of the Aventine, and was one of the m ajor accom
plishments of Claudiuss reign. We would give much
to know how the task was performed, but not only
are our only sources very brief, Tacitus (Ann. 12.24)
saying only that it was done m o re prisco, by which
he seems to mean with a plow harnessed to a bull
and a cow, but Claudius did not commemorate the
work on his coinage, so we have no representation
of it. Tacitus says that the right of Claudius to en
large the pomerium came from his having enlarged
the imperium of Rome by the conquest and annexa
tion of Britain. This is confirmed by Seneca (D e Brev.
Vit. 13.8) and Aulus Gellius (13.1 4 .3 ), both of
whom say that such enlargement conferred this
right, though few availed themselves of it. One sus
pects Claudius of looking for a pretext for a reform
long overdue, rather than of a wish to make much of
the conquest.
But Vespasians enlargement of the pomerium, if it
amounted to more than exercising his right to do so,
must have been a very modest one. The power to do
so was decreed him by law (C IL 6 .9 3 0 = IL S 244),
and three cippi belonging to his pomerium have
come to light (C IL 6 .3 15 38a -c = IL S 248), none of
P O M E R IU M
Figure 6 7
Pom erium o f Im perial
R o m e w ith L o catio n
CIPPU S OF C L A U D IU S (7) o f Cippi Found in Situ,
CIPPUS OF V E S P A S I A N (3) Show ing R ela tio n to
CIPPUS OF H A D R IA N (31 the A urelian Walls
which can have marked a significant advance beyond
the line we have suggested for Claudius, though the
significance of their find spots has been doubted. We
can dismiss Vespasians pomerium as a token work
at best, probably almost entirely a renewal of the
pomerium of Claudius.
Hadrian is the next princeps we are sure was con
cerned with the pomerium, and his work was cer
tainly simply restoration, as the inscriptions on his
cippi attest. Four of these cippi have come to light,
two of which show that the Divorum and the north
ern part of the Campus Martius at least were still
maintained as areas extra p om eriu m (C IL 6.31539a-
b = 1LS 311). From the inscriptions on these cippi we
learn that the actual work was done by the college
of augurs, ex senatus con su lto, a u ctore im p. C aesare,
in a . d . 121, so Hadrians part in the work was prob
ably slight. Very likely Hadrian was off on his travels
and no longer in Rome when it was carried out. The
fact that it was the augurs, rather than the pontfices
or a magistrate such as the praefectus urbi, who were
charged with the task is not really surprising, be
cause auspices must have had to be taken on every
day of work and surveying the line after more than a
half-century may have been a considerable undertak
ing. Unfortunately, no one tells us how long any of
these resurveys of the pomerium took.
This pomerium remained in effect at least until the
295
P O N S A E L IU S
time of Aurelian. He is reported (S.H.A. Aurel. 2 1 .9 -
11) to have enlarged the circuit of Rome with the
fortifications still standing today through most of
their course on the left bank of the Tiber. These lie
well outside the line known for any earlier pomerium
in all but the north-northeast sector. However, at the
time these were built, a d h ib ito con silio senatus,
he did not enlarge the pomerium, but waited until
he had enlarged the imperium of Rome. Whether
then he ran the pomerium a little distance in front
of the wall is not stated, and no cippi belonging to
it are known, but we may presume that was the
case.
W hat then can we say about the others for whom
it is claimed that they advanced the pomerium with
out further evidence for any advance: Julius Caesar,
Augustus, Nero, and Trajan, the last two only on the
dubious authority of the life of Aurelian? We already
have dealt with Augustus; the assertion is probably
the result of a confusion about his reorganization of
the city. But the right to extend the pomerium was a
high honor and is likely to have been eagerly pur
sued, even if it might have come to be expected as a
sequel to any significant conquest. The life of Aure
lian seems hardly to be trusted in view of silence else
where, and we can dismiss N eros and Trajans ad
vances as unlikely. But Julius Caesar is likely to have
wanted the power and to have contemplated using
it. The date of his work on the pomerium is not
given, but if Sulla did no more than include the Cam
pus Esquilinus, Julius Caesar may have restored the
line elsewhere around the circuit.
M EFR 5 4 (1937): 1 6 5 -9 9 (M. Labrousse); PW 21
(1952): s.v. Pomerium, 18677 6 (A. von Blumen-
thal); R endP ontA cc, ser. 3 .5 1 -5 2 (1 9 7 8 -7 9 ): 195
212 (E. Rodriguez Almeida); Boatwright 6 4 - 6 6 .
Pons Aelius: the modern Ponte SantAngelo, built
by Hadrian in connection with the Mausoleum Ha-
driani (q.v.) but probably also with a view to open
ing the area adjacent on the right bank of the Tiber
to development and habitation, finished in a . d . 134
(C IL 6 .9 7 3 ; Cass. Dio 6 9 .2 3 .1 ; S.H.A. H adr. 19.11).
It is listed in the regionary catalogues (app.) and Po-
lemius Silvius (VZ 1.308). It is also called Pons Ha-
driani a little later (Prudentius, P eristepb. 12.61;
M irabilia, Jordan 2 .6 1 7 , V Z 3 .2 6 ; Pol. Silv., VZ
1.308) and eventually Pons S. Petri and Pons S. An-
geli (Anon. M agliabech., V Z 4 .1 2 8 ). It has three
main arches, 18.39 m in diameter, with three smaller
arches connecting it to the left bank, 3, 3.5, and 7.59
m in diameter, and two arches connecting it to the
right bank, 7 .5 9 and 3.75 m in diameter. From the
central part over the main arches the bridge sloped
down at an angle of fifteen degrees, and the ap
296
proach to it from the left bank was by a long ramp.
Its overall width was 10.95 m. The material is trav
ertine with peperino on the interior. The inscription
was probably on the parapet, which collapsed under
the press of pilgrims in December 1450; it had been
read as late as 1375. The bridge up to that time had
stood apparently almost undamaged. In 1527 Pope
Clement VII added the statues of saints Peter and
Paul, and in 1 6 6 9 -1 6 7 1 Pope Clement IX added
the series of angels by Bernini. The approaches to the
bridge were covered in time but remained until the
building of the Tiber embankment in this sector in
1892, at which time they were uncovered and stud
ied before they were destroyed. Now only the central
part remains.
Jordan 1 .1 .4 1 6 ; N Sc 1892, 2 3 1 -3 3 (L. Borsari);
B u llC om 21 (1893): 1 4 - 2 6 (R. Lanciani); JR S 15
(1925): 9598 (S. Rowland Pierce); CAR 1-H, 70
pp. 8586; Nash 2 .1 7 8 - 8 1 ; Gazzola 2: no. 179.
Pons Aemilius: According to Livy (40.5 1 .4 ), M.
Fulvius Nobilior, when censor in 179 B . C . , let the
contract for the construction of pilas pon tis in Ti-
beri. In this most people believe he was associated
with his colleague M . Aemilius Lepidus, but Livy
seems to think that they acted independently in most
of their works. In 142 B . C . P. Scipio Africanus and L.
Mummius had arches (fornices) built on those piers.
This was the first stone bridge in Rome. In 156 B . C .
a great storm threw the tectum of a p on s m axim us
into the Tiber (Obsequens 16), which almost cer
tainly means this bridge and gives the name by which
it was commonly known to distinguish it from the
Pons Sublicius (and probably other wooden bridges
and pontoon bridges that might have existed and ex
plains why, when it was rebuilt, it should have re
ceived the name of its rebuilder. In all our other
sources, which are all admittedly of relatively late
date, it is almost never called anything but Pons
Aemilius (Fast. Allif., Amit., Val. a d X III Kal.
Sept. = 17 August; Pol. Silv., V Z 1 .3 0 8 ; regionary
catalogues [app.]); the one exception is in the Cos-
m og rap h ia (Riese, G eog . L at. Min. 83), in which we
find: p er p o n tem L ep id i, qu i nunc abu sive L ap id eu s
dicitur iuxta F oru m B oariu m . Plutarch (N um a 9.3)
seems to give the gist of the inscription of its re
builder; he was an Aemilius Lepidus who was quaes
tor, but it is impossible to tell which of at least six
men of this name in the period that interests us it
might have been.
A marble arch in p latea p on tis san ctae M ariae qui
p on s sen atoru m vocatu r (Anon. Magliabech., VZ
4.122) carried an inscription (C IL 6.878) recording
a restoration by Augustus after 12 B . C . This was al
most certainly a bridgehead arch, and his restoration

was of the bridge itself. Besides Pons Senatorum, it
seems also to have been called Pons Nlaior (Einsie-
deln itinerary 6 .4 ; Jordan 2 .6 5 2 53). The identifi
cation of the Pons Aemilius with the present-day
Ponte Rotto is regarded as certain. The Pons Subli-
cius (q.v.) led from the Forum Boarium to the south
west, carrying the traffic interested especially in the
salt trade to the Via Portuensis and the saltworks
near the mouth of the river. In contrast, the Pons Ae
milius led almost due west, carrying the traffic bound
for Caere and the cities of coastal Etruria. This dif
ference explains why the earliest bridges in Rome
should have stood so close together; they served very
different purposes.
The ancient bridge stood almost intact until 1557,
when a flood destroyed part of it. Pope Gregory XIII
repaired it, but in 1598 the eastern half was swept
away, and in 1887 two of the three arches still stand
ing were removed, so a single arch still stands in mid
river just above Ponte Palatino. Recent investigations
show that the remains of an older bridge stood
slightly to the north of this and crossed the river at a
slightly different angle; this must be the bridge of
Fulvius Nobilior. The later structure consisted of six
main arches with a ramp of approach on the left
bank carried on a lesser arch, the last main arch at
either end also carrying a ramped roadway. The con
struction is of peperino faced with travertine; the
cutwaters and flood lunettes between arches show
great sophistication in engineering. An Augustan
date is universally accepted.
Jordan 1 .1 .4 2 0 -2 1 ; Delbriick, H ellen istiscke Bau-
ten, 1 .1 2 -2 2 ; Nash 2 .1 8 2 -8 3 ; Gazzola 2: no. 2 8 ;
Coarelli 1988, 1 3 9 -4 7 .
Pons Agrippae: a bridge 160 m upstream from
Ponte Sisto, known from a cippus of the time of
Claudius set up by the curatores riparum (C1L
6 .31545 = IL S 5 9 2 6 ; N Sc 1887, 3 2 2 -2 7 [L. Bor-
sari]; B u llC om 15 [1887]: 3 0 6 13 [G. G atti]) and
the discovery of the remains of four piers in the riv
erbed during work on the modern embankment. The
purpose of this bridge is uncertain, because it seems
to lack connection with known streets on either side
of the river. It must have served to carry the Aqua
Virgo across to the Transtiberim (Frontinus, Aq.
2.84), but that cannot have been its main purpose.
We have record of its restoration and rededication by
Antoninus Pius in a . d . 147 (A. Degrassi, Inscrip-
tiones Italiae, 13.1, 207, 673).
B u llC om 16 (1888) 9 2 -9 8 (L. Borsari); Nash
2.184.
Pons Aurelius: mentioned in the fourth and fifth
centuries (N otitia [app.]; Pol. Silv., V Z 1.308), but
P O N S C E S T IU S
certainly to be identified with the Pons Antoninus or
Antonini in Arenula of the Middle Ages (M irabilia,
Jordan 2 .6 1 7 , V Z 3 .2 6 ; G raphia 21, V Z 3 .8 4 ;
Anon. Magliabech., V Z 4.1 2 8 ). It is also called Ian-
icularis, Tremulus, Valentinianus, and, after its par
tial destruction, Ruptus and Fractus. This was par
tially destroyed in 791792 and rebuilt in 1 4 7 3
1475 by Pope Sixtus IV, from whom it received its
modern name, Ponte Sisto. The spring of the first
arch on the right bank and some of the foundations
can still be seen and show that the original bridge
was wider than the modern one. The original bridge
must have been built by someone who carried both
the names Aurelius and Antoninus, either Marcus
Aurelius or Caracalla, but more likely the latter
in view of the buildings of Septimius Severus
in this part of the Transtiberim (S.H.A. Sept. Sev.
19.5).
In 1878 were found remains of the earlier bridge
and also of a bridgehead arch, including inscriptions
(C IL 6 .3 1 4 0 2 -3 1 4 1 2 ; IL S 7 6 6 , 769) and substantial
fragments of bronze statuary (B u llC om 6 [1878]:
24148 [R. Lanciani]; R om M itt 26 [1911]: 2 3 8 -5 9
[G. Dehn]). An interesting fragment of a fluviometer
was also found (B u llC om 20 [1892]: 13945 [D.
M archetti]). The inscriptions record a restoration of
the bridge by Valentinian I in a . d . 3 6 5 -3 6 6 and ex
plain a reference in Ammianus Marcellinus (27.3.3).
The name Pons Valentinianus may have been in use
for at least a short time, for it appears in the M ira
bilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 7 , V Z 3.26) but seems not to have
been understood by the author. Certainly the name
Pons Antoninus persisted.
Jordan 1.1.41718; Nash 2 .1 8 5 86.
Pons Caligulae: the wooden bridge by which Calig
ula was able to cross the valley between the Palatine
and Capitoline so that he could go directly from the
palace to the Capitoline temple (Suetonius, Calig.
22.4). The bridge went over the Temple of Divus Au
gustus, but it is not clear whether it used this as a
support. Immediately after Caligulas death this must
have been dismantled, for it has left no trace.
Pons Cestius: modern Ponte S. Bartolomeo, the
stone bridge that connects the Tiber island with the
Transtiberim. It is not mentioned before the region-
ary catalogues, but was probably originally a late re
publican work. Whether the name Pons Cestius re
fers to the original builder or to a restorer is
unknown; in the late republican period the Cestii
were an undistinguished family and first given prom
inence by the builder of the pyramid, C. Cestius
Epulo (see Sepulcrum Cestii). It was restored by An
toninus Pius in a . d . 152 (A. Degrassi, In scriptiones
297
P O N S F A B R IC IU S
Italiae, 13.1, 2 0 7 , 673). In the fourth century the
bridge was replaced by a new structure finished in
369 by the emperors Valentinian I, Valens, and Gra-
tian and dedicated in 3 7 0 as the Pons Gratiani (Pol.
Silv., V Z 1.308), the event being recorded on marble
tablets mounted in the parapet of the bridge and on
the bridge itself under the parapet (C IL 6 .1 1 7 5 ,
1176; IL S 771, 772). The bridge was 48 m long,
8.20 m wide, and composed of a single central arch
23.65 m in span and a smaller arch at either end 5.80
m in span. The materials are tufa and peperino with
facings of travertine. Although the masonry shows
signs of roughness, the design seems to have been ele
gant and to have followed the lines of its predecessor.
The bridge has been restored at various times since
the twelfth century, but in 1 8 8 0 1892, in the con
struction of the new embankment of the Tiber, it be
came necessary to dismantle the whole bridge and to
replace it with one 8 0 .4 0 m long with three arches
all of the span of the central arch of the old bridge.
Although some old material was used in its construc
tion, at least two-thirds of this bridge is completely
modern.
Jordan 1 .1 .4 1 8 2 0 ; Nash 2 .1 8 7 8 8 ; Gazzola 2:
no. 41.
Pons Fabricius: the stone bridge connecting the left
bank of the Tiber with the island, named for its
builder, L. Fabricius, curator viarum in 62 B . C .
(Cass. Dio 3 7 .4 5 .3 ; Horace, Sat. 2 .3 .3 5 -3 6 and Por-
phyrion ad loc.). A commemorative inscription
appears in duplicate over the arches on each side,
together with inscriptions commemorating a resto
ration after damage in the flood of 23 B . C . by the
consuls Q. Lepidus and M. Lollius (C IL 12.751
= 6.1 3 0 5 = 3 1 5 9 4 = IL S 5 8 9 2 ; Cass. Dio 53 .3 3 .5 ).
In the Middle Ages it was known by its proper name
(Pol. Silv., V Z 1 .3 0 8 ; M irabilia, Jordan 2 .6 1 7 , V Z
3.26) and as Pons Iudaeorum, because of its prox
imity to the ghetto. In G rap h ia 21 (VZ 3.84) we find
F abricii in P onte Iu d aeoru m .
It is the best preserved bridge of Rome, built of
tufa and peperino faced with travertine. It is com
posed of two semicircular arches with a large cutwa
ter surmounted by a flood lunette between. It is 62
m long, with arches o f 2 4 .2 4 m and 2 4 .5 0 m span.
In 1679 Pope Innocent X I added the present parapet,
and in 1849 were mounted in it two interesting four
headed herms in marble, which do not belong to the
bridge but have given it its modern name of Ponte
Quattro Capi (L. A. Holland, Jan u s an d the B ridge
[Rome 1961], 2 1 2 -2 3 ).
Jordan 1 .1 .4 1 8 -2 0 ; Nash 2 .1 8 9 -9 0 ; Gazzola 2:
no. 40.
Pons H adriani: see Pons Aelius.
298
Pons Ianiculensis: see Pons Aurelius.
Pons Lapideus: see Pons Aemilius.
Pons Lepidi: see Pons Aemilius.
Pons M axim us: see Pons Aemilius.
Pons Naum achiarius: see N aum achia Augusti.
Pons Neronianus: a bridge mentioned in the M ir
a bilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 7 ; V Z 3 .8 4 ), p o n s N eron ian u s a d
Sassiam , and Anonymous Magliabechianus (VZ
4 .1 2 8 ), p on s N eron is, id est p on s ruptus a d Sanctum
Spiritum in Sassia. The latter therefore locates it very
precisely for us and shows that it was in ruined con
dition in the fifteenth century. Because it is omitted
from the regionary catalogues and does not figure in
Procopiuss account of the assault of the Goths on
the bridgehead fortress of the Mausoleum Hadriani
(B ellG oth 1 .2 2 .1 2 24), we can presume it was al
ready ruined in the fourth century. However, remains
of the piers still exist deep in the riverbed and can be
seen when the water is low. The bridge crossed the
river running northwest just below Ponte Vittorio
Emanuele, connecting the Campus Martius with the
valley between the Janiculan hill and the Vatican,
and in some sense with the whole of the northern
part of the ag er Vaticanus, although its main purpose
at the time of construction may have been to provide
access to the Circus Gaii et Neronis (q.v.). At the
head of the bridge on the left bank was the Arcus
Arcadii, Honorii, et Theodosii of a . d . 405 (q.v.),
which may have been a bridgehead arch pressed into
other service after the bridge had collapsed. Whether
the name Pons Neronianus goes back to antiquity
or was a medieval invention is unknown. The Via
Triumphalis begins at its head on the right bank, so
it got the name Pons Triumphalis in the sixteenth
century, when Pope Julius II proposed to rebuild it in
order to connect Via Giulia and Via Triumphalis.
Jordan 1 .1 .4 1 6 -1 7 ; CAR 1-H, 102 p. 9 3 ; Nash
2 .1 9 3 -9 5 .
Pons Probi: a bridge listed in the regionary cata
logues and by Polemius Silvius (VZ 1.308), probably
a new construction of the emperor Probus ( a . d .
2 7 6 282) and lower on the Tiber than the other
bridges, as it is listed last. This is now commonly
identified with a still later bridge that spanned the
Tiber just below the north corner of the Aventine,
but Nolli shows Muri Antichi in the middle of the
river just upstream from the western corner of the
Aventine, so it may be that we really do have to do
with two bridges here, in which case the Pons Probi
is that farther upstream, and the Pons Theodosii was

a replacement for it after its collapse. It is interesting
that in that case the Pons Probi was a more durable
ruin. In the Middle Ages we find mention of a Pons
Marmoreus Theodosii (M irabilia, Jordan 2 .6 1 7 ; VZ
3.26) and Pons Theodosii in Riparmea (G raphia 21,
VZ 3.84). The last is variously emended, by Jordan
to in ripa R om an a, by PA to in ripa rom ea, which is
explained as allusion to the nearby Marmorata
(q.v.). Because a marble bridge at this time would
seem a strange extravagance, some allusion to the
marble wharves seems not unlikely, but Jordan takes
m arm oreu s as simply equivalent to lapideus.
From the papers of Symmachus (M G H 6: R ela-
tiones 25, 2 6 ; Epist. 4.70[71] and 5 .7 6 [7 4 ]), it ap
pears that work had begun on the Bridge of Theo
dosius before 3 8 4 but had been fraught with
difficulties of one sort and another, and the bridge
was still unfinished in 387 . It is described as a new
bridge, and there is discussion of laying foundations
for it, but, given its location and the lack of other
evidence, it is generally believed to have been a re
building of the Pons Probi. It was partly destroyed in
the eleventh century and almost entirely obliterated
in 1484 by Pope Sixtus IV. The stumps of its piers,
which showed that the arches and piers were faced
with travertine, were removed in 18771878.
Jordan 1.1.4212 2 ; Nash 2 .1 9 6 97.
Pons Sublicius: the oldest and most famous of the
bridges spanning the Tiber, originally built by Ancus
Marcius (Livy 1 .3 3 .6 ; Plutarch, N um a 9 .2 - 3 ; Dion.
Hal. 3.4 5 .2 ). According to these sources, its name
came from sublica (pile), and it was constructed
without the use of any metal (Dion. Hal. 3 .4 5 .2 ,
9 .6 8 .2 ; Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 0 0 ; Servius a d Aen. 8.646). It
was the direct concern of the college of pontifices, its
construction and preservation being matters of reli
gion. Its destruction by floods, which was not infre
quent, was always regarded as a prodigiu m (Cass.
Dio 3 7 .5 8 .3 , 5 0 .8 .3 , 5 3 .3 3 .5 , 5 5 .2 2 .3 ), but it was
always repaired and was still standing in the fourth
century and listed in the regionary catalogues. Its fi
nal destruction is perhaps to be put in the fifth cen
tury. It is represented schematically on a medallion
of Antoninus Pius showing Horatius swimming the
river after his successful defense of the bridge (Gnec-
chi 2 .9 , Antoninus Pius no. 5 ; Band 2 .3 .5 8 no. 52).
The notion that it goes back to a time before the use
of iron was known is mistaken; the use of metal of
any sort was prohibited. Apparently religious scru
ples were at work here, rather than considerations of
facility in dismantling the bridge when danger
threatened, as the story of Horatius makes plain
(Livy 2 .1 0 .2 -1 1 ; Val. M ax. 3 .2 .1 ; Dion. Hal.
5 .2 3 .2 -2 4 .3 ).
The location of the bridge is not entirely certain.
P O R T A A P P IA
Its head lay in the Forum Boarium, and it is natural
to think that the Porta Flumentana of the Servian
Walls (which it antedated) led directly to it. But the
story of the flight and death of Gaius Gracchus (Val.
M ax. 4 .7 .2 ; Plutarch, C. G raccb. 17.1; Appian,
B ellC iv 1 .2 6 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 65) suggests
that its head was at a point between the Porta Flu
mentana and the Porta Trigemina, and between the
mouth of the Cloaca and that of the Circus Maximus
brook. Because its original purpose was to replace
the ferry that had transported those in quest of salt
to the right bank of the Tiber and the Via Portuensis,
the opposite bridgehead must have lain downstream,
but no trace of an ancient road connecting it with
the Via Portuensis has been identified. The stories of
Horatius and Gaius Gracchus show that the bridge
was narrow and could be defended even by a single
man, and the account of the flight of the Vestals to
Caere before the approach of the Gauls (Livy
5 .4 0 .7 -1 0 ; Val. M ax. 1.1.10) shows that it was only
a footbridge.
Jordan 1 .1 .3 9 9 407.
Pons Theodosii: see Pons Probi.
Pons Triumphalis: see Pons Neronianus.
Porta Agonensis: see Porta Collina.
Porta Appia: the modern Porta S. Sebastiano, a gate
in the Aurelian Walls through which passed the Via
Appia. All the gates in this wall seem to have been
named for the roads they span, except the Porta Me-
trovia. The correct name survived as late as the
twelfth century (Magister Gregorius, V Z 3.145).
The gate began as a broad twin-arched entrance
with a two-storeyed facing of blocks of travertine,
flanked by brick-faced towers of semicircular plan.
The design was utilitarian; above the gate and in the
second storey of the towers were chambers with
loopholes for defenders, and there was a battle-
mented roof. In a second period, probably the time
of Maxentius, when the gallery was added to the
wall, a new structure engulfed the old wall and tow
ers. The massive new towers were full circles in plan
added in front of the wall and incorporated with it
and rose four storeys in height. An inner court was
constructed behind the gate, giving access to the tow
ers by flights of stairs and probably providing guard
rooms and offices. To create this, the ornamental
arch of the Aqua Antoniniana known as the Arco di
Druso was made a rear gate to this courtyard. In a
third period, the time of Honorius, quadrangular
bastions of marble and brick were built around the
bases of the towers up to the height of the wall walk.
The marble blocks of the lower storey were pillaged
299
P O R T A A R D E A T IN A (L A U R E N T IN A ? )
from other constructions, probably chiefly tombs in
the vicinity, but redressed to the new work and given
a finishing cornice. At the same time the gate itself
was reduced to a single arch and given a new faade
of marble and brick to make it conform to the tower
bastions. This is essentially the gate we see today.
Later there were changes made in the interior ar
rangements, and eventually another storey was
added to the towers and curtain. The final height of
the towers is about 28 m.
Richmond 1214 2 ; Nash 2 .1 9 8 99.
Porta Ardeatina (Laurentina?): assumed to be the
name of the gate in the Aurelian Walls through
which the Via Ardeatina (which may actually have
been called Via Laurentina) passed, although this is
not attested in our sources. The logical line of a road
from Porta Naevia in the Servian Walls runs through
the part of the Aurelian Walls destroyed to create the
Bastione di Sangallo of 1 5 3 7 -1 5 4 2 , and one of San-
gallos drawings shows a small gate at this point of
the sort used for third-class roads. It was early
walled up and is not mentioned in the Einsiedeln list.
Richmond 2 1 7 -1 9 ; Nash 2 .2 0 0 -2 0 3 .
Porta Argiletana: mentioned only once (Servius ad
Aen. 8.345) in a series of explanations of the name
Argiletum; namely, that there was a gate of this name
that a Cassius Argillus had built, or rebuilt. But no
Cassius Argillus is known, and the cognomen is oth
erwise unattested. Where such a gate would have
been and what its purpose might have been con
ceived to be are problems almost as great. While we
can dismiss the explanation as a fabrication, we have
not explained the difficulties.
Porta Asinaria (Fig. 16): the gate in the Aurelian
Walls on the Caelian just southwest of the modern
Porta S. Giovanni through which passed the Via As
inaria (q.v.). The road was comparatively unimpor
tant, and the original gate was unimpressive. Its
name is given correctly by Magister Gregorius in the
twelfth century (VZ 3 .1 4 5 ); in the M irabilia (Jordan
2 .6 0 7 ; V Z 3.18) it is called Porta Asinaria Latera-
nensis. It was closed in 1408 but apparently re
opened within a few weeks and was not permanently
closed until the construction of Porta S. Giovanni in
1574, at which time the Porta Asinaria was stripped
of its travertine facing. In 19511955 it was re
opened and restored and its vantage court excavated,
so now it is one of the most informative of the gates
in the Aurelian Walls.
The original gate was a simple arch between two
of the usual square towers of Aurelian. In time, with
the increase of importance of the road through it at
the beginning of the fifth century, Honorius com
300
pletely rebuilt the Porta Asinaria. It was then pro
vided with two cylindrical towers addorsed to the
wall just inside the older square ones, and the level
of the archway was raised. The new towers were of
three storeys, and the old square ones were used for
stairs of access to these. The gate was faced with
travertine and covered by two storeys corresponding
to the lower storeys of the new towers with rows of
arched windows on the faade for the defenders. In
the interior was a vantage court with bowed sides
and an inner gate.
Richmond 1 4 4 -5 9 ; C apitoliu m 29 (1954): 9 7 -
104 (G. Gatti); Nash 2 .2 0 4 -5 .
Porta Aurelia (1): modern Porta S. Pancrazio, the
gate at the summit of the Janiculan hill through
which the Via Aurelia (q.v.), the main road to the
west and the coastal cities of Etruria, passed. The
name occurs correctly in the Einsiedeln itinerary 6.1
(Jordan 2.6 5 2 ) and M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 0 8 ; VZ
3.18) but is early altered to Pancratiana, in allusion
to the nearby church of S. Pancratius, or Transtiber-
ina (Procopius, B ellG o th 1 .1 8 .3 5 , 19.4, 28 .1 9). In
the rebuilding of the walls on the Janiculan hill by
Urban VIII in 1644 this gate was completely rebuilt;
it was then destroyed in the bombardment by the
French in 1849 and reconstructed in its present form
by Vespignani. O f the original form, one can only
say that it was a gate of secondary importance, a
single arch in the curtain between two square towers.
It is mentioned with the name Porta Aurea in
Magister Gregorius (VZ 3.144) and the M irabilia
(Jordan 2 .6 0 8 ; V Z 3 .1 8 ; cf. LPD 1.152n.9).
Richmond 2 2 1 2 3 ; Nash 2 .2 0 6 7; B u llC om 91.1
(1986): 1 2 7 -2 9 (L. Cozza).
Porta Aurelia (2): also known as Porta S. Petri
(Procopius, B ellG o tb 1.19.4, 2 2 .1 2 2 5 ; cf. 18.35)
and usually so called in medieval documents (Einsie
deln itinerary 1.1, 2 .1 , 7 .1 , 9 .1 ; D M H = Jordan
2 .5 7 8 -8 0 ). It seems clear from Procopiuss narrative
that it defended the Transtiberim end of the Pons Ae-
lius and spanned the Via Cornelia and is identical
with the Porta Cornelia. It seems likely that Via Cor
nelia linked up with Via Aurelia, and we know that
it was under the supervision of the Curatores Viae
Aureliae, so the confusion of the two might have
been very easy. After the conversion of the Mauso
leum Hadriani into an outpost of the defenses of
Rome, the gate of the Aurelian Walls at the bridge
on the left bank would have lost its importance.
For a different view, see R endP ontA cc 61 (19 88
89): 3 3 8 - 4 2 (N. Degrassi).
Porta Caelimontana (Figs. 16, 5 8 .9 ): a gate in the
Servian Walls on the Caelian (Cicero, Pis. 55, 61;

Livy 2 .1 1 .8 , 3 5 .9 .2 3; Appian, B ellC w 1.58). There
is some doubt about which of two gates believed to
have been on the Caelian this would have been, but
opinion is now in favor of that marked by the Arcus
Dolabellae et Silani (q.v.), a rebuilding of the time of
Augustus ( a . d . 10) later used by Nero in his exten
sion of the Aqua Claudia to carry the aqueduct
across a road. This is on the crest of the Caelian, and
toward it important arteries seem to have converged.
Saflund 2012.
Porta Capena (Fig. 5 8 .1 0 ): a gate in the Servian
Walls in the valley between the Caelian and Aven-
tinus M inor through which the Via Appia issued
from the city, frequently described as a d C am enas
(Livy 1.26.2, 3 .2 2 .4 ; Servius a d A en. 7 .6 9 7 ; Fron-
tinus, A q. 1.5 and 19; Ovid, Fast. 4 .3 4 5 , 5 .6 7 3 ,
6 .1 9 2 ; Dion. Hal. 8.4 .1 ; Paulus ex Fest. 97L, 102L,
Festus 470L ). The derivation of the name is mysteri
ous; there is no real reason to believe there is any
connection with the Faliscan town of Capena, and
attempts to derive it from Capua and Camenae are
equally unsatisfactory. Domitian is said to have re
stored the Porta Capena (Chron. 146), but the point
of so doing in his time is difficult to see, unless it was
as a triumphal arch (see Suetonius, D om . 13.2). This
may well be a mistake for the Porta Carmentalis/
Triumphalis, which Domitian did indeed rebuild. An
aqueduct crossed the valley on, or very close to, the
Porta Capena (M artial 3 .4 7 .1 ; Juvenal 3.11 and
schol.), probably a branch of the Anio Vetus, which
is said to have served Regio XII.
Saflund 1 9 9 -2 0 1 .
Porta Carmentalis (Fig. 5 8 .1 6 ): the double gate in
the Servian Walls through which the Vicus Iugarius
passed, dividing into two branches just before reach
ing the gate, one branch curving to the right around
the base of the Capitoline Hill and going through the
Forum Holitorium, the other entering the Forum
Boarium and probably originally running to the
mouth of the Cloaca on the Tiber, but later diverted
to run southeast parallel to the river. The gate took
its name from the shrine of Carmenta (Vergil, Aen.
8.3374 1 ; Dion. Hal. 1.32.3; Festus 4 5 0 L ; Solinus
1.13). The two arches were perhaps always at an
angle to each other, and the shrine of Carmenta was
by the right-hand gate as one left the city, the one
that came to be called Porta Scelerata because the
306 Fabii were supposed to have left by it when they
marched out on their disastrous campaign against
Veii in 479/478 B . C . and all perished by the Cremera
(Festus 450L , 358L ; Ovid, Fast. 2 .2 0 1 - 4 ; Cass. Dio
frag. 2 0 [2 1 ].3 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 1 4 .3 -5 ). The
other fornix must have been the Porta Triumphalis,
the gate by which triumphators ceremonially entered
P O R T A C A T U L A R IA
the city and by which as a special honor the cortege
of Augustus departed (Cicero, Pis. 5 5 ; Josephus,
B elllu d 7 .5 .4 .1 3 0 -3 1 ; Tacitus, Ann. 1 .8 .4 ; Sueton
ius, Aug. 1 0 0 .2 ; Cass. Dio 5 6 .4 2 .1 ). It was rebuilt by
Domitian and surmounted by a triumphal car drawn
by elephants (M artial 8 .6 5 .1 -1 2 ), and it is shown on
reliefs of the time of Marcus Aurelius (Ryberg, Panel
R eliefs pis. 2 2 , 23).
The exact location of the gate is elusive. During
the excavations carried out in the vicinity of
SantOmobono beginning in 1937, the whole of the
area in which the Porta Carmentalis was believed to
lie was uncovered without yielding any clear trace of
either the gate or the shrine (but cf. Q A rchE tr 1
[1978]: 57 [P. Virgili]). It is therefore presumed that
they must lie farther down toward the Forum Boar
ium.
Because the Servian Walls did not yet exist at the
time when the disaster of the Cremera is supposed to
have occurred, we must look for another explana
tion for the name Porta Scelerata and can find it in
that this was the gate by which corpses were regu
larly carried out to pyres in the Campus Martius.
Ovid (Fast. 2 .2 0 1 -4 ) and Festus (358L) say that it
was regarded as unlucky to go out by this gate, so
one must regularly have gone out by the adjacent
Porta Triumphalis, unless one were part of a cortege.
However, it seems to have been improper for any
governor returning from a province to enter the city
by the Porta Triumphalis, unless he were actually a
triumphator (Cicero, Pis. 5 5 ), and this prohibition
might have been extended to other people as omi
nous. One went out by the Porta Triumphalis and
came in by the Porta Scelerata/Carmentalis, except
in special circumstances. This explains the honor ac
corded Augustus.
Saflund 1 8 0 -8 3 , 1 9 4 95. On the Porta Trium
phalis, see Coarelli 1988, 3 6 3 - 4 1 4 and the literature
cited there.
Porta C atularia: Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 39L) tells
us that this gate got its name from the fact that not
far from it red dogs were sacrificed to appease the
fury of the dog star and to ensure proper ripening of
the grain. Ovid (Fast. 4 .9 0 1 42) informs us that this
was on the occasion of the Robigalia, 25 April, and
the officiating priest was the Flamen Quirinalis. The
grove of Robigo was at the fifth milestone of the Via
Claudia/Clodia (Fast. Praen. a d V II K al. M ai.), but
Ovid is explicit that on this occasion he encountered
the priest with a company of people solemnly
dressed in white while on his way back from Nomen-
tum to Rome, when he would naturally be on the Via
Nomentana. The animals had already been slaugh
tered at that time, and the flamen was on his way to
the grove. Because the Via Nomentana is a consid
301
P O R T A C H IU S A
erable distance from the Via Clodia, it seems logical
to conclude that after the sacrifice of the animals the
entrails were carried in solemn procession around
the walls of the city in a lustration of the fields before
they were taken to the grove and burned, though
probably the procession did not make a complete cir
cuit of the walls. This reconstruction of the cere
mony might suggest that the Porta Catularia was a
postern beyond Porta Collina, but we really have no
indication of where it might have been. It does seem
likely to have been a postern. Cf. Saflund 2078,
who derives Catularia from the name of Q. Lutatius
Catulus, who he thinks remodeled the fortifications
of the Capitoline in the time of Sulla. Saflund would
put this gate at the top of the Cordonata of Michel
angelo.
Porta Chiusa (Fig. 7 2 ): the modern name of an oth
erwise nameless gate in the Aurelian Walls just south
of the Castra Praetoria in a direct line with the Porta
Viminalis of the Servian Walls, the exit of an impor
tant road leading to Tibur and beyond. This was a
comparatively unimportant gate in Aurelians time,
not much more than a postern, but in Honoriuss
time it was rebuilt entirely in travertine with a wide
arch and a storey above this with six arched win
dows, the largest number known in such a storey. At
that time it was clearly a gate of some importance,
but it was walled up sometime late in antiquity, for
it is omitted from the Einsiedeln list.
Richmond 1818 4 ; Nash 2 .2 0 8 -9 ; CAR 3-H,
2 8 - 2 9 p. 317.
Porta Collatina: almost certainly a mistake in Fes-
tus (Paulus ex Fest. 33L) for Porta Collina, because
the Via Collatina, an unimportant road leading to
Collatia, branches to the right from the Via Tibur-
tina just outside the Porta Tiburtina.
Saflund 2 0 2 -5 .
Porta Collina (Figs. 5 8 .5 , 7 2): the gate in the Ser
vian Walls at the north end of the Agger. Just beyond
this gate the Via Salaria and Via Nomentana di
verged, the Via Salaria running almost due north, the
Via Nomentana northeast. The street from the gate
within Rome is Alta Semita, which runs the length of
the Quirinal and links up with Vicus Iugarius. This
was a highway of the greatest economic importance
from earliest times. The gate takes its name from the
Regio Collina, one of the four regiones of republican
Rome, made up of the Collis Quirinalis and Collis
Viminalis, the only two major hills of Rome called
colles. To complicate matters, Festus (Paulus ex Fest.
9L) says it seems to him possible that m o n ies were
302
once called agon i, and the sacrifices made in m on te
were called ag on ia, and that it was from this that the
Quirinal was once called Agonus (or Egonus) and
the Porta Collina Porta Agonensis (or Egonensis).
Varro (Ling. 6.14) confirms that the Salii of the
Quirinal were called Salii Agonenses, and there
seems to be no doubt that the words agon u s and
agon iu m indicated a sacred ritual of some sort. Be
cause the Via Salaria offered the best approach to
Rome from the north and northeast, the Porta Col
lina was the gate that the Romans had most often to
defend, first against the combined armies of the
Veientes and Fidenates (Livy 4 .2 1 .8 ). It was the gate
through which the Gauls were supposed to have en
tered the city (Livy 5 .4 1 .4 ; Plutarch, Cam . 22.1) and
the gate beyond which Hannibal pitched camp (Livy
2 6 .1 0 .1 -2 ; Pliny, H N 1 5 .7 6 ; Juvenal 6 .2 8 7 -9 1 ). It
was also the gate outside which Sulla crushed the last
of the M arian forces (Livy, E pit. 88; Veil. Pat.
2 .2 7 .1 ; Lucan 2 .1 3 4 -3 5 and schol.; Florus 2 .9 .2 3
2 4 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 7 5 .8 ; Eutropius 5 .8 .1 ;
Ampelius 4 2 .3 ; Orosius 5.2 0 .9 ).
In 1872 some remains of the gate were discovered
in Via X X Settembre under the north corner of the
Ministero delle Finanze (B ullC om 4 [1876]: 1 6 5 -6 6
and pi. 19 [R. Lanciani]). These showed that in a
second period two great square bastions with facings
of peperino had been added to the fortifications just
in front of the gate, which was otherwise a rather
simple throat.
The Porta Collina of the Middle Ages has nothing
to do with the Porta Collina of antiquity, but is
rather a gate of the Leonine city.
Saflund 7 4 - 7 5 , 2 0 6 , 2 2 6 -2 7 .
Porta Cornelia: mentioned only once, in a docu
ment of about the seventh century (Jordan 2 .5 8 0 ;
V Z 2 .1 4 1 ). It was on the right bank of the Tiber near
the southwest corner of the Mausoleum Hadriani
and spanned the Via Cornelia running west from the
head of Pons Aelius. Its date is not known, but in
Procopiuss time (B ellG otb 1 .2 2 .1 2 18) the mauso
leum had been converted into a fortress defending
the bridge and fortifications carried down to the
river. Porta Cornelia must have been a gate in these
fortifications. See also Porta Aurelia (2).
Porta Esquilina (Fig. 5 8 .7 ): a gate in the Servian
Walls on the Esquiline near the south end of the Ag
ger. The Clivus Suburanus ends at this gate, and a
little way outside it, at the Nymphaeum Alexandri
(Nymphaeum Aquae Iuliae, Trofei di Mario) in Pi
azza Vittorio Emanuele, the road had a triple fork,
the northern leg becoming Via Tiburtina, the center

leg Via Labicana, and the southern leg Via Meru-
lana. Strabo (5.3.9 [237]) says that the Via Labicana
and Via Praenestina begin at this gate, but the Prae-
nestina actually forks from the Labicana only at the
place called Ad Spem Veterem (Piazza di Porta
Maggiore).
This gate figures frequently in literature, but al
ways incidentally. It seems never to have been the
object of an attack, although it was an important
link in the road system and must always have been
in heavy use.
This gate is generally agreed to have been where
the Arcus Gallieni (q.v.), sometimes called Arco di S.
Vito, now stands. The existing arch is Augustan and
was rededicated to Gallienus in a . d . 262.
Saflund 202.
Porta Fenestella: a mysterious monument probably
on, or near, Summa Sacra Via, believed to have been
originally part of the house of Tarquinius Priscus. It
was a tiny doorlike window or loophole through
which Fortuna was supposed to have descended to
visit Servius Tullius, with whom she was in love
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .5 7 8 ; Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 36,
D e fort. R om . 10). It seems to have still existed
in Plutarchs time, perhaps built into another struc
ture.
Porta Flaminia: the gate in the Aurelian Walls by
which Via Flaminia (q.v.), one of the principal arter
ies of Rome, issued. The gate has been repeatedly re
modeled, and in 18771879 the last vestige of the
ancient gate yielded to the needs of modern traffic,
leaving only the central arch designed by Vignola
and Bernini to remind us of its existence as a fortifi
cation. But descriptions of what was found when it
was destroyed make reconstruction of its history
fairly certain. Originally it was a gate of the first
class, of twin arches flanked by semicircular towers.
At some indefinite later time the western tower was
refaced and strengthened, but the eastern one left as
it was; this presumably would have been in the time
of Maxentius. In the time of Honorius it took on a
new appearance and a strong similarity to Porta Ap-
pia. The semicircular towers were encased in rectan
gular marble bastions, the marble pillaged from
tombs along the road and preserving interesting in
scriptions, but redressed and presenting the round
bosses characteristic of Porta Appia. The double arch
was now replaced by a single one set in a travertine
curtain. But there were no rounded upper storeys to
the bastions of Porta Flaminia like those of Porta Ap
pia. Rather, there seems to have been simply a flat
roof with battlements at the height of the fourth sto
P O R T A IA N U A L IS
rey. It is now called Porta del Popolo from the adja
cent church of S. M aria del Popolo.
Richmond 1912 0 0 ; CAR 2-A, 3 4 pp. 1718;
Nash 2 .2 1 0 -1 2 .
Porta Flumentana (Fig. 5 8 .1 5 ): the river gate in the
Servian Walls between the Porta Carmentalis and
Porta Trigemina, probably to be located where the
Vicus Tuscus, after its conjunction with Nova Via,
crossed the line of the walls on the left bank of the
Cloaca (see Cloaca M axim a). The wish to use the
line of the Pons Aemilius to determine the location
of this gate seems mistaken, because the present ori
entation of the bridge is Augustan, and, even at the
time the bridge of the censors of 179 B . C . was built,
the wall in this sector may have been largely dis
mantled, although the place of the Porta Flumentana
was remembered as late as the time of Cicero (Att.
7 .3 .9 [9 December 5 0 B . C . ] ) , though it seems clear
that it no longer existed. The gate is seldom men
tioned in literature, and nothing is known about its
architecture.
Saflund 1 8 3 -8 4 , 195; Coarelli 1988, 2 0 -2 5 .
Porta Fontinalis (Fig. 5 8 .1 ): a gate in the Servian
Walls mentioned only twice in literature (Livy
3 5 .1 0 .1 1 -1 2 ; Paulus ex Fest. 75L), but the passage
in Livy, which tells of the aediles construction of a
portico from the Porta Fontinalis to the Altar of
Mars in the Campus Martius in 193 B . C . , makes its
location fairly certain. The aediles were both Aemilii,
M . Aemilius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paullus, and
the area through which their portico ran became
known as the Aemiliana. The portico was designed
as a covered walk for the censors, whose office, the
Atrium Libertatis (q.v.), was just inside the walls, be
yond the Forum Iulium, but who conducted the cen
sus in the Campus Martius, at or near the Altar of
M ars, on which its completion was celebrated.
Wherever the line of the walls crossed the road over
the shoulder of the Capitoline Hill now known as the
Clivus Argentarius, we must put the Porta Fontinalis.
It presumably got its name from the Tullianum (see
Career) spring under the Career (cf. Festus 482L),
and because that spring flows in the direction of the
Cloaca, which it joins, the closer we can put the line
of the walls to this, the better it will suit the condi
tions.
Saflund 207.
Porta Ianualis: one of the pomerial gates of the
Romulean city (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 6 5 ), presumably that
which led to the Ianus Geminus (q.v.), therefore lo
cated at the north corner of the Palatine where the
303
P O R T A L A B IC A N A
Nova Via turned and now a stair descends behind
the Temple of Vesta. Macrobius (Sat. 1.9.1718)
seems to have mistaken the Porta Ianualis for the Ia-
nus Geminus itself, but has badly mislocated it.
AJA 84 (1980): 9 3 - 9 6 (H. B. Evans).
Porta Labicana: see Porta Praenestina.
Porta Latina: a gate in the Aurelian Walls through
which the Via Latina (q.v.) issued. It has a single
arch, originally probably wider than what we see.
There are three clear building periods: (1) the Aure
lian original construction of an arch in a curtain be
tween semicircular towers, of which only the western
tower now remains; (2) a rebuilding in which the
towers received a new and higher roof with a flat
battlemented top that rose above the upper rampart
walk; at this time a vantage court with an interior
arched gate was added; and (3) a refacing of the arch
with blocks of travertine and reconstruction of the
gateway with a portcullis run in slots just behind the
faade and a door of two leaves behind this. The
portcullis chamber over the gate had five arched win
dows on the front and a flat roof decorated with ta
pered merlons. The stone arch is worked together
with a relieving arch in an interesting way in order
to carry the weight of the portcullis, and it was pro
jected to build rectangular stone bastions around the
bases of the towers, but for some obscure reason this
project was not carried out, so the stone facing of the
arch simply tails into the brickwork of the curtain to
either side, and only the foundations for the bastions
were laid. It is comparatively well preserved and an
exceptionally interesting gate.
Richmond 1 0 0 1 0 9 ; Nash 2 .2 1 3 .
Porta Laurentina: see Porta Ardeatina.
Porta Lavernalis (Figs. 14, 5 8 .1 3 ): a gate in the
Servian Walls named for the grove of Laverna, which
was probably not far outside the gate (Varro, Ling.
5 .1 6 3 - 6 4 ; Paulus ex Fest. 1 0 4 -5 L ), because thieves
were supposed to hide their booty there and Laverna
was supposed to be their patron divinity (Roscher
2 .1 9 1 7 -1 8 [G. Wissowa]). The sequence of gates
given by Varro is Porta Naevia, Porta Raudusculana,
Porta Lavernalis, which suggests that it should be on
the Aventine, where the site of a gate has been iden
tified in a throat immediately to the east of the Bas-
tione di Sangallo (Bastioni di Paolo III). This was on
a road connecting Vicus Armilustri and Via Ostien-
sis, represented by the modern Via di Porta Laver-
nale. But as Sflund observes, the scholia on Horace
(Epist. 1.16.60) state explicitly that the grove of La-
304
verna was on Via Salaria, so perhaps we should think
of two groves.
Saflund 198.
Porta M aior: see Porta Praenestina.
Porta M etrovia (Metrobi, M etronia, Metrosi)
(Fig. 16): First mentioned in the Einsiedeln D escrip-
tio M urorunt F lon orian a (VZ 2.206) and the Einsie
deln itinerary, the name went through what one
would think was every possible permutation in the
course of the Middle Ages. It was originally only a
postern in the Aurelian Walls, and the origin of the
name is obscure. It was a simple arch in an ordinary
curtain between towers, and its main purpose may
have been to admit the M arana brook, which must
have crossed the line of the wall in a culvert in an
tiquity. Later a guardhouse tower was added behind
the archway, and the arch may have received a port
cullis, but the former is regarded as not earlier than
the fifth century. No road of any importance led to
or from this gate.
Richmond 1424 4 ; Nash 2 .2 1 4 16.
Porta M inucia: known only from Festus (Paulus ex
Fest. 109L ; cf. 1 3 1L), who says it received its name
from the Altar of Minucius. This suggests that what
is meant is the Column of Minucius Augurinus (the
Columna M inucia, q.v.), because it was very old
(awarded in 4 3 9 B .C .) and odd, and showed Minu
cius with a long staff that might have been mistaken
for the scepter of divinity. It is shown on coins
(Crawford 242/1, 243/1). It stood just outside the
Porta Trigemina and might well have given one of
the fornices of that gate a second name.
Porta M ugonia (M ucionia, Mucionis): the best
known of the pomerial gates of the Romulean city.
Its place was just above Summa Sacra Via on the Cli-
vus Palatinus (Ovid, Trist. 3 .1 .3 1 3 2 ; Dion. Hal.
2 .5 0 .3 ; Solinus 1.24). It was probably never more
than a place-name. Attempts at explaining the name,
although not uncommon, are all clearly fanciful, and
what the name meant remains unknown.
A]A 84 (1980): 9 3 - 9 6 (H. B. Evans).
Porta Naevia (Figs. 14, 5 8 .1 1 ): a gate in the Ser
vian Walls known from the Capitoline Base to have
been in Regio X II of the Augustan city (C IL
6.975 = ILS 6073) and given by Varro (Ling. 5.163)
in the sequence: Tutilinae loca, Porta N aevia, R au
dusculana. This makes it fairly certain that the gate
in question is on the Aventinus M inor on the neck
between the churches of S. Balbina and S. Saba con

necting with the plateau beyond. It was not an im
portant gate, and from it issued the Via Ardeatina/
Laurentina. Festus (170L) tells us that it received
its name from the Nemora Naevia that had once
belonged to a certain Naevius and had in time
got an evil reputation because vagabonds and pro
fligates were accustomed to frequent it. One may
wonder whether this reputation was not derived rather
from the associations of the words naevus and
naevius.
Saflund 199.
Porta Navalis: mentioned only by Festus (187L) as
a gate in the vicinity of the Navalia (q.v.). If he is
right, the Navalia in question must be the Navalia
Inferiora on the Tiber somewhere below the Aven-
tine, for which there seems to be no place at all near
the Servian Walls. However, one might think of a
postern at the end of the extension of Vicus Armilus-
tri to the line of the walls. A road from this might
then lead down behind the great warehouse now
commonly called Porticus Aemilia in a straight line
to the Navalia some 600 m away.
Saflund 208.
Porta N om entana (Fig. 72): a gate in the Aurelian
Walls from which issued the Via Nomentana, now
replaced by Porta Pia. Although badly ruined, it is a
reasonably clear example of a gate in the original
fortifications of Aurelian and evidently was one of a
standard pair with Porta Tiburtina. It consisted of a
curtain with a single central archway flanked by
semicircular towers of two storeys with a gate cham
ber between them, all faced with fine brickwork.
Above the gate and towers was a flat roof with
battlements. No extra storeys were ever added. The
south tower was found to contain the altar tomb of
Q. Haterius and was pulled down in the nineteenth
century to recover this. Earlier, at the time of the cre
ation of Porta Pia in 1564, the curtain was given a
battered face of brick that completely masks the old
curtain.
Richmond 9 3 -1 0 0 ; Nash 2 .2 1 7 ; CAR 3-D , 74 pp.
8 9 -9 0 .
Porta Ostiensis (East) (Fig. 14): a gate in the Au
relian Walls from which issued the Via Ostiensis
(q.v.), the artery connecting Rome with its major
suburb; Ammianus (17.4.14) confirms the name.
The history of the gate in antiquity can be divided
into three major periods, like that of most of the im
portant gates in this fortification system. In the orig
inal construction of the time of Aurelian the gate was
rather low, an affair of twin arches in a curtain be
P O R T A PA N D A N A
tween semicircular towers. In most ways the gate
closely resembled the original Porta Appia. In a sec
ond period, when the gallery was added to the wall,
the earlier towers were heightened, thickened on the
outside, and provided with loopholes. New commu
nication with the gallery of the wall was also ar
ranged. A vantage court was added, but it seems to
have been for tax collection rather than part of the
defensive system. The walls curved, and the court
was finished with twin arches to the city matching
those on the exterior. The m ajor change in external
appearance was greater height. In the third period
the twin arches of earlier time were removed and re
placed by a single arch with a portcullis. The port
cullis chamber over the arch had six round-headed
windows. Each tower was given an extra storey, and
the battlemented curtain between them was crowned
by a pair of guardhouses. Finally, the base storey of
the curtain and towers was sheathed in a wall of
travertine blocks.
Richmond 1 0 9 2 1 ; Nash 2 .2 1 8 19.
Porta Ostiensis (West) (Fig. 14): This gate, just
west of the Pyramid of Cestius, was demolished in
1888, but Lanciani measured and drew it during the
process. It was a small postern, 3 .6 0 m wide, serving
the traffic to the large quarter of warehouses on the
adjacent Tiber bank. The gate was faced with trav
ertine and trimmed on the jambs and lintel with
moldings. It was bricked up in the time of Maxentius
and never reopened. Because the road through it
joined the Via Ostiensis only a little distance outside
the walls, it was easy enough to build a short new
road inside to link the two when the gate was aban
doned.
Richmond 2 1 9 -2 1 .
Porta Pancratiana: see Porta Aurelia (1).
Porta Pandana: a gate in the fortifications of the
Capitoline, supposed originally to have been called
Porta Saturnia (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 2 ; Solinus 1.13). Ac
cording to Festus (246L, 4 96L ), in the peace between
Romulus and Titus Tatius it was stipulated that this
gate, through which Tarpeia had admitted the Sa
bines, should always be open for them. Polyaenus
(8.25.1) tells substantially the same story but makes
the agreement with the Gauls, an obvious blunder.
There must be a way around this, for a gate that al
ways had to stand open would make any system of
fortifications almost useless. We might see the an
swer in that it had to stand open only for the Sabines,
but that seems hardly adequate. More likely it was a
gate in a position of such strength that assault on it
305
PO RTA S. P ETR I
would be impossible. At the top of the Tarpeian
Rock, where, if necessary, scarping could have made
the cliff face sheer, the gate would be virtually im
pregnable. O f course it is also possible that the R o
mans got around the terms of the treaty by then
building a wall inside or outside the Porta Pandana.
It seems to have survived as late as the time of Varro,
though perhaps only as a place-name, but Festus
speaks of it in the past tense. Dionysius (1 0 .1 4 .1 -2 ),
in telling the story of Appius Herdonius, the Sabine
who in 4 6 0 B .C . seized the Capitoline in an attempt
at revolution, has him bring his forces into the Cap
itoline by this open gate, but calls it the Porta Car-
mentalis. If his mistake was simply in confusing the
point at which they began their ascent of the Capi
toline, a d C arm entis (cf., e.g., Livy 5 .4 7 .2 and the
ascent of the Gauls), with the gate at the top of this
cliff, then everything falls neatly into place. See also
Centum Gradus.
Saflund 208.
Porta S. Petri: see Porta Aurelia (2).
Porta Piacularis: known only from Festus (235L)
and said to be so named because of piacu la per
formed there, which is less than helpful, because pia
cula must have been performed at every gate, at least
every gate of any importance. Saflund sensibly ig
nores it.
Porta Pinciana: a gate in the Aurelian Walls that
was originally a minor entrance serving Via Salaria
Vetus, a road running northwest from the valley of
modern Via del Tritone following approximately the
line of modern Via Francesco Crispi and Via di Porta
Pinciana to link up with Via Salaria. Its ancient name
is quite uncertain; it was probably not Pinciana, be
cause that family does not seem to have occupied the
Mons Pincius before the fourth century. It appears
very complete, but has been much transformed in the
course of time. It began as a gate in a curtain set at
an angle to the road it spanned, flanked only on the
east by a semicircular tower on a rectangular foun
dation. In a second period, when the gallery was
added to the wall, it received a second tower on the
west and was promoted from a third-class entrance
to a second-class one. It was given a vantage court,
which has now disappeared but was carefully shown
on Nollis map of 1748. At that time the gate became
rather imposing. In a third period, by which time it
can be presumed to have got the name Porta Pin
ciana, it was given a new travertine curtain, very
close in measurements and effect to that of Porta La
tina. The blocks of the curtain were robbed from
306
nearby tombs, and some preserve inscriptions. The
gate was given a portcullis with a portcullis chamber
over the gate, and probably at the same time an extra
storey above this and above each of the towers.
The gate saw heavy fighting with the Goths in 536,
and repairs were carried out in rough masonry of
block and brick thereafter. At the time of the Einsie-
deln list it was closed, but it seems to have been open
in the eighth century. In 1808 it was again closed for
a century and reopened in 1906.
Richmond 1596 9 ; CAR 2-E, 4 p. 1 0 3 ; Nash
2 . 220 - 2 1 .
Porta Pompae (Circensis, in Circo M axim o) : the
gate by which the circus procession entered the arena
preparatory to circling the spina. This must have
been at the carceres end of the arena, because all
those who had any part in the ludi would be in
cluded, and among these were the ten sae in which
the images of the gods were transported and the rac
ing chariots and charioteers. The triumphal arch of
Titus at the apex of the sphendone end seems to have
been mounted on steps that would have made nego
tiation by such vehicles awkward, if not impossible,
unless temporary ramps were introduced, and the
carceres end was traditionally the point at which
everything started. An axial gate at this end is regu
larly shown as larger than the other gates of the car
ceres and without closure. It is therefore presumed
that this was the Porta Pompae.
Humphrey 81.
Porta Portuensis: an important gate in the Aurelian
Walls destroyed when Pope Urban VIII built the new
fortifications of the Transtiberim. It originally was a
gate of twin arches, and before its destruction carried
an inscription of Honorius in four lines similar to
that of Porta Tiburtina. It was flanked by semicircu
lar towers and had a vantage court, and the lower
storey of arch, curtain, and towers was faced with
cut stone, presumably travertine. At some time the
western arch was filled in, and the towers were given
great battered reinforcement around their bases.
There is much that is uncertain about this gate, but
it was clearly a m ajor entrance, as befitted the Via
Portuensis, which carried the traffic between the cap
ital and its port.
Richmond 2 0 0 2 0 5 ; Nash 2 .2 2 2 -2 4 .
Porta Praenestina (Fig. 16): the present Porta
Maggiore, a double arch of the Aqua Claudia and
Anio Novus (qq.v.) that Claudius built to take the
new aqueduct over the Via Praenestina (q.v.) and Via
Labicana (q.v.) just beyond their point of divergence

(the Labicana to the right, or southeast, the Praenes-
tina to the left). The two arches are at a slight angle
to each other and built entirely of blocks of traver
tine with heavy rustication. The whole is 32 m
high and 24 m wide, and the principal arches are
14 m high, 6.35 m wide, and 6 .2 0 m deep. In the
central pier is a small arch, 5 .1 0 m high and 1.80 m
wide, now almost buried. Above this and to either
side of the main arches are narrow arches framed
with an engaged, but deeply projecting, Corinthian
order and pedimented entablatures. The attic is divided
by stringcourses into three fasciae, each of which
bears an inscription relative to the building or repair of
the aqueducts (C/L 1 2 5 6 -5 8 ; ILS 218). Just outside
the arches, in the space between the two roads,
was set the early Augustan Sepulcrum Eurysacis
(q.v.).
Just in front of this aqueduct arch, with no space
intervening, the Porta Praenestina/Labicana was
built by Aurelian. The gate passages were walled
down inside the aqueduct arches and carried for
ward as far as the tomb of Eurysaces, which was
used as the foundation of a great tower with a semi
circular front after the destruction of the tom bs
front. Probably there were also semicircular towers
to either side, but these have completely disappeared.
In the time of Honorius stone curtains were added to
the gates, and that of Porta Labicana was given a
lengthy inscription (C IL 6 .1 1 8 9 = IL S 797) to re
cord this. At this time each gate was equipped with
a portcullis and a vaulted chamber over the gate for
working this; a similar arrangement may have ex
isted earlier. Each portcullis chamber was win
dowed, there being four round-headed windows
over Porta Praenestina and five over Porta Labicana,
and above each was a flat roof trimmed with mer
lons. The semicircular tower between the gates was
given a stone facing, and a large quadrangular tower
to either side, with a solid base faced with stone and
no fewer than three chambered storeys under the flat
merloned roof, completed the exterior. Stairs to the
towers would have had to be arranged in front of the
Claudian arches, which would have made this gate
especially imposing. On the interior was a vantage
court that is shown on N ollis map of 1748 but has
been completely destroyed without adequate record;
this had a single gate to the city, because the two
roads merged just inside the Claudian arches.
The Porta Labicana was blocked up sometime
after its rebuilding, very likely during the siege of the
Goths, certainly before 966, and thereafter only one
gate was needed. Various works of patching and al
teration on a small scale in the course of the centuries
could be detected. The east tower, now that that gate
P O R T A R A T U M E N A (R A T U M E N N A )
was closed, was allowed to fall into disrepair. In
1 8 3 8 -1 8 3 9 , under Pope Gregory X V I, the gate was
destroyed in order to reveal the tomb of Eurysaces
and the Claudian arches.
Richmond 2 0 5 17; Nash 2 .2 2 5 28.
Porta Querquetulana (Fig. 5 8 .8 ): a gate, almost
certainly in the Servian Walls, that derived its name
from a grove or wood of oaks, said to have been in
side the gate (Festus 314L , 3 1 5 L ; Pliny, H N 16.37).
Tacitus [Ann. 4.65) preserves the interesting tradi
tion that the Caelian was originally called Mons
Querquetulanus and later received the name Caelian
from the Etruscan condottiere Caele Vibenna. But
because Caele Vibenna is supposed to have come to
Rome under one or another of the kings, this would
have been long before the building of the Servian
Walls. It seems best then to accept Festuss explana
tion of the name of the gate and to suppose that there
was still a remnant of the wood on the farther
reaches of the hill. We can see this gate as that span
ning the road that became Via Tusculana, ascending
the hill obliquely in the vicinity of SS. Quattro Co-
ronati. The notion that it was a gate in a very early
fortification of the hill seems contradicted by the pas
sage in Festus.
Saflund 168.
Porta Quirinalis (Figs. 5 8 .4 , 7 2): a gate in the Ser
vian Walls taking its name from the Temple of Qui-
rinus, which also gave its name to the hill on which
it stood. The gate has been placed just north of the
Temple of Quirinus, where an ancient street corre
sponding approximately to modern Via delle Quat
tro Fontane is known to have crossed the line of the
walls. However it is odd that Paulus (Festus 3 0 2 -
3L), our only source, should attribute the name to a
Q uirini sacellum , if it were near the Temple of Qui
rinus (see Quirinus, Aedes), which, even before its
rebuilding by Augustus, was one of the most impres
sive temples in Rome (Vitruvius 3.2 .7 ). Because it is
unthinkable that the Porta Quirinalis did not lead to
the Quirinal, this is probably simply a blunder by
Paulus.
Saflund 167, 2 0 6 .
Porta Ratum ena (Ratumenna) (Fig. 5 8 .1 7 ): the
name of a gate supposed to have been derived from
that of an Etruscan charioteer who, having won a
race at Veii, was carried away by his team and
brought to Rome, thrown from his car, and killed at
this gate. The horses then proceeded to the Area
Capitolina and stopped in front of the terracotta
quadriga of Jupiter on the roof of the Capitoline
307
P O R T A R A U D U SC U L A N A
temple. This took place in the early days of the re
public (Festus 3 4 0 - 4 2 L ; Pliny H N 8 .1 6 1 ; Solinus
4 5 .1 5 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 1 3 .3 -4 ). It seems clear that
this must be a gate in the defenses of the Capitoline.
If what has been said about the Porta Pandana/Sa-
turnia (q.v.) is correct, it is impossible to think that
a chariot could have approached from that direction.
In fact, the only approaches possible for a chariot
must always have been by way of the Clivus Capi-
tolinus and the north side of the hill by a switchback
track like the Via delle Tre Pile and not far from it.
For someone coming from Veii, this would seem the
obvious route. We can put the Porta Ratumena at the
top of Michelangelos Cordonata, where Saflund
puts the Porta Catularia. The name must be very old
and suggests an Etruscan origin. It might well have
been part of the works of the Etruscan kings on the
Capitoline.
Saflund 167.
Porta Raudusculana (Figs. 14, 5 8 .1 2 ): a gate in
the Servian Walls mentioned by Varro (Ling. 5.163)
in the sequence: Porta Naevia, Porta Raudusculana,
Porta Lavernalis, and explained as meaning bronze-
sheathed, bronze-bound, whereas Festus (338
39L) offers other explanations, deriving it from rudis
or raudus. According to Valerius Maximus (5.6.3),
the gate got its name from the praetor Genucius Ci-
pus, from whose forehead sprouted horns as he was
leaving on campaign in 239 B .C . When explanation
of the prodigy was sought, he was told that if he re
turned to the city he would be king. To avoid this he
went into voluntary exile, and in his honor a likeness
of his head in bronze was affixed to the gate by
which he had left, and it was from this bronze that it
got its name. While the story has elements of the fan
tastic, apotropaic heads at gates are common in Italy
at the period in question (cf., e.g., the Porta allArco
at Volterra and Porta Marzia at Perugia), and an
Achelous head is a common apotropaion. It seems
clear that there must have been such an apotropaion
at Porta Raudusculana at one time. Perhaps its sin
gularity was in its being bronze; stone carvings must
have been commoner. However, it is difficult to
imagine that any of the important gates of Rome was
not provided with some sort of bronze reinforce
ments.
The place of Porta Raudusculana is established by
the Capitoline Base as in Regio X II (C IL 6.975 = 1LS
6073), where we find a Vicus Portae Raudusculanae.
This is generally thought to have been a continuation
of Vicus Piscinae Publicae (q.v.) and set in the
depression between the Aventinus M aior and Aven-
tinus M inor (modern Viale Aventino at Piazza Al
bania).
Saflund 1 7 5 -7 6 , 199.
308
Porta Rom ana (Romanula): one of the pomerial
gates of the Romulean city at the juncture of Nova
Via and Clivus Victoriae (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 6 4 ; Festus
318L) in or near the Velabrum. It was not in form a
gate, but simply a square platform with steps on all
sides, perhaps only a couple of steps, evidently rather
modest, which was the reason the people took to
calling a nearby arch or fountain of architectural
form (ubi ex epistylio defluit a q u a ) Porta Romana.
Because it had never been more than a place desig
nation, it is understandable that nearby monuments
might have been confused with it, especially in this
part of Rome, where so many enigmatic bits of ear
lier ages still survived.
The name requires explanation, because gate
names regularly allude to places to which they lead,
not those from which they lead, and the Romans
were aware of this difficulty, hence the substitution
of the diminutive Romanula. Festus (318L) suggests
that it got its name from the Sabines, for whom it
was the closest approach to Rome, which is patent
nonsense. The suggestion that Roma was originally
the name of the Forum Boarium/Velabrum and later
transferred to the Palatine creates more difficulties
than it attempts to solve. The linguists observation
that the name of Rome should be connected with
rum a, rum en (river, watercourse) and that this was
the river gate is still far the most satisfactory, al
though it does not explain how that name got trans
ferred to the city.
Saflund 1 9 5 -9 6 ; A]A 84 (1980): 9 4 -9 5 (H. B. Ev
ans).
Porta Salaria (Fig. 7 2 ): the gate in the Aurelian
Walls by which issued the Via Salaria (q.v.) running
almost due north after branching from the Via No-
mentana just outside the Porta Collina. The gate was
so severely damaged in the bombardment of Rome
in 1870 that it was demolished and replaced in 1873
by a new one designed by Vespignani. This gate was
then demolished in 1921, and there is nothing there
today. We depend on drawings and descriptions for
our knowledge of the ancient gate.
It was a single-arch gate flanked by great semicir
cular towers with a blind lower storey and three
large windows at wide intervals in the storey above.
The gate also had a chamber above it with three
large windows. These were probably all covered
with concrete vaults and battlemented flat roofs. All
of this is familiar and can be assigned to the time of
Aurelian. Later the towers were heightened by the
addition of an extra storey, the lower part of the cur
tain between was faced with blocks of travertine,
and a portcullis was installed, perhaps a replacement
for one already there. These changes can be assigned
to the time of Honorius. Extensive refacing in block

and brick is of a type associated with the repairs to
the fortifications that Belisarius carried out in the
time of the Gothic War, and before the end of an
tiquity a large central part of the face of the traver
tine arch collapsed and was replaced by a new brick
facing.
Richmond 1 8 5 -9 0 ; Nash 2 .2 2 9 -3 0 ; CAR 3-A, 26
pp. 2 6 28.
Porta Salutaris (Figs. 5 8 .3 , 7 2): a gate in the Ser
vian Walls that derived its name from the Temple of
Salus (see Salus, Aedes) and Collis Salutaris, presum
ably approached by the Clivus Salutaris (Festus 4 3 6
37L). Because in his account of the Argei (Ling.
5.52) Varro seems to list the sites on the Quirinal in
an order descending from northeast to southwest,
there is every reason to put this on the height just
below the Quirinal proper and to see the Clivus Sal
utaris as the street found in conjunction with the Se-
pulcrum Semproniorum south of the east end of Via
della Dataria, and the gate would have stood at the
top of that slope in Piazza del Quirinale (Monteca-
vallo). It seems to have been a minor gate, and the
approach to it would have been difficult.
Saflund 206.
Porta Sanqualis (Figs. 58 .2 , 7 2 ): a gate in the Ser
vian Walls named from the Temple of Semo Sancus
(Festus 465L ), listed by Varro (Ling. 5 .5 2 , where the
divinity is called Dius Fidius) on the Collis Mucialis
and following the Collis Salutaris. It must be the in
terior court gate identified by Saflund in Piazza M a-
gnanapoli, for which the later arch still preserved in
Palazzo Antonelli was a ballista emplacement cover
ing its approach.
Saflund 8 8 -9 8 , 2 0 6 ; G. Brands, R ep u blikan isch e
Stadttore in Italien (BAR 4 5 8 , Oxford 1988), 196
97.
Porta Saturnia: see Porta Pandana.
Porta Scelerata: see Porta Carmentalis.
Porta Septimiana: the modern gate on the right
bank of the Tiber that Alexander VI built in 1498 to
replace one that was in ruinous condition but, ac
cording to reports, carried an inscription of Septim-
ius Severus. There are no views or accounts of the
older gate, but it is in a location where one might
expect there to have been a gate and seems to have
been mentioned in the Historia Augusta (S.H.A.
Sept. Sev. 19.5). The passage is corrupt, but Zange-
meister has interpreted it with some likelihood of
correctness as meaning that the Thermae Septim-
ianae in this area, as well as other Severan works,
were put out of commission by the construction of
P O R T A T IB U R T IN A
the Aurelian Walls, which had to cut through them.
In compensation for this loss, this gate in the wall
was named for Septimius, either by Aurelian or as a
result of popular sympathy. The gate opened to a
road along the river corresponding to the modern
Via della Lungara and brought the complex of an
cient buildings between the Circus Gaii et Neronis
and the Mausoleum Hadriani into communication
with the walled Transtiberim.
Richmond 2 2 3 2 7 ; Nash 2 .2 3 1 ; M AAR 36
(1980): 2 2 3 - 2 4 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Porta Stercoraria: an alleyway on the Capitoline
about midway on the ascent of the Clivus Capitoli-
nus to which the refuse from the Temple of Vesta was
carried and deposited on 15 June (Festus 4 66L ;
Varro, Ling. 6.32). Festus says it was closed by a
door, but this detail seems to be added as an after
thought to explain the name. Varro implies that the
sweepings were taken instead to a particular place,
and Ovid (Fast. 6.7 1 3 ) says explicitly that they were
thrown in the Tiber. Perhaps these conflicting ac
counts can be reconciled by supposing that the
sweepings were ceremonially conveyed to an ele
vated place on the Capitoline, where they were de
posited (qu an do stercus [or stercu m ] delatu m fas)
and the wind was allowed to blow them in the direc
tion of the Tiber, for the river is too far from the
Capitoline for the Vestal Virgins to have thrown such
matter into it from the Capitoline, and the sources
seem to emphasize their having deposited it. There
may have been a gate closing the angiportus to the
public, but there seems to be no question of a gate in
any system of fortifications.
Porta Taurina: see Forum Tauri and Porta
Tiburtina.
Porta Tiburtina: the gate in the Aurelian Walls
through which issues the Via Tiburtina. It is built in
front of, but tight against, an inscribed (C IL
6 .1 2 4 4 = 1LS 98) Augustan arch that carried the
Aqua Marcia/Tepula/Iulia over the Via Tiburtina
and consequently presents certain oddities of plan
ning and construction. The gate originally consisted
of a single arch in a short curtain between semi
circular towers of brick-faced concrete, and the
southern tower was fitted onto a skewed wall but
conforming as well as possible to standard measure
ments. At some time after the first construction a
vantage court was added that made use of the Au
gustan aqueduct as one side. It had a new arch of
stone blocks aligned with the road, which bent after
passing under the aqueduct arch. The court was
filled with a complex of medieval buildings and was
destroyed in 1869.
309
P O R T A T R IG E M IN A
In a rebuilding under Honorius (C IL 6.1 1 9 0 ), the
curtain was faced entirely in stone and flanked by
quadrangular towers whose lower storeys were also
faced with stone, probably all robbed from nearby
tombs. There was a portcullis chamber over the gate
lit by five round-headed windows in the faade, be
neath which ran the commemorative inscription, and
surmounted by a flat roof with ornamental merlons,
between which may have stood the statues men
tioned in the inscription. In this period the gate was
a twin to the Porta Chiusa (q.v.) nearby to the north,
and it may be the work of the same builder.
There is much medieval and later work encumber
ing the walls in the vicinity of the gate, but not in the
gate itself. However, its study is complicated by the
Acqua Felice of Pope Sixtus V, which used the city
wall for support and was here taken over the gate. In
the Middle Ages it was called Porta S. Lorenzo and
Porta Taurina (from the bulls heads on the keystone
of the aqueduct arch).
Richmond 1 7 0 -8 1 ; Nash 2 .2 3 2 -3 3 .
Porta Trigmina (Fig. 5 8 .1 4 ): an important gate in
the Servian Walls near the southern end of the Forum
Boarium to which the Clivus Publicius leading down
from the Aventine seems to have descended (Fron-
tinus, A q. 1.5). It is probably not necessary to posit
a meeting of three streets here to account for the
name. M ore likely it had a central passage for
wheeled traffic flanked by side passages for pedestri
ans. Given the volume of traffic known to have
passed through this part of Rome (cf. Plautus, Capt.
90), such an arrangement would have been practical,
and the story of the death of Gaius Gracchus shows
that the gate could be defended by a single man (Val.
M ax. 4 .7 .2 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 65.5).
In the early second century B . C . the Emporium
(q.v.) of Rome found its place outside Porta Trig
mina, probably along the Aventine just beyond the
limits of the Forum Boarium (Livy 4 1 .2 7 .8 9), and
in connection with this numerous porticoes were
erected (Livy 3 5 .1 0 .1 1 -1 2 , 3 5 .4 1 .1 0 , 4 0 .5 1 .4 6,
4 1 .2 7 .8 9). These were probably all more or less
temporary constructions and demolished as the Em
porium moved farther down the river in the course
of time. None is mentioned after 174 B . C . But we
have sepulchral inscriptions for a lagunaria (C IL
6.9488) and a m ellarius (C IL 6 .9 6 1 8 = IL S 7497)
from the Porta Trigmina, and a librarius (C IL
6.9515 = IL S 7751) from extra Porta Trigmina.
Although the location of the gate cannot be deter
mined precisely, now that we know that the Servian
Walls were a closed circuit we can put it in its proper
surroundings. From it one ascended the Aventine in
one direction and reached the Pons Sublicius in the
other. The Emporium was for a time just outside it.
310
The Circus Maximus brook must have crossed the
line of the walls at this gate; though bridged at
points, this cannot have been culverted before the
second century B . C . So we can put the Porta Trig
mina with great confidence in the immediate neigh
borhood of S. M aria in Cosmedin. See also Porta
Minucia.
Sflund 1 7 6 -7 9 , 1 8 4 - 8 5 , 1 9 7 -9 8 ; B u llC om 80
(1 9 6 5 -6 7 ): 5 - 3 6 (G. Sartorio and H. Lyngby);
R om M itt 87 (1980): 3 2 7 -3 4 (M. Pfanner); G.
Brands, R ep u b likan isch e S tadttore in Italien (BAR
4 5 8 , Oxford 1988), 1 9 7 -9 8 ; Coarelli 1988, 2 5 -5 0 .
Porta Triumphalis: see Porta Carmentalis.
Porta Vetus Palatii: see Porta M ugonia.
Porta Viminalis (Figs. 5 8 .6 , 7 2 ): a gate in the
middle of the ancient Agger on the Viminal (Festus
1 5 6 -5 7 L , 5 16L ; Strabo 5 .3 .7 [234]; Frontinus, A q.
1.19). Remains that can be seen in the tract just
north of the Stazione Termini are sufficient to present
a hypothetical reconstruction (cf. Sflund 6 3 67). It
was a simple, narrow, paved throat through the Ag
ger, a little more than 3 m wide, running from a pi
azza of undetermined extent inside the Agger, and
with an aqueduct line (Marcia/Tepula/Iulia) along
side it to the northwest. The closures and their loca
tion are not clear. This was evidently never an im
portant gate, and the road issuing from it in a
straight line led to the Porta Chiusa (q.v.) in the Au-
relian Walls. This was possibly the old line of the Via
Tiburtina.
Sflund 6 3 - 6 7 , 2 0 5 , 2 4 8 - 4 9 ; CAR 3-G , 1 6 7 -6 8
pp. 2 5 2 -5 7 .
Porticus: the Roman version of the Greek stoa, con
sisting of a covered colonnade, usually with an essen
tially closed back wall and one or more parallel rows
of columns, but occasionally entirely columnar. The
earliest porticus in Rome do not antedate the Second
Punic War. The earliest recorded are two built by the
aediles of 193 B . C . and are probably a consequence
of the Romans encounter with Greek architecture in
Sicily (see Porticus Aemilia). The earliest seem all to
have been of a single wing; the first enclosing an area
is the Porticus Metelli of ca. 146 B . C . , and it seems
to have been experimental. Earlier the porticus was
used to border part of a temple precinct, to make a
roofed walk between two points, or to provide shel
ter in which markets could operate. Although a por
ticus might be attached to a building, it seems usually
to have had an essentially independent function. The
Greek stoa built as a unit with shops is not found in
Rome. Once the porticus enclosing a square is in
vented, one seldom finds recurrence to single-wing

examples, except as additions to temple precincts.
Together with the enclosed square comes the inven
tion of the peristyle as an important addition to the
private house and the peristyle garden for refresh
ment and pleasure. Something of the same sort prob
ably happened with public porticus, and, from pro
viding shelter and seclusion from the noise and traffic
outside, they came in a short time to be embellished
with works of art and to frame parks and gardens
designed for enjoyment. It is interesting that whereas
the colonnade as a connecting walk appears early in
Rome, the colonnaded street, which soon becomes
ubiquitous in the East, was never used more than
sparingly in Rome itself.
The exploitation of the porticus as an architectural
form comes in two bursts of activity, an early one
when the porticus are especially for utilitarian pur
poses, the first half of the second century B . C . , and
one in the second half of the first century B . C . , when
they become luxurious and monumental complexes
for public use and edification, which foreshadow the
great bath complexes of the next century. As ex
amples of these one might single out the Porticus
Pompeii and the Saepta Iulia. A porticus regularly
took its name from its builder, its purpose, or some
striking feature or work of art that it contained (Por
ticus Corinthia, Porticus Argonautarum), but as late
as the time of Pliny, if a porticus had more than one
wing, it was regularly referred to in the plural.
The Campus Martius lent itself to the develop
ment of porticus because it was kept largely open
and aqueductless until the time of Augustus. By the
second century the whole lower Campus Martius
was covered with them, and, together with the im
perial fora, one could say that Rome had become a
city of porticus. One could walk almost from one
end of the city to the other going from colonnade to
colonnade, and Vitruvius (5.9) waxes eloquent in
praising their advantages and usefulness.
Porticus Absidata (Fig. 3 9 ): mentioned only in the
regionary catalogues, where it is listed in Regio IV,
and in the twelfth century Ordo Benedicti (Jordan
2 .6 6 4 ; V Z 3 .2 1 4 ), which indicates that it lay just
outside the imperial fora, beyond an arch variously
known as Aureus, of Aurea, and of Aura. Probably
there is confusion here of the area known as Aura
behind the Basilica Constantini and an Arcus Aureus
in the Forum Nervae (cf. the churches of S. Andrea
and S. M aria de Arcu Aurae, HCh 177, 312). The
arch in question is that just southeast of the Temple
of Minerva. The Porticus Absidata, as its name indi
cates, was a portico developed in an arc. Remains of
this have been discovered behind the Temple of M i
nerva, a wall of complicated curvature behind a line
of footings for an arcade. This made an entrance
P O R T IC U S A E M IL IA
court for the forum, a transition between Subura and
forum. It is shown on a fragment of the Marble Plan
(FUR pi. 2 0 ; Rodriguez pi. 12). It is a particularly
clever piece of planning, because it fills the irregular
space behind the southeast hemicycle of the Forum
Augustum and the Temple of Minerva very hand
somely and disguises the awkwardness of the ap
proach to the Forum Nervae, which lies off the axis
of the forum.
The Porticus Absidata was excavated in 1 9 3 5 -
1940, and A. M . Colini published a very brief
account of the excavation (B ullC om 68 [1940]:
2 2 6 -2 7 ). Recently it was reexcavated and studied
exhaustively by H. Bauer, who has provided detailed
drawings of almost every aspect. According to Bauer,
it should be reconstructed as an arcade in two sto
reys, the lower storey vaulted and revetted entirely in
white marble, the upper a marble arcade standing
free in front of a wall of rusticated blocks of peper-
ino. The evidence for most of the architectural fea
tures is very good. On less reliable evidence Bauer
would roof the interior with a dome behind an open
pediment under a high attic. This is difficult to ac
cept; an open court seems more suitable.
R m M itt 90 (1983): 1 1 1 -8 4 (H. Bauer).
Porticus Aemilia (1): extra Portam Trigeminam,
built by the aediles M . Aemilius Lepidus and L. Ae-
milius Paullus in 193 B . C . (Livy 3 5 .1 0 .1 2 ). This was
a utilitarian portico, for Livy adds that they added
an Emporium (q.v.) along the Tiber. It required res
toration by the censors Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A.
Postumius Albinus in 174 (Livy 4 1 .2 7 .8 ). In the
same passage Livy speaks of work on the Emporium
and of another portico, either mounting the Aventine
or, more likely, lying tight against its flank (the text
is corrupt), which they paved with cobbles. Five
years earlier, in 179 B . C . , the censor M. Fulvius No-
bilior had built yet another portico outside the Porta
Trigmina (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .6 ). All these porticoes were
probably wooden market buildings, not intended to
be permanent and subjected to intensive use. They
were also probably particularly prone to damage in
floods of the Tiber.
Porticus Aemilia (2): a Porta F ontinali a d M artis
aram (Livy 3 5 .1 0 .1 2 ), built by the same aediles and
at the same time as Porticus Aemilia (1). If, as seems
probable, the Porta Fontinalis was the gate on the
Clivus Argentarius going over the northeast shoulder
of the Capitoline Hill, it was in the immediate neigh
borhood of the Atrium Libertatis (q.v.), the office of
the censors. The Altar of Mars in the Campus M ar
tius was probably where they held the census and
certainly where they closed the lustrum, and it is very
likely the square feature shown near the south end of
311
P O R T IC U S A G R IP P IA N A
the Divorum on the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 1 ; Rod
riguez pi. 26) and was always in more or less this
location. The Porticus Aemilia was, then, a covered
walk especially for the convenience of the censors,
but also for anyone going from the neighborhood of
the Forum Romanum to the Campus Martius, as the
consuls must have when holding centuriate assem
blies for any purpose. It was therefore a ceremonial
walk and would have been suitably monumental. It
seems to have given the name Aemiliana (q.v.) to this
part of the Campus Martius.
Porticus Agrippiana: see Porticus
Argonautarum.
Porticus Apollinis: see Apollo Palatinus, Aedes.
Porticus Argonautarum : the west colonnade of
the Saepta Iulia (q.v.), built by Agrippa in 25 B . C .
(Cass. Dio 5 3 .2 7 .1 ). It derived its name from paint
ings depicting the story of the Argonauts and was the
counterpart of the Porticus Meleagri. The Saepta
burned in the fire of Titus of a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio
66 .2 4 .2 ), but the Porticus Argonautarum must have
been restored almost immediately, for it continued to
be the scene of a great market in luxuries and one of
the most frequented places in Rome (Martial
2 .1 4 .1 6 , 3 .2 0 .1 1 , 11.1.12). It and the Porticus M e
leagri are both listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio IX . The idea that it might also at least some
times have been called Porticus Agrippiana (schol. a d
luv. 6.154) is probably wrong, for there would have
been no way of telling which of Agrippas porticoes
the speaker meant.
Porticus in Aventinum: see Porticus Aemilia
( 1).
Porticus Boni Eventus: an exceptionally large por
tico (porticum . . . ingentem lavacro A grippae con -
tiguam) built by Claudius, praefectus urbi in a . d .
374 (Amm. M arc. 2 9 .6 .1 9 ). It must have been west
of the baths, perhaps in the Horti or Nemus Agrip
pae. Five Corinthian capitals of white marble of ex
traordinary size, 1.70 m high, were brought to light
between 1860 and 1891 in this area (B ullC om 19
[1891]: 2 2 4 - 2 7 [R. Lanciani], 42 [1914]: 3 8 7 -8 8
[M. M archetti]); the line they give indicates that the
portico to which they would have belonged ran di
agonally, northeast/southwest. Its purpose is difficult
to decide. The portico took its name from a Tem-
plum Boni Eventus (see Bonus Eventus, Templum) in
the vicinity. Whether the Horti Agrippae survived at
the time that this portico was built is not clear.
312
Porticus in Capitolio: see Area Capitolina.
Porticus Catuli: a portico that Q. Lutatius Catulus
built from the spoils of the Cimbri adjacent to his
house on the Palatine. It was apparently next-door
to Ciceros house, and when Clodius destroyed Ci
ceros house after Cicero went into exile, he added a
portion of the land to Catuluss portico. It was later
restored to its original dimensions by decree of the
senate. Presumably Catuluss portico was a public
building and had plantations of trees (Cicero, D om .
62), but it does not seem to have been known by a
distinctive name (Cicero, D om . 62, 102, 114, 116,
137, Har. R esp. 5 8 , Att. 4 .2 .5 , 4 .3 .2 ; Val. M ax.
6.3.1).
Porticus in Clivo Capitolino: see Clivus
Capitolinus.
Porticus Constantini: mentioned only in the re
gionary catalogues, listed in Regio VII together with
the Porticus Vipsania, often presumed to have been
a dependency of the Thermae Constantinianae, al
though this seems hardly likely in view of the situa
tion of the baths on the Collis Salutaris toward the
east, well inside Regio VI. Others connect the portico
with the church of SS. Apostoli, a church of Con-
stantinian date, but this originally faced east and was
known as the Basilica Iulia, after Pope Julius I ( a . d .
3 3 7 _ 3 5 2 ), its builder, so the case is tenuous at best.
Along both sides of Via Lata were porticoes, evi
dently in series, fronting buildings of multiple ar
cades. That under the Galleria Colonna, cleared in
part in 1820, had piers faced with brick, which
might conceivably be the portico in question
(.B u llC om 15 [1887]: 1 4 4 - 4 5 [L. Borsari]).
Porticus Corinthia: see Porticus O ctavia (1).
Porticus Crep(ereiaP): a completion suggested for
one inscription (C IL 6.675 = 3 0 8 1 0 = IL S 35 3 3 ), but
very doubtful.
Porticus Curva: see Forum Traiani and Domus
Palmata.
Porticus Decii: a portico conjectured by Lanciani
(LFUR sheet 2 1 : p orticu s ingens) based on an ex
tremely fragmentary inscription {C IL 6.1099) re
ported to have been found in the area where the Por
ticus Aemilia (2) may have run, across from a
building between the church of S. Venanzio dei Ca-
merinesi and the Macellum Corvorum, which would
put it in the near neighborhood of Palazzo Astalli

(Muti Bussi) in Piazza Aracoeli. But the evidence is
too slight to trust.
Porticus Deorum Consentium: a poorly under
stood building across the Clivus Capitolinus to the
northwest of the Temple of Saturn, in its present
form Flavian, but that is due to the insertion of the
Temple of Divus Vespasianus next to the Temple of
Concordia. An older portico, built in 174 B . C . , ran
from the Temple of Saturn to the Senaculum (Livy
41 .27.7) and made a dramatic backdrop for this end
of the Forum Romanum. While this may have lost
much of its importance after Opimiuss reconstruc
tion of the Temple of Concordia and creation of the
Basilica Opimia in 121 B . C . , it could still have served
to unify this end of the forum visually. Even after
Tiberiuss enlargement of the Temple of Concordia,
dedicated in a . d . 10 or 12, a portico adjacent to it
could have been a handsome complement. But the
Temple of Divus Vespasianus reduced the plot to an
awkward trapezoid, and the portico erected there is
an ungainly makeshift. It consists of a trapezoidal
platform paved with marble, framed on two sides
meeting at an obtuse angle with Corinthian colon
nades, behind which open seven nearly square cham
bers built of brick-faced concrete. The two wings of
the colonnade are different, one being of fluted col
umns, the other of unfluted columns of cipollino.
The chambers are windowless and dark. At a lower
level in the side of the platform along the Temple of
Divus Vespasianus is another series of seven similar
chambers that seem to have been offices, like the ta-
bernae of the Forum Iulium.
An inscription (C IL 6 .1 0 2 = IL S 4003) on the ep
istyle records a restoration of the sim ulacra of the
Dei Consentes by the praefectus urbi Vettius Praetex-
tatus in a . d . 367. It is generally presumed that the
images stood in the intercolumniations and that the
chambers behind were originally twelve, one for
each of the divinities in Varros list of them in pairs:
Jupiter and Tellus, Sol and Luna, Ceres and Liber,
Robigus and Flora, Minerva and Venus, Lympha and
Bonus Eventus (Varro, Rust. 1.1.4). This is very un
satisfactory; there are today thirteen intercolumnia
tions and only seven chambers. Varro says only that
gilded statues of the twelve stood a d foru m , so one
would be inclined to see the statues displayed in the
court well in front of the colonnade and the cham
bers as having nothing to do with any cult of the Dei
Consentes, but rather as utilitarian space. Even so, it
is not an aesthetically pleasing building.
Excavations were carried out here in 1834, and
the colonnade and chambers were reconstructed in
1858 using ancient material. This may account in
P O R T IC U S G A II E T L U C II
part for the ruins unsatisfactory quality. But clearly
the builders were aiming at contrast with the Tabu-
larium, which seems rather unfortunate.
Lugli 1946, 1 1 4 -1 5 ; Nash 2 .2 4 1 -4 3 ; R om a, ar-
ch eo lo g ia n ei cen tro (1985), 1 .2 4 -2 8 (G. Nieddu);
BdA 71 (1986): 3 7 -5 2 (G. Nieddu).
Porticus Divorum: see Divorum, Templum.
Porticus Europae: a portico somewhere in the
Campus Martius, mentioned only by M artial, so pre
sumably a relatively late creation, but mentioned by
him several times (2 .1 4 .3 , 5 and 15, 3 .2 0 .1 2 ,
7 .3 2 .1 1 , 11 .1 .1 1 ). It was distinguished by planta
tions of box (M artial 2 .1 4 .1 5 ), and it was especially
used by runners (M artial 2 .1 4 .3 - 4 , 7 .3 2 .1 1 12). We
can therefore presume that it was adjacent to, or part
of, a bath complex. That this was not the Baths of
Agrippa seems adequately demonstrated by Martial
7 .3 2 .1 1 -1 2 , where the implication is that the run
ning track of these baths lay along the Euripus Ther-
marum Agrippae (see Euripus). That leaves only
the Thermae Neronianae. Because no part of that
complex, as far as it is known, seems to have
been designed for use as a running track, especially
not one with plantations of box, we may see the
Porticus Europae as a separate feature in the Nemus
Thermarum (Tacitus, Ann. 15.37) adjacent to the
baths.
Porticus Fabaria: listed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio X III, presumably headquarters of the deal
ers in beans and located among the warehouses be
low the Aventine.
Porticus Gaii et Lucii (Fig. 4 8 ): a monument
known from literary sources (Suetonius, Aug. 2 9 ; cf.
Cass. Dio 5 6 .2 7 .5 ) and identified by a large inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .3 6 9 0 8 ) in honor of Lucius Caesar found
in 1898 near the southwest corner of the Basilica
Paulli (Aemilia), broken, but clearly not far from the
building from which it had fallen. Excavations in
1954 brought to light the remains of a monumental
entrance to the forum between the Temple of Divus
Iulius and the Basilica Paulli serving also as an en
trance to the basilica. It consisted of a double arch,
the half toward the basilica with its floor on the same
level as that of the basilica, the other sunk four steps
to the level of the Sacra Via. This was decorated with
an engaged order and presumably served as the base
for a program of statuary honoring Augustuss
grandsons. The fact that it was balanced on the op
posite side of the Temple of Divus Iulius by the Arcus
Augusti should not be overlooked. The portico was,
313
 P O R T IC U S G A L L IE N I
in effect, a triumphal arch for a triumph never won,
hence its name. See also Basilica Paulli.
Lugli 1946, 9 6 - 9 9 ; Nash 1.93, 2 .2 4 4 - 4 7 ; Coar-
elli 1985, 1 7 1 -7 6 .
Porticus Gallieni: a portico that Gallienus is said
to have planned, extending along the Via Flaminia
as far as the Pons Mulvius. It was to have four rows
of columns and a row of pedestals carrying statues
(S.H.A. G allien. 18.5). So far as is known, it was
never begun.
Porticus Gordiani: a grandiose scheme credited to
Gordian III for the Campus Martius (S.H.A. G ord.
32.56). There was to be a portico 1,000 feet long,
sub colle (Pinciano? Quirinali?) and a second of the
same length parallel to this 5 0 0 feet away. Down the
middle was to be a paved promenade lined with col
umns and small statuary, and the rest was to be
planted. At the end was to be a basilica 5 0 0 feet long
joining the two porticoes. One sees the influence of
Forum Traiani in the design, but it is difficult to
imagine that Gordian ever seriously entertained un
dertaking such a project.
Porticus Gypsiani: see Porticus Vipsania.
Porticus H erculea: see Porticus Pompeii.
Porticus Ilicii: a portico that the presbyter Ilicius
built in the fifth century along the Vicus Patricius
from the Memoria Sancti Martyris Hippolyti (S. Lor
enzo in Ponte) to the church of S. Pudenziana, a dis
tance of 4 0 0 m. Remains of it still exist (LR 3 9 1 ;
LFUR sheets 17, 2 3 ; H J 3 4 0 - 4 1 ; B ullA rcbC r 5
[1867]: 5160, especially 5 3 - 5 4 [De Rossi]).
Porticus Iovia: see Porticus Pompeii.
Porticus Iulia (Fig. 4 8 ): a poorly attested building
(schol. a d Pers. 4 .4 9 ; cf. Cass. Dio 5 6 .2 7 .5 and cor
rections; Jordan 1.2 .3 8 6 n .9 6 , 391) identified by
Gamberini-Mongenet as the arcuated porches along
the flanks of the Temple of Divus Iulius. This seems
apt to be correct, if the topographical indications
given by the scholiast on Persius can be trusted.
Nash 1 .9 3 ,2 .2 4 8 - 5 1 .
Porticus Inter Lignarios: built in 192 b . c . extra
Portam Trigeminam (Livy 3 5 .4 1 .1 0 ), evidently a
utilitarian building connected with the Emporium
(q.v.) of the period.
Porticus Liviae (Figs. 62, 6 8 ): a large portico on the
Oppius in Regio III adjacent to the Thermae Traiani,
which was built by Livia, the wife of Augustus, and
314
dedicated in 7 B . C . as part of the triumph of Tiberius.
It was dedicated to Concordia, probably Concordia
Augusta (Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 3 .6 , 5 5 .8 .2 ; Suetonius, Aug.
2 9 ; Ovid, Fast. 6 .6 3 7 48). The portico occupied the
site of the house of Vedius Pollio (see Domus, Vedius
Pollio) and was immediately accessible from the Cli-
vus Suburanus over a broad stair in two flights. Al
though no part of it is visible today, it appears on
fragments of the M arble Plan (FUR pi. 18; Rodri
guez pis. 7 -9 ), and, on the assumption that its plan
was symmetrical, it can be reconstructed in its en
tirety. It was a rectangle surrounded by a double co
lonnade, behind which opened colonnaded niches,
some small, both rectangular and semicircular, oth
ers larger, only rectangular. All shops adjacent to it
seem to have opened away from it toward streets
around it. In the open space was a large central fea
ture, probably a fountain, and small features at the
corners, also probably fountains. In overall dimen
sions the portico was about 115 m long and 75 m
wide. It was a very popular resort and much admired
(Ovid, Ars A m. 1.717 2 ; Pliny, H N 1 4 .1 1 ; Pliny,
Epist. 1 .5 .9 ; Strabo 5 .3 .8 [236]). Pliny tells us that a
single prodigious vine stock covered all the walks of
the open area, so it must have been gardened. It sur
vived at least until the fourth century, but we know
nothing of its later history.
PP 33 (1978): 2 6 5 72 (L. Richardson); H istoria
33 (1984): 3 0 9 -3 3 (M. Boudreau Flory); CEFR 98
(1987): 6 1 1 -5 1 (C. Panella).
K Porticus M argaritaria: known only from the re-
gionary catalogues, where it is listed in Regio VIII
between the Graecostadium (N otitia, Atrium Caci:
Curiosum ) and Elephas Herbarius. Because in the
last two centuries of the republic the Sacra Via is
known to have been a center of the trade in feminine
luxuries, especially jewelry, it has been presumed
that the Porticus M argaritaria should be located
there. But after the time of Nero there is really no
place where one might conveniently locate it, and we
know that already in the early empire markets in ar
ticles for feminine adornment had sprung up in var
ious places, such as the Saepta Iulia (q.v.). While it
seems likely that the jewelers would have moved
away from the forum by the time of Nero, it is diffi
cult to guess where they might have moved to, or
whether they had a center at all any longer. On the
basis of the sequence in which the Porticus M argari
taria appears in the regionary catalogues, Jordan
suggested (1.2.476) that the large portico at the base
of the Capitoline Hill between the Forum Boarium
and Forum Holitorium (Fig. 37.4) might be the Por
ticus Margaritaria. It is at least as good a suggestion
as any made so far. The notion that after Domitian
rebuilt the northern wing of N eros monumental ap
 P O R T IC U S M IN U C IA F R U M E N T A R IA

proach to the Domus Aurea as the Horrea Pipera-

taria (q.v.) the southern wing was also converted
to commercial use is unlikely to be correct. The /
architectural changes there suggest offices for the
bureaucracy of the empire rather than a covered
bazaar.
Lugli 1946, 5 3 1 -3 3 ; Nash 2 .2 5 2 -5 3 .

Porticus M axim ae: built about a . d . 380, evidently

along the street leading from Circus Flaminius to

Pons Aelius (C/L 6 .1 1 8 4 = /LS 781). The arch at the
bridgehead commemorated the work, but remains of
architecture, especially granite columns and marble
capitals, have been found chiefly in the Via dei Giub-
bonari between Piazza Cairoli and the Theater of
Pompey. The reason for the use of the plural is some
what puzzling at this late date.
Lugli 1938, 9 4 - 9 5 ; Lugli 1975, 4 7 0 .

Porticus M eleagri: the east portico of the Saepta

Iulia balancing the Porticus Argonautarum, evi
dently deriving its name from a representation of the
Calydonian boar hunt and possibly other stories in
which Meleager figured. It appears on a fragment of
the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 31 ; Rodriguez pi. 27). It is
listed with the Porticus Argonautarum in the region-
ary catalogues, but without indication that both be
long to the Saepta.
Porticus Metelli: built by Q. Caecilius Metellus
Macedonicus sometime after his triumph in 146 B . C . ,
to enclose the temples of Iuppiter Stator (see Iuppiter
Stator, Aedes [2]) and Iuno Regina (see Iuno Regina,
Aedes [3]). These were probably both already stand
ing, the Temple of Iuno having been dedicated in 179
B . C . , the Temple of Iuppiter of uncertain date but
probably still older (PBSR 21 [1953]: 1 5 2 -5 9 [M. J.
Boyd]). Metelluss portico seems from remains still
on the site to have been of peperino and to have in
cluded an Ionic order. It appears to have been closed
on the southeast front toward the Circus Flaminius
and to have been essentially a Hellenistic precinct en
closure. It seems also to have been the first portico in
Rome of more than a single wing and is always re
ferred to in the plural. It was embellished with nu
merous works of art, notably the twenty-five eques
trian statues of the Companions of Alexander by
Lysippus (Veil. Pat., 1.1 1 .3 7, 2.1 .2 ). The Porticus
Octaviae (q.v.) replaced it.
B u llC om 87 (1980^ 81): 3 7 - 4 6 (H. Lauter).
Porticus Miliarensis: see H orti Sallustiani.
Porticus M iliariae: one of the features of N eros
Domus Aurea (Suetonius, N ero 31.1). Suetoniuss
language is ambiguous and can be taken to mean
there were three porticoes each a mile long. Because
Suetonius is impressed by the spaciousness (laxitas)
of the Domus Aurea, the latter seems more probable.
Porticus M inucia Frum entaria: attested by the re-
gionary catalogues and listed in Regio IX. It is called
Frumentaria to distinguish it from the Porticus M i
nucia Vetus. At least from the time of Claudius, dis
tribution of grain regularly took place in the Porticus
Minucia (C/L 6 .1 0 2 2 3 = IL S 6 0 7 1 ), and it continued
there to the time of Apuleius (D e M undo 35). It had
at least forty-five o stia (Chron. 144) and at each def
inite groups received their dole on a particular day
of the month (C/L 6 .1 0 2 2 4 -2 5 = IL S 6 0 6 9 -7 0 ). Be
ginning in the time of Septimius Severus, the portico
appears in inscriptions of officials of the water de
partment (C/L 5 .7 7 8 3 = IL S 1128: cu rator aqu aru m
et M inuciae; 6 .1 5 3 2 = IL S 1191: cur. aquar. et Mi-
nu ciae; 1 0 .4 7 5 2 = IL S 1 2 2 3 : con su lari aqu aru m et
M inuciae; 1 4 .3 9 0 2 = /LS 1186: cu rator aqu aru m et
M inuciae; N Sc 1901, 1 2 9 -3 1 [G. Boni]). It seems
clear from the inscriptions and the other high offices
held by these men that the dole and the water supply
were then united under a single curator.
The enormous rectangular building west of Via
Lata formerly identified as the Saepta Iulia and left
nameless after the proper identification of the Saepta
seems apt to have been the Porticus Minucia Fru
mentaria (Fig. 18). It extends from the Via del Cara-

315
 P O R T IC U S M IN U C IA V E T U S
Figure 6 9
P orticus M in u cia
(Vetus) and Tem ple o f
the Lares Perm arini,
Plan , as Know n
vita on the north, just south of the point at which the
Aqua Virgo crossed Via Lata, to Palazzetto Venezia
and Via di S. M arco on the south, more than 4 0 0 m,
a forest of rusticated travertine piers carrying vaults,
seven bays, or 60 m, deep, and according to calcula
tion at least seventy bays long. Good remains have
been found under Palazzo Simonetti, S. M aria in Via
Lata, Palazzo Doria-Pamphili, Palazzo Bonaparte,
Palazzo Venezia, S. M arco, and Palazzetto Venezia.
Piranesi made an etching of the parts under S. Maria
in Via Lata and Palazzo Pamphili (C am pus M artius
pi. 25) that shows the piers heavily rusticated in the
Claudian fashion known from the substructures of
the Temple of Divus Claudius and Porta Maggiore
with brick-faced vaulting above. The piers of the
fourth and fifth rows under Palazzo Pamphili as mea
sured by Hiilsen are 1.70 m square, 4 m apart in the
north/south direction, and 6 .2 0 m apart east/west.
Other piers further west show different measure
ments, and remains under Palazzo Simonetti are in
Hadrianic brickwork, so there must have been either
restorations or extensions of the original building,
very likely both. The first row of piers along Via Lata
had a balustrade run between them. One can imag
ine that the grain was delivered along the west side
of the building, stored and moved about as needed
in the interior, and distributed along Via Lata. The
openness of the plan permitted maximum freedom in
the arrangement of offices and storage.
316
H J 5 6 0 - 6 4 ; N Sc 1911, 3 6 (A. Pasqui); A nalR om ,
suppl. 10 (1983): 1058 (G. Rickman).
Porticus M inucia Vetus (Fig. 69): a postive join of
fragments of the Marble Plan by L. Cozza has iden
tified and located the Porticus Minucia (Minicia) as
a rectangular complex lying just south of the Diribi-
torium and just north of the Theatrum and Crypta
Balbi, just east of the portico framing the Area Sacra
di Largo Argentina along its east side. There seems
to have been a double colonnade on all four sides
facing inward, the front line broken forward in bays
of three columns toward the corners and perhaps
elsewhere. This enclosed the Temple of the Lares Per
marini (see Lares Permarini, Aedes) of L. Aemilius
Regulus, dedicated in 179 B . C . , which stood off-
center to the southeast, probably because it ante
dated the portico, which was built by the consul of
110 B . C . , M. Minucius Rufus, as a monument to his
triumph over the Scordisci (Veil. Pat. 2.8 .3 ). Here
Mark Antony set up his tribunal as governor of
Rome in 4 7 B . C . (Cicero, Phil. 2 .6 3 , 84), perhaps out
of deference to Julius Caesar, the absent dictator, for
although Velleius described the porticoes as celebres,
we do not hear of any other magistrates making use
of them. The portico had some association with Her
cules, for a statue of Hercules there sweated in the
days before Commoduss assassination (S.H.A.
C om m o d . 16.5), and games here are recorded for 4
June (Philocalus), which was consecrated to Her
cules Custos. But why the games were not held in the
Circus Flaminius, where the Temple of Hercules Cus
tos stood at the northwest end, is not clear. The por
tico must have burned in the fire of Titus in a . d . 80,
for although it is not listed among the losses, it is
flanked by buildings that burned, and we have rec
ord of a restoration by Domitian (Chron. 146).
QITA 5 (1968): 9 - 2 0 (L. Cozza).
Porticus Ad N ationes: built by Augustus and given
this name because of a gallery of statues representing
all nations (Servius a d Aen. 8.721). Before its en
trance stood a statue of the Punic Hercules, Melqart
(Pliny, H N 36 .3 9 ). These are the only references to
this portico, and we have no idea how large it was,
where it might have been located, or what the pro
gram of statues might have been like. It quite clearly
should be distinct from the fourteen statues by Co-
ponius representing the nations over which Pompey
triumphed (Pliny, H N 3 6 .4 1 ); those stood around
the exterior of the cavea of the Theater of Pompey
(cf. Suetonius, N ero 46 .1 ). However, the story about
N eros nightmares makes the existence of a larger
collection of statues representing nations suspect,
and one may ask whether Serviuss information is re
liable. If we accept a Porticus ad Nationes without

the program of statuary, we might be able to identify
it as the Hecatostylon, which Martial 2.14.9) sepa
rates from the P om pei d on a and which is nameless,
except for fragmentary identification on the Marble
Plan.
H J 5 2 5 ; JR S 78 (1988): 7 0 - 7 7 (R. R. R. Smith).
Porticus Post N avalia: built i n 179 b . c . by M . Ful-
vius Nobilior as censor (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .6 ), one of a series
of porticoes, all apparently essentially utilitarian in
purpose. This was presumably behind the Navalia
(q.v.) in the southern Campus Martius in the area
above the modern Ponte Garibaldi.
Porticus O ctavia (1): built by Cn. Octavius in 168
B . C . a d C ircum Flam inium as a monument to his na
val victory over Perseus of Macedon. According to
Pliny (H N 34.13), this was double and had capitals
of bronze, from which it took the name Corinthia.
This must be the one Velleius (2.1.2) calls the most
splendid of all the early porticoes and most sump
tuous. In this Octavian put the standards of Gabinius
recovered from the Illyrians (Appian, B elllll 28), and
this he rebuilt as a monument to the final conquest
of Dalmatia in 33 B . C . , apparently his first gift to the
Roman people that was not completion of a work
that Julius Caesar had undertaken. At this time, O c
tavian says in his R es G estae (19), he let the name of
the original builder stand. This, Dio says (49.43.8),
was rebuilt as the Porticus Octaviae, a statement
about which most topographers seem skeptical.
Porticus O ctavia (2): Festus (188L) says there were
two porticoes of this name, one near the Theater of
Marcellus, which will be that ad Circum Flaminium,
and another near the Theater of Pompey. There is no
reason to doubt this, nor is there a dearth of porti
coes requiring names. The portico flanking the Area
Sacra di Largo Argentina might be meant, or the ed
ifice of which a fragment still survives in Via S. Maria
dei Calderari, although the latter might better have
been described as in C irco Flam inio. There are also
areas around the Theater of Pompey where our ig
norance is almost complete.
Porticus Octaviae (Figs. 70, 7 1 ): built by Octavia,
the sister of Augustus, to complete work undertaken
by her son, Marcellus (Ovid, Ars A m. 1.6970), pre
sumably as aedile, and then made a memorial to him
(Livy, E pit. 140; Festus 188L, where there may be
some confusion). Suetonius (Aug. 29.4) says the real
builder was Augustus, and he is supported by Dio
(49.43.8), but this is doubtful. According to Velleius
(1.11.3), this portico replaced the Porticus Metelli
(q.v.) but did not apparently substantially change its
lines and form. At the same time the temples it en
P O R T IC U S O C T A V IA E
closed were rebuilt, allegedly by two Lacedaemonian Figure 70
architects named Saura and Batrachos (Pliny, FIN Porticus O ctav iae and
Porticus Philippi,
36.42). It burned in a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio 66 .2 4 .2 ) and
Represen tation
must have been restored, presumably by Domitian. on the M a rb le Plan
It burned again, and Septimius Severus and Cara-
calla restored it in 203 (C IL 6.1034).
Besides the two temples it enclosed, there were in
cluded in the complex a library (see Bibliotheca Por
ticus Octaviae) dedicated to Marcellus (Plutarch,
M arc. 30 .6 ), a curia (Pliny, H N 36 .2 8 ), and scholae
(Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 1 4 , 36 .2 2 ). The senate is recorded as
having met in the curia (Josephus, B elllu d 7.5.4
[124]; Cass. Dio 5 5 .8 .1 ). Pliny repeatedly calls the
whole complex O ctav iae o p era (H N 3 4 .3 1 , 3 5 .1 3 9 ,
3 6 .1 5 ), and it was enriched with an enormous collec
tion of famous works of art (Pliny, H N 3 4 .3 1 ,
3 5 .1 1 4 , 139, 3 6 .1 5 , 2 2 , 24, 34, 35).
The portico itself was 119 m wide on the faade
and about 132 m in depth. In the center of the faade
on the Circus Flaminius was a propylaeum project
ing in as well as out, now composed of four fluted
columns on each face between antae. The columns
are Corinthian and carry deep tympana. The side
walls are broken by arches leading to the portico,
which is raised above the surrounding ground, a high
promenade. But on the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 29;
Rodriguez pi. 23) the portico is shown as very open
on the faade, the propylaeum of six columns on
each front without side walls, and apparently not
projecting on the interior. The unfluted columns of
granite with white marble capitals and bases of the
rest of the portico are late, Domitianic or Severan in
date, and there is no sign of what they may have re
placed. There were eight columns to either side of the
propylaeum on the faade, and, although in Octa-
317
P O R T IC U S P A LL A N T IA N A
vias building the faade had been closed, later ap
parently one looked through the double line of col
umns from the circus to see the temples and the
various embellishments beyond. On the sides, how
ever, the double colonnades were still closed by ex
terior walls, and there is no indication of how the
colonnade was treated behind the temples.
Lugli 1946, 5 6 2 - 6 7 ; PBSR 2 1 , n.s. 8 (1953):
1 5 2 -5 9 (M. J. Boyd); BCSSA 16 (1960): 3 7 -5 6 (M.
Petrignani); Nash 2 .2 5 4 5 8 ; B. Olinder, Porticus
O ctavia in C irco F lam in io (Stockholm 1974); A]A
80 (1976): 5 7 -6 4 (L. Richardson); B u llC om 87
(1 9 8 0 -8 1 ): 3 7 -5 5 (H. Lauter).
Porticus Pallantiana: known from a single inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .9 7 1 9 = IL S 7492) of a dealer in oil who
claimed to be V enetianorum and possibly Parmular-
iorum (the latter is less certain). Because the stabula
(q.v.) of the circus factions were all in the Campus
Martius, so should the locations of their provisioners
have been, unless this was one of the great ware
houses in the district southwest of the Aventine.
For a location near the Circus Maximus, see
B u llC om 85 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 157 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Porticus Palm ata: evidently an alternate name for
the atrium (forecourt) preceding the Constantinian
basilica of S. Pietro, to the south of which Pope Hon-
orius I (625638) built the basilica of S. Apollinaris
(LPD 1.3 2 3 ; V Z 2 .2 5 2 ; HCh 2 0 1 ; cf. Frutaz 2: p!.
75b [tav. 147]), thereafter called S. Apollinaris ad
Palmatam. This is shown on Alfaronis plan of
318
1 5 8 9 -1 5 9 0 (T. Alfaroni, D e B asilicae V aticanae an-
tiquissim a et n ov a structura, ed. D. M. Cerrati [Bib
lioteca Vaticana studi e testi 2 6 , Rome 1914]) off the
southeast corner of the atrium, so the Porticus Pal
mata, or ad Palmata, can hardly be anything else,
although the source of the name remains mys
terious.
Porticus Philippi (Fig. 7 0 ): listed in the regionary
catalogues in Regio IX . This must be the portico sur
rounding Marcius Philippuss rebuilding of the
Temple of Hercules Musarum (see Hercules Musa-
rum, Aedes; cf. M artial 5 .4 9 .1 2 -1 3 ), shown on the
Marble Plan (FU R pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23), but the
plan is odd and difficult to read. It seems to have
been a single colonnade closed behind on the sides
and front, but double and open (?) behind. And there
seems to have been a line of trees running around
inside this. It contained a number of noteworthy pic
tures (Pliny, H N 3 5 .6 6 , 114, 144). Behind, in the tri
angular space between the portico and the Theater
of Balbus, was a market in hair goods (Ovid, Ars
Am. 3 .1 6 5 -6 8 ).
A n alR om , suppl. 10 (1983): 9 3 104 (F. Castag-
noli).
Porticus Pollae: see Porticus Vipsania.
Porticus Pompeii (Fig. 8 2): built by Pompey to
gether with his theater (see Theatrum Pompeii), ded
icated in 52 B .C ., behind the scaena and adjoining it,
so there would be shelter for the spectators in the
event of a sudden shower and so there would be
space for developing stage machinery (Vitruvius
5.9 .1 ), but especially as a park with pleasant walks.
It contained a collection of pictures, many of them
famous (Pliny, H N 3 5 .5 9 , 114, 126, 132). In the
open area were plantations of plane trees pollarded
to a uniform height and fountains with sculptures
(Propertius 2 .3 2 .1 1 -1 6 ). Adjacent to it was a curia
for the senate (see Curia Pompeii). It became imme
diately one of the most popular places in Rome to
stroll (Cicero, D e F ato 8; Catullus 55.6) and contin
ued to be so in the time of Augustus (Propertius
4 .8 .7 5 ; Ovid, Ars A m. 1 .6 7 -6 8 , 3 .3 8 7 -8 8 ) and even
in the time of M artial (2 .1 4 .1 0 , 1 1 .1 .1 1 , 11.47.3).
The portico is shown on fragments of the Marble
Plan (FUR 3 2 ; Rodriguez pis. 2 8 , 32) as a single col
onnade surrounding a large rectangular area with
exedras, both rectangular and semicircular, screened
off by columns, along the long sides and the far end,
and columnar bays that break forward from the line
of the colonnade at the scaena end. In the open area
are four files of dotted squares, which probably rep
resent the pollarded plane trees, shown along the

margins of what may be two large rectangular basins
of water. Along the south side, just outside the por
tico proper, there may have been a line of shops.
How the fountains and statuary were arranged is, of
course, not clear.
The porticus evidently burned in the fire of Cari-
nus (cf. S.H.A. Carin. 19), for it was restored in the
time of Diocletian by the praefectus urbi Aelius Hel-
vius Dionysius, at which time one part was called
Porticus Iovia and another Porticus Herculea in
honor of the emperors Diocletian and Maximian
(C IL 6 .2 5 5 -2 5 6 = IL S 6 2 1 -6 2 2 ; Chron. 148: p o rti
cus II). It may have been destroyed in the earthquake
of 442/443 (Consularia Italica, M G H C hron. Min.
1 .3 01; B u llC om 45 [1917]: 1 1 -1 3 [R. Lanciani]).
There is little to be seen there today; a large latrine
was built into the northeast corner of the complex
and another, somewhat smaller, a little south of cen
ter off the east colonnade. These are shown, some
what schematically and inaccurately drawn, on the
Marble Plan and are mentioned by Dio (47.19.1).
They were in part uncovered in the excavations of
the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina (G. Marchetti-
Longhi, L area sacra d i L a rg o A rgentina [Rome
1960], 7 4 - 7 9 ; Nash 1.147). These give some notion
of the crowds that frequented the Porticus Pompeii,
but nothing of its splendors.
Porticus E xtra Portam Fontinalem: see Porticus
Aemilia (2).
Porticus E xtra Portam Trigeminam: see
Porticus Aemilia (1).
Porticus Purpuretica: see Forum Traiani.
Porticus Saeptorum: see Saepta Iulia.
Porticus Severi: mentioned only in the Historia Au
gusta (S.H.A. Sept. Sev. 2 1 .1 2 ; Carac. 9.6) and said
to have been built in Severuss honor by Caracalla
and to have encompassed his deeds, his triumphs,
and his wars. It is otherwise unknown, but one might
well imagine it as part of the Thermae Antoninianae
(q.v.).
Porticus Post Spem: listed by Livy (40.51.6) as one
of the works of M . Fulvius Nobilior as censor in 179
B . C . It is described as p o st Spei a d T iberim , and one
can imagine it as a handsome background for the
temple or a utilitarian building serving river traffic at
the Forum Boarium. The latter is certainly more
likely at this period and in this location. It was prob
ably not intended to be permanent and disappeared
within a generation or so.
P O R T IC U S V IP S A N IA
Porticus Therm arum Traianarum: mentioned
only in a single inscription from Thrace (C IL
3.1 2 3 3 6 ) as a place where a document is posted in
a . d . 23 8 . The proximity to the headquarters of the
Praefectura Urbana (q.v.) has led to the supposition
that this might be connected with it, but the evidence
is too slight to warrant anything further.
Porticus Triumphi: known from a single inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .2 9 7 7 6 = IL S 5559) found outside the
walls between Via Asinaria and Via Latina, near
Porta Metrovia. The brief inscription states that by
going back and forth along this portico one com
pleted a mile. Presumably it is from a portico in a
private villa. There is no other evidence for a public
Porticus Triumphi in Rome.
Porticus Vipsania: a portico begun by Vipsania
Polla, the sister of Agrippa, in C am p o A grippae
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .8 .3 -4 ) . M artial (1 .1 0 8 .1 -4 ) says that
his house overlooked it. His house was on the Quir-
inal, on a street leading from the Temple of Flora to
the Capitolium Vetus (5 .2 2 .3 4, 6 .2 7 .1 -2 ). The lo
cation of the Temple of Flora is not precisely known,
but the Capitolium Vetus and M artials house were
high on the hill, near the Temple of Quirinus
(1 0 .5 8 .9 -1 0 , 11.1.9). Near the portico was a gate
that carried a water channel, probably an aqueduct
(Martial 4 .1 8 .1 -4 ), and because the portico was in
Campo Agrippae, it must have lain outside the Ser
vian Walls. If it lay along the* base, or the lower
slopes, of the Quirinal, as our sources indicate, the
gate in question may have been either the Porta Quir-
inalis or the Porta Salutaris, but M artial would
surely remark on the irony in the name in 4 .1 8 , if it
were the Porta Salutaris. The building must have
been important, because it was still unfinished when
Augustus dedicated the Campus Agrippae in 7 B . C .
(Cass. Dio 5 5 .8 .3 -4 ) . It contained a famous map of
the world in great detail, based on a collection of
data begun by Agrippa and finished by Augustus
(Pliny, H N 3.17) and had plantations of laurels
(Martial 1 .1 0 8 .1 -4 ). In it troops camped during the
upheavals of a . d . 6 8 69 (Tacitus, Hist. 1.31; Plu
tarch, G a lb a 2 5 ), and it continued to be used until
the time of the regionary catalogues, although by
then its name had been corrupted to Porticus Gypsi-
ani. Probably it lay along the southeast side of the
Campus Agrippae, framing and bounding it. Because
it is always referred to in the singular, it was prob
ably a single wing. So little is known of the antiqui
ties in this part of Rome that nothing can be identi
fied, even tentatively, as belonging to it.
Attempts to identify the Porticus Vipsania with re
mains of an extensive building with arcades of trav
319
 P O R T U N IU M
ertine lying along the east side of Via Flaminia south
of Via S. Claudio are certainly mistaken, because the
building to which these arcades belong is of a type
not known earlier than the time of Nero.
Portunium: The name is uncertain, but very prob
able, being found inserted in the margin of Fronto
(Epist. 1.7), where it means the precinct or neighbor
hood of the Temple of Portunus, the center of the
trade in flowers and garlands. It is then restored by
conjecture in Varro {Ling. 5 .1 4 6 ), where the manu
scripts have a d iunium, and in the N otitia under Re-
gio X I, where the manuscripts have Fortunium .
The Temple (aedes) of Portunus is mentioned by
Varro (Ling. 6.19), where it is said to be in portu
T iberino, presumably the bank of the river along the
Forum Boarium, where remains of warehouses have
been discovered and where the earliest bridges were
built. Here portu certainly cannot mean ware
house. In the fasti (Allif. Amit. Vail.; Degrassi 4 9 6 -
97) the temple is Portuno a d P ontem A em ilium , and
the dedication day, the Portunalia, is 17 August. Por
tunus is shown on one of the reliefs of the Arch of
Trajan at Benevento (F. J. Hassel, D er Trajansbogen
in B en even t [Mainz 1966], pis. 7.2 and 11.1) as
youthful with long hair and the attributes of anchor
and serpent. He was equated with the Greek Palae-
mon and was probably originally the god of the ferry
crossing of the Tiber (L. A. Holland, Janus an d the
B ridge [Rome 1961], 1 4 1 -7 8 and passim), later
thought of as the god of the port.
On the north side of Piazza della Bocca della Ve-
rita is a small temple, well preserved, thanks to its
having been converted to use as a church of S. Maria
Egiziaca in 872, which may well be the Temple of
Portunus, although its date is probably mid-first cen
tury B . C . It is tetrastyle, prostyle, set on a high (2.30
m) podium, 2 6 m long and 12 m wide. The order is
Ionic in the classical manner and is carried around
the cella as an engaged order. The pronaos is two
bays deep. The material of the cella is Anio tufa, ex
cept at the corners; the podium, the corners of the
cella, the pronaos columns, and the architrave are
travertine; and the frieze and cornice are tufa. The
frieze was worked in stucco with garlands looped be
tween putti, candelabra, and bucrania, much of
which has disappeared. The style is distinctly classi
cizing, with a low and shallow pediment. It was
cleared of later accretions toward the beginning of
this century, but the walls yielded no new informa
tion. It has been commonly called the Temple of For-
tuna Virilis, but without adequate reason. Its posi-
. tion, parallel to the Tiber, facing toward the street
leading to the Pons Aemilius, probably in the middle
of a considerable precinct, makes the identification
320
as the Temple of Portunus attractive. E. Fiechter pro
vided a meticulous description of the temple
(R m M itt 21 [1906]: 2 2 0 -7 9 ) ; further details were
added during a restoration of the temple in 1966
(NSc 1977, 2 9 9 -3 4 1 [E. Lissi Caronna and S.
Priuli]).
Lugli 1946, 5 8 2 - 8 4 ; Nash 1 .4 1 1 -1 2 ; N Sc 1977,
2 9 9 -3 2 5 (E. Lissi Caronna); B u llC om 91.1 (1986):
734 (A. M. Colini, C. Buzzetti, P. Gros, and J. P.
Adam).
Portus: see H orreum , Cella, Portus.
Portus Cor(neli): a yard (cf. Dig. 5 0 .1 6 .5 9 [Ul-
pian]) for the storage of bricks, known from brick-
stamps of a . d . 123 (NSc 1892, 3 4 7 [L. Borsari];
R m M itt 8 [1893]: 2 6 0 [C. Hlsen]). Its location is
completely unknown.
Portus Licini: a yard for the storage of bricks men
tioned in numerous brick-stamps of the time of Sep-
timius Severus and Caracalla (C IL 15.408 and pp.
3738, 12124) and later (Cassiodorus, Var. 1.25.2).
There is no indication of its location.
Portus Neapolitanus: mentioned only in a graffito
made on a tile before it was fired that was found in
the catacombs of S. Sebastiano (C IL 1 5 .6 1 2 3 ;
R m M itt 1 [1886]: 1 8 8 -8 9 [H. Marucchi]. The sug
gested date is fourth century.
Portus Parrae: a brickyard known from brick-
stamps of about the time of Hadrian (C IL 1 5 .4 0 9 -
11 ).
Portus Tiberinus: probably before the time of Au
gustus a real river port of the Forum Boarium (Varro,
Ling. 6.19). Earlier the word portu s may have re
ferred to a ferry across the Tiber (L. A. Holland,
Jan u s an d the B ridge [Rome 1961], 1 4 8 -5 7 ). Begin
ning under Augustus the phrase a d P ontem A em i
lium replaces the phrase in p ortu T iberin o (Fast. Al
lif., Amit., Vail, a d X V I K al. Sept. = 17 August).
Portus Vinarius: a wine depot mentioned in three
sepulchral inscriptions (C IL 6 .9 1 8 9 = IL S 7929,
9 1 9 0 , 3 7 8 0 7 = IL S 9429) without further topo
graphical indication.
Portus Xysti: mentioned only in the C o d ex T heo-
dosian u s (13.3.8) in connection with the appoint
ment of archiatri, the chief physicians of areas of the
city. Everything else about this is uncertain.
Poseidonion: see Neptunus, Aedes.

Posterulae in M uro Aureliano: see Muri
Aureliani.
Praedia Galbana: known from a single large in
scription (C IL 6.3 0 9 8 3 = IL S 38 4 0 ), of a funerary
collegium of the second century after Christ, in
which three men are described as vilici P raediorum
G alban oru m . This is taken to include the Horrea
Galbae (q.v.), and the case is reinforced by the find
ing of the inscription near M onte Testaccio. Appar
ently these warehouses remained imperial posses
sions, although assigned to the use of the urban
cohorts (B u llC om 13 [1885]: 5 1 -5 3 [W. Henzen]).
Praefectura Urbana: In the fourth century the of
fices of the praefectus urbi were on the Oppius in the
zone southwest of the church of S. Pietro in Vincoli
(.B ullC om 20 [1892]: 1 9 -3 7 [R. Lanciani]). They
were probably fairly extensive. An inscription re
cords the restoration of a part by the prefect Belli-
cius: porticu m cum scriniis tellurensis secretarii tri-
bunalibus adheren tem (C IL 6 .3 1 9 5 9 = /LS 5523).
The scrinia were the archives (S.H.A. Aurel. 9.1)
and, because they were extensive, may have been
kept in more than one place. The secretarium was a
courtroom in which the proceedings were secret, the
public being excluded by a velum and possibly a bar
rier across the door. The trials required the presence
only of the praefectus urbi, the accused, and such
persons as the praefectus urbi might deem necessary
to the investigation, so it need not have been a large
building. The fact that it was provided with tribu-
nalia in the plural may be only to emphasize the dig
nity of the court, for because it is also called tellu-
rense, clearly an allusion to the proximity of the
Temple of Tellus, the secretarium in question must
be singular. The portico that Bellicius restored may
have been a very modest edifice. But the finds of in
scriptions in the zone framed by the Vie di S. Pietro
in Vincoli, della Polveriera, and degli Annibaldi sug
gest that it extended over the whole of this area. See
also Porticus Thermarum Traianarum. None of the
material found in connection with this complex is
earlier than the fourth century; before that time the
praefectus urbi may have had his headquarters in the
Templum Pacis (q.v.).
L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds., In M em o-
riam O tto J. B ren del (Mainz 1976), 1912 0 4 (E.
Nash, Secretarium Senatus ).
Praenestius M ons (or Collis): Lydus (D e M ens.
4.155) gives the following list of the hills of Rome:
(Pa)lation, Esquilion, Tarpeion, Aventinon, Tib(ur-
tion), Praen(es)tion, Viminalion. He then gives the
more familiar list: Aven(t)inus, Caelius, (Esq)ui-
P R IV A T A T R A IA N I
lius, Capitolinus, Velinesius, Qu(irina)lius, Pala(ti-
nus). Despite the discrepancies and lack of clear or
der, it seems evident that Tiburtius is another name
for the Quirinal and that Praenestius or Praenestinus
is another name for the Caelian. The Porta Praenes-
tina was at the end of the Caelian, but unless, after
the closing of Porta Chiusa, it became regular for
those going to Tibur to leave by the Porta Nomen-
tana, it is difficult to account for the other. The Porta
Tiburtina is on the Esquiline. Hiilsen (HJ 229n.27)
writes Lyduss names off as the pure invention of an
antiquarian.
Prata: see Ager, Campus, Prata.
Prata Flaminia: according to Livy (3.54.15 and
63 .7 ), an earlier name for the area later called Circus
Flaminius (q.v.) in the southern Campus Martius
near the Tiber. Although the only building he places
there is the Temple of Apollo (see Apollo, Aedes), we
may be correct in bounding the Prata, but not the
Circus, on the west by the Petronia Amnis (q.v.).
How far north the Prata and Circus extended is more
doubtful.
Prata N eronis: see Campus Neronis.
Prata Quinctia: a plot of four iugera (about one-
half hectare or one and one-third acres) on the right
bank of the Tiber opposite the Navalia (q.v.) that
belonged to L. Quinctius Cincinnatus and where he
was found engaged in farm work when he was to be
made dictator (Livy 3 .1 3 .1 0 and 2 6 .8 ; Festus 307L ;
Pliny, H N 18.20). This name for the district was still
in use in the early empire (see also Vicus Raciliani).
Prata Vacci: see Domus, Vitruvius Vaccus.
Privata H adriani: the house where Hadrian lived
before becoming princeps and where Marcus Aure
lius lived after Antoninus Pius adopted him (S.H.A.
M arc. Aurel. 5.3). It is located by the regionary cat
alogues in Regio X II, last of all, after the Statio Co-
hortis Vigilum IIII, so a location southwest of S. Saba
may be indicated.
Privata Traiani: a house in which Trajan lived be
fore becoming princeps. It was on the Aventine in
Regio X III (N ot. om . Cur.), probably the southern
part, where remains of sumptuous private dwellings
have been found. The discovery of the Temple of Iup-
piter Dolichenus in Via di S. Domenico in 1935
makes the suggestion that the extensive complex
found under the Benedictine monastery of S. An-
selmo in the middle of the nineteenth century (LFUR
321
P R O V ID E N T IA A U G U S T A , A R A
sheet 40) may be the Privata Traiani attractive, de
spite the find of a lead pipe stamped with the name
of Pactumeia Lucilla. The building is very extensive,
though fragmentary, and Pactumeia Lucilla may
have been an earlier or later occupant.
Providentia Augusta, A ra: an altar of unknown
location known from the Acta Arvalium for a . d . 38
(C IL 6 .2 0 2 8 d l5 ) and 39 {C IL 6 .2 0 3 3 .5 = 32 3 4 6 ),
and from coins. A lighted altar inscribed p r o v i d e n t
appears on the coins of Tiberius (B . M. Coins, R om .
E m p. 1.141 nos. 1 4 6 -5 0 ) and then in the years that
follow, but then we have to wait for Titus to find
p r o v i d e n t a v g v s t [B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 2 .2 5 9
nos. 17881). See also Roscher 3 .3 1 8 7 89 (R. Pe
ter).
Pudicitia, A ra: an altar to Pudicitia, erected by Plo-
tina, the wife of Trajan, which appears on coins (B .
M. C oins, R om . E m p. 3 .1 0 7 no. 529). According to
Wissowas interpretation of this gesture, Plotina then
became honored as the personification of Pudicitia
(C IL 8.993 = IL S 4 4 3 3 ; see Roscher 3 .3 2 7 6 -7 7 [R.
Peter]).
Pudicitia Patricia, Sacellum (Templum,
Signum): a shrine in the Forum Boarium, usually
called a sacellum, but certainly having a statue, so
perhaps a statue and an altar, and described as u bi
A em iliana (MS: tam iliana) aed es est H erculis (Festus
282L) and a d a ed em rotu n dam H erculis (Livy
1 0 .2 3 .3 -5 ). We know nothing of an Aemilian temple
to Hercules, and the only round temple of Hercules
in the Forum Boarium positively identified is that of
Hercules Victor (see Hercules Victor [1]). If that
is the temple in question, we can place the shrine
of Pudicitia fairly precisely. Livys account has
been questioned as an aetiological invention to
explain Pudicitia Plebeia, but without sufficient reason.
Only a woman who had married only once was per
mitted to worship here. See Roscher 3 .3 2 7 3 75 (R.
Peter).
R ivStorA nt 4 (1974): 1 1 3 -5 9 (R. E. A. Palmer),
especially 12123.
Pudicitia Plebeia, Sacellum: a shrine created in
296 B . C . by a Virginia, a patrician, who married L.
Volumnius, a plebeian who became consul. When
she was excluded from the worship of Pudicitia Pa
tricia (see Pudicitia Patricia, Sacellum), because of
her marriage, she is said to have dedicated part of
her house on Vicus Longus to Pudicitia Plebeia (Livy
1 0 .2 3 .6 -1 0 ). Livy says that the cult was disgraced by
its being taken up by women of every sort and then ^ P u te a l Libonis (or Scribonianum): a stone well
eventually fell into oblivion, but Festus (270L ; cf.
2 7 1L) speaks of it as still existing in his day. Vicus
322
Longus (q.v.), in the valley between the Quirinal and
the Viminal, was evidently primarily residential and
well suited to such a shrine.
R ivStorA nt 4 (1974): 1 1 3 -5 9 (R. E. A. Palmer),
especially 12325.
Pulvinar ad Circum M axim um : see Circus
M aximus.
Pulvinar Solis (Indigitis): mentioned by Quintilian
(1.7.12) as Solis q u i colitu r iuxta a ed em Q uirini on
the Quirinal and listed in the Fasti Allifani and Ami-
ternini on 9 August (Degrassi 493). A pulvinar
should be a banquet couch, or place with couches,
on which to display images of divinities or their sym
bols, so they are imagined as taking part in a celebra
tion. It seems hardly likely that Quintilian would
mention the Temple of Quirinus if Sol had a temple
of his own on the Quirinal. Therefore, it seems likely
that this is an independent structure, but a minor
one, almost an adjunct to the great Temple of Qui
rinus. Permanent pulvinaria are rare in Rome; so
far as we know, that of the Circus Maximus was a
creation of Augustus (R G 19), and while those in
temples must have been commoner, simply masonry
bases on which mattresses and coverlets were spread
when they were needed (cf. the arrangements in the
temple of S. Abbondio near Pompeii), a pulvinar S o
lis described as adjacent to the precinct of Quirinus
seems to require further explanation. Quintilian
speaks of it in connection with the orthography of
an inscription that mentions Vesperugo, the evening
star; the fasti treat it as a separate place of worship
with its own dedication day. Surely, then, this must
be the Sol to whom Varro [Ling. 5.74) says Titus
Tatius vowed an altar, and the altar must have stood
adjacent. Because reclining at meals was a Greek cus
tom taken over by the Romans, the pulvinar form is
unlikely to be older than the Second Punic War, al
though the altar itself might be very ancient.
Puteal in Com itio: a stone wellhead in the Comi-
tium set over the place where the whetstone and ra
zor of Attus Navius were supposed to be buried (Ci
cero, Div. 1 .3 3 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .7 1 .5 ; Livy 1.36.5).
Pliny (H N 15.77) seems to have believed this was
really a place that lightning had struck, and he is fol
lowed by Jordan (1.2.357) and PA (435), but be
cause bid en tales as markers of lightning strikes were
perfectly familiar to the Romans (cf., e.g., Horace,
Ars P. 471 and schol.), it seems better to accept the
unusual explanation for this one.
head set over a place in the Forum Romanum where
lightning had struck (Festus 4 4 8 50L), set up by

Scribonius Libo on a charge from the senate. It was
near the tribunal of the praetor urbanus in the late
republic and early empire and repeatedly referred to
as the scourge of debtors and the haunt of usurers,
presumably suing to recover losses (Cicero, Sest. 18;
Horace, Sat. 2 .6 .3 5 , Epist. 1.19.8 and schol.; Ovid,
R em . A m. 5 6 1 - 6 2 ; Persius 4 .4 9 and schol.). The
wellhead was also near the Fornix Fabianus (q.v.;
schol. a d Pers. 4.49) and the Porticus Iulia (q.v.). It
is shown on coins of the Scribonii and Aemilii of the
end of the first century B .C . and identified (Crawford
416/1, 417/1). It was apparently rather large for a
puteal and handsome, almost an altar, decorated in
relief with citharas between which swing garlands of
laurel. An altar from Veii dedicated to Pietas, now in
the collection of the Lateran, may reproduce it, at
least in its general lines (Helbig4 1.1126). At some
point someone tried to bury or conceal it and was
prevented, for it had to stand permanently open to
heaven (Festus 450L ).
It seems not unlikely that this is the feature in the
front of the podium of the Temple of Divus Iulius
usually identified as the altar of Julius Caesar, but
walled off in the Augustan period so it could not
have functioned as an altar, and set in a special semi
circular well to preserve it.
Lugli 1947, 4 6 - 5 2 ; Nash 2 .2 5 9 -6 1 (following
Gamberini-Mongenet); R om M itt 80 (1973): 2 2 9 -
31 (L. Richardson); Coarelli 1985, 1 6 6 76.
Puticuli: a very old form of burial, spoken of only
in the past tense by Varro (Ling. 5.25) and Festus
P U T IC U L I
(241L), evidently entirely unfamiliar to both of
them, because they could not decide whether the
word was derived from puteus or putere. But Varro
assigned these burials a place ultra E squilias in a lo
cus publicus, evidently confusing them with the place
of public execution extra Portam E squilinam (Taci
tus, Ann. 2 .3 2 ; Suetonius, C laud. 25.3) and perhaps
with some memory of the old Esquiline cemetery
where inhumation tombs, sometimes of high an
tiquity, must have come to light from time to time.
As the finds show and Pinza emphasizes, these are
the burials of people of substance, often given rich
grave goods, and not to be confused with Horaces
potters field (Sat. 1 .8 .8 -1 6 ). Horaces potters field
on the Esquiline, 1,000 feet in frontage and 3 0 0 feet
in depth, figures that are perhaps not to be taken lit
erally, was a place where cheap burial could be ar
ranged in common graves or cremation on public us-
trina. Why both funeral practices should have been
observed is not clear, but Horace speaks both of an
area (coffin) and of the remains of pyres, alb is infor-
m em . . . ossibu s agrum . The note of the Commen
tator Cruquianus on this passage in Horace, a puteis
fossis a d sep elien d a cadavera pau peru m loeu s dietus
est putieuli, is probably simply an invention, for the
common graves were trenches and the puticuli seem
always to have been individual burials (LR 4 1 1 12).
B u llC om 2 (1 874): 4 2 -5 3 (R. Lanciani), 3
(1875): 4 1 - 5 6 (R. Lanciani), 4 0 (1912): 65, 82 (R.
Pinza).
323
Quadriga Arcadii et H onorii: a victory monu
ment voted by the senate to commemorate the
victory over Gildo and the army of Africa in a . d .
398, known from a large inscribed base (C IL
6 .1 1 8 7 = 3 1 2 5 6 , 3 6 8 8 8 = /LS 794) composed of six
blocks found and copied in 1549 and 1563 in front
of the Arch of Septimius Severus. These have since
been lost, except for three pieces that are now in the
forum near where they were found. These show that
the base was originally about 5 m long and 3 .7 0 m
high, appropriate for a quadriga, although the exact
form is conjectural (cf. Claudian, D e Sext. Cons.
H on. 3 6 9 80). Hlsen believed that the original lo
cation was a mass of concrete edged with two steps
of marble, 8 .3 0 m long and 3 .6 0 m wide, on which
the base of the decennalian monument of Diocle
tians tetrarchy has now been mounted, but this is
very doubtful.
Lugli 1946, 1 7 0 -7 1 ; Nash 2 .2 6 2 - 6 3 ; GV 6 9 -7 0 .
Quadrigae Pisonis: a monument that the senate
erected after his death to an unknown Piso Frugi,
included as one of the thirty tyrants of a . d . 26 8 . It is
supposed to have stood in the area now occupied by
the Thermae Diocletiani and to have been removed
when these were built. But the site is hardly appro
priate, and A. von Domaszewski (S B H eid 1916, 7. A,
9; 1918, 13.A, 4146) is probably right to doubt the
reliability of this report.
Q uattuor Scari: In the N otitia we find in Regio
VIII: aqu a m cern en tem II1I scaros sub a ed e (Cu-
riosum : sub ead em ). This is listed between the Hor-
rea Agrippiana and the Atrium Caci. A marble fu
nerary altar in the Lateran collection carries the
inscription of C. Clodius Euphemus, who styles him
self n eg o tiator p en oris et vinorum d e V elabro a IIII
scaris (C IL 6 .9 6 1 7 ; Helbig4 1.1029). Because the Ve-
labrum is listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio
X I, we must look for a place for the IIII Scari not far
from the Ianus Quadrifrons toward the north or
east. The name is an odd one, and it has been inter
preted as indicating a fountain in which water ran
down a slope in a course among four fish, possibly
augmented by other water issuing from their
mouths. Fountains designed around marine life are
very common in antiquity.
Querquetulanus M ons: according to Tacitus
{Ann. 4 .6 5 ), the earliest name of the Caelian, derived
from the oak woods with which the hill was covered.
But the name Caelius Mons (q.v.) itself must be very
old, and it sounds rather as though this were an an
tiquarians invention to explain the name of the
Porta Querquetulana toward the east end of the hill.
There were also a vanished Latin polity, the Quer-
quetulani (Pliny, H N 3.69) and Lares Querquetulani
(q.v.).
Quies, Aedes: according to Augustine (D e civ. D.
4 .1 6 ), a temple extra Portam C ollinam , but probably
the same as the shrine on Via Labicana mentioned in
passing by Livy (4 .4 1 .8 ; cf. Wissowa, R K 333).
Quinque Tabernae: see Tabernae Circum
Forum.
Quirinalis Collis (Fig. 7 2 ): the only hill in Rome,
except for its subdivision, the Collis Salutaris, taking
its name from the divinity worshiped there, and the
most northerly of the hills within the Servian Walls,
that down which ran the salt route, connecting the
Via Salaria entering Rome through the Porta Collina
with the ferry at the mouth of the Cloaca by way of
the Vicus Iugarius. The route ran along the ridge of
the Quirinal, and on this carried the name Alta Sem-
ita, which it gave to Regio VI of Augustan Rome.
The road ran nearly straight until the end of the hill

began to fall away in a series of lower eminences
curving around to the south, and these the road fol
lowed, eventually probably crossing a low saddle to
the shoulder of the Capitoline. By Augustan times
the saddle had disappeared and the two hills were
quite distinct, and this distinction was emphasized
by the scarping of the Quirinal to create the forum
and markets of Trajan.
The Quirinal and its nearest neighbor, the Vi-
minal, were the only m ajor hills called colies rather
than montes, and together they made up the regio
called Collina in the city of the four regiones. The
list of the Argei given by Varro {Ling. 5 .5 1 -5 2 )
shows that the Quirinal was divided among four dis
Q U IR IN A L IS C O L L IS
Figure 72
C ollis Q u irin alis and
C ollis V im inalis,
G eneral Plan Show ing
Know n Rem ains o f
A ntiquity in R ela tio n to
M odern Streets
tinct lobes: Collis Quirinalis, from the Porta Collina
to modern Piazza del Quirinale (Montecavallo); Col
lis Salutaris, from Piazza del Quirinale to Palazzo
Rospigliosi; Collis Mucialis, from Palazzo Rospi-
gliosi to Piazza Magnanapoli; and Collis Latiaris,
from Piazza Magnanapoli to the southern tip. The
last three will be seen to be minor divisions, and the
names of the last two are of unknown derivation.
Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 9L, 304L ) says that the Quir
inal was once called Agonus and the gate Porta
Agonalis, agonus being either a generic word for
m ons, or agon iu s an adjective to describe a day on
which a sacrificial victim was offered on a mons. PA
dismisses this as an antiquarian invention, but the
325
Q U IR IN E N S E S
Salii of the Quirinal were certainly called Agonenses
(Varro, Ling. 6 .1 4 ; Dion. Hal. 2 .7 0 .1 ), and the
Agonalia (or Agonia) of 9 January (to Ianus), 17
M arch (to M ars?), 21 May (to Vediovis?), and 11
December (to Sol Indiges) were certainly very old fes
tivals, and the last was at least closely associated
with the Quirinal.
According to tradition, the Sabines settled here
after the conclusion of peace between Romulus and
Titus Tatius, and, although Titus Tatius himself lived
on the Capitoline on the site later occupied by the
Temple of Iuno M oneta (Solinus 1.21), the altars to
Sabine divinities that he is credited with having es
tablished to Ops, Flora, Vediovis and Saturn, Sol,
Luna, Vulcan and Summanus, Larunda, Terminus,
Quirinus, Vortumnus, the Lares, Diana, and Lucina
(Varro, Ling. 5 .7 4 ) are scattered thickly about the
Capitoline and Quirinal and give support to the no
tion that the Quirinal and Capitoline were regarded
as in some way different from the rest of Rome (but
see J. Poucet, L es O rigines d e R om e [Brussels 1985]).
They were excluded from the Septimontium and had
their own festivals. Archaic material has been found
on the Quirinal and in graves associated with it
(M onA nt 15 [1905]: 2 4 8 - 6 4 , 7 7 6 -8 1 [G. Pinza]),
but unfortunately nothing like a cemetery. Perhaps
the most interesting single object is the famous vessel
with the Duenos inscription, a votive offering (C IL
12.4 = IL S 8743 = IL L R P 2).
The hill is a long, irregular tongue of land oriented
northeast/southwest, stretching from a junction with
the plateau with which the Viminal, Esquiline, and
Caelian are also connected. It is separated from the
Viminal by a gradually deepening valley carved by
the natural drainage running off toward the Cloaca,
up which now runs the modern Via Nazionale. The
hill is separated from the Pincian Hill (Collis Hortu-
lorum) to the northwest by a broad valley up which
runs the modern Via del Tritone, under which lies
culverted the watercourse commonly called Aqua
Sallustiana from the Horti Sallustiani (q.v.) laid out
there in the late republic. The overall length of the
Quirinal is about 2 kilometers. The Servian Walls
run along its northwest brow from the Collis Muci-
alis to Porta Collina, where the Agger began, run
ning almost due south. The course of the link be
tween the fortifications of the Capitoline and those
of the Quirinal is a matter of dispute; most likely it
ran more or less directly through the Forum Traiani.
There were three approaches to the Quirinal along
the fortified front corresponding to the modern Via
Nazionale (Piazza Magnanapoli, Porta Sanqualis),
Via della Dataria (Porta Salutaris), and Via delle
Quattro Fontane (Porta Quirinalis); a fourth led to
the hill near the tunnel under the gardens of the Pal
azzo del Quirinale (B ullC om 5 4 [1926]: 1 4 5 -7 5 [R.
326
Bonfiglietti]). In the late republic and early empire
the Quirinal was covered with temples interspersed
with fine houses. There were no secular buildings of
importance until Diocletian built his great baths at
the northeast end of the hill.
H J 3 9 4 - 4 4 3 ; M em PontA cc, ser. 3 .5 .2 (1941): 7 7 -
2 1 7 (M. Santangelo); B u llC om 91 (1986): 4 9 60 (E.
Rodriguez Almeida); Q ITA 10 (1988): 1729 (F. De
Caprariis).
Q u irin en ses: mentioned only once (C IL 6.9103
= 3 1 8 9 5 , a fragment of the edict of Tarracius Bassus
of the late fourth century against fraudulent mer
chants and shopkeepers; the sepulchral inscription of
a vestiarius a Quirinis), but evidently those living in
the neighborhood of the Temple of Quirinus or a Vi-
cus Quirinensis near it.
Q u irin u s, A edes (Tem plum , D elu bru m ) (Fig. 72):
generally regarded as one of the most ancient
temples in Rome (Pliny, H N 15.120), founded in re
sponse to an apparition of Romulus to Iulius Procu-
lus, who was ordered to see to the foundation of a
shrine to Romulus as the god Quirinus on this site.
This was in the mid-sixth century B . C . (Cicero, Rep.
2 .2 0 , L eg. 1.3). The earliest temple building re
corded is one that the consul L. Papirius Cursor ded
icated in 293 B . C . following a vow made by his father
as dictator (Livy 10 .4 6 .7 ), but there may have been
one earlier, because we hear of a senate meeting there
in 436/435 B . C . (Livy 4 .2 1 .9 ). There was probably
an altar there from a very early period, and we learn
that the Porta Quirinalis may have got its name from
the proximity of a sacellum of Quirinus (Festus 3 0 2 -
3L). The existence of a Flamen Quirinalis is further
proof of the high antiquity of the cult. The temple
was struck by lightning in 2 0 6 B . C . (Livy 28 .1 1 .4)
and burned in 4 9 (Cass. Dio 4 1 .1 4 .3 ). It was re
paired or rebuilt (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 5 .3 ) and ultimately
completely rebuilt by Augustus, who dedicated it in
16 B . C . (R G 19; Cass. Dio 5 4 .1 9 .4 ). The original day
of dedication, the Quirinalia, was 17 February
(Ovid, Fast. 2 .4 7 5 -5 1 2 ; Fast. Ant. M ai., N Sc 1921,
87 [G. M ancini]; Degrassi 4 1 1 -1 2 ), and the day of
rededication was 29 June (Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 9 5 96;
Fast. Venus.; Degrassi 47 5 ). There was also a festival
on 23 August (Degrassi 5 0 0 -5 0 2 ).
It was one of the largest temples in Rome, Doric,
dipteral and octastyle, with seventy-six columns (Vi
truvius 3 .2 .7 ; Cass. Dio 5 4 .1 9 .4 ). Vitruvius must
have known Augustuss rebuilding of the temple.
There was a portico, presumably on all sides of the
precinct (Martial 11 .1 .9 ), and Ovid speaks of a
shady grove (Met. 1 4 .8 3 6 -3 7 ). L. Papirius Cursor
erected the first sundial in Rome in the precinct for
its dedication (Pliny, H N 7.2 1 3 ). In front of it grew

two myrtle trees, one known as patrician, the other
as plebeian. The patrician was the stronger one until
the Social War, when it withered, while the plebeian
one burgeoned (Pliny, H N 1 5 .1 2 0 21). In 45 B .C .
the senate erected a statue of Julius Caesar in the
temple (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 5 .3 ). A fragment of a relief in
the Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme is gener
ally believed to show its pediment with representa
tions of Romulus and Remuss taking of the auspices
for the foundation of Rome (R om M itt 19 [1904]:
2 3 - 3 7 [P. Hartwig]; Lugli 1938, 3 0 2 fig. 6 2 ; A]A 80
[1976]: 5 2 -5 5 [R. E. A. Palmer], 91 [1987]: 4 4 1 -5 8
[F. C. Albertson]).
The location of the temple is given by the discov
ery of an inscribed base in the gardens of the Palazzo
del Quirinale (C IL 6.565 = IL S 31 4 1 ). The temple
Q U IR IN U S , S A C E L L U M
stood on the northwest side of Alta Semita and can
be identified as the eminence at the northeast end of
the gardens leveled by Pope Urban VIII, identified by
Lanciani (LFUR sheet 16) as the Capitolium Vetus,
but far too large for that. It continued to stand at
least until the fourth century and is listed in the re-
gionary catalogues.
BdA 73 (1988): fasc. 5 2 , 2 7 -3 8 (R. Paris).
Q u irin u s, Sa cellu m : a shrine at the Porta Quirin-
alis, which gave it its name (Festus 303L ), but one
may doubt this, because the Temple of Quirinus
must have been very close by and seems the obvious
reference. However, small shrines at city gates were
very common, and there might well have been one to
Quirinus here.
327
Regia (Figs. 4 8 , 7 3): the small building just outside
the Forum Romanum between the Sacra Via and the
Temple of Vesta that Numa built and either lived in
(Solinus 1 .2 1 ; Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 6 3 -6 4 , Trist. 3 .1 .3 0 ;
Servius a d Aen. 7 .1 5 3 , 8 .3 6 3 ; Tacitus, Ann. 15.41)
or used as his headquarters (Cass. Dio frag. 1.6.2;
Plutarch, N um a 14.1). It is also said to have been the
house of the pontifex maximus (Servius a d Aen.
8.363) and of the rex sacrorum (Servius a d Aen.
8.3 6 3 ; Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 7 .3 ; Festus 347L ). However,
the last is a mistake, a confusion of the rex and the
rex sacrorum, for the latters house was on the Velia
and some distance away from the Regia (Festus
373L). In the historical period no one could have
lived in the Regia, for it was a consecrated templum
containing sacraria (Festus 3 4 6 48L ; cf. 439L ). The
actual house of the pontifex maximus was probably
the Domus Publica, connected with the Atrium Ves-
tae, until Augustus moved the house of the pontifex
maximus to the Palatine and gave the Domus Publica
to the Vestal Virgins (Suetonius, Iul. 4 6 ; Cass. Dio
54 .2 7 .3 ). During the republic the Regia was the of
ficial headquarters of the pontifex maximus. The lo
cation is assured by the existing remains.
In the Regia was a Sacrarium Martis containing an
image of the god, where the ancilia and the hasta
M artis were kept (Servius a d A en. 7 .6 0 3 ; A. Gellius
4 .6 .1 -2 ; Cass. Dio 4 4 .1 7 .2 ; cf. Obsequens 6, 44,
44a, 47, 50). There was also a Sacrarium Opis Con-
sivae, into which none but the Vestal Virgins and
public priests might enter (Varro, Ling. 6 .2 1 ; Festus
202L , 2 9 2 L ; Act. Arv. V III K al. Sept. = C IL
6 .3 2 4 8 2 ; Degrassi 5 0 2 3). Certain sacrifices were
regularly performed there (Varro, Ling. 6 .1 2 ; Festus
439L ; Macrobius, Sat. 1 .1 5 .1 9 and 16.30). The head
of the October horse was nailed to the wall, if it had
been won by the Sacravienses, and the blood of the
tail was allowed to drip on the hearth (Festus 190L;
Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 97). The Annales Maximi
were probably kept there (A. Gellius 2 .2 8 .6 ), and the
pontfices as a college were probably assembled there
(Pliny, Epist. 4.1 1 .6 ).
The Regia burned in 148 B .C . (Obsequens 19;
Livy, E pit. O xyrh. 50) and was immediately re
stored. It burned again in 3 6 B .C . and was restored
by Cn. Domitius Calvinus, using the spoils from his
conquests in Spain (Cass. Dio 4 8 .4 2 .1 6; Pliny, H N
3 4 .4 8 ; C IL 6 .1 3 0 1 = IL S 4 2 ; E E 3 .2 6 5 -6 6 ). M ost of
the architectural remains usually assigned to it in the
past and much admired have now been discovered to
belong to the nearby Arch of Augustus, but a num
ber of blocks of the cornice survive in the vicinity.
Tacitus (Ann. 15.41) says that it was destroyed in the
fire of Nero. It is not listed in the regionary cata
logues, but it seems to be mentioned in an inscription
of the late fourth century (C IL 6.511).
Deep stratigraphical excavations in 1 9 6 4 1965
have revealed the history of the building. The first
masonry edifice dates only to the last quarter of the
seventh century; earlier there was a group of ten or
a dozen huts that were deliberately destroyed to
make a building plot, and their material buried in
trenches. In quick succession the Regia went through
five phases, often very different from one another,
always in consequence of a fire, but certain elements
persisted. There was always a large, irregular, but
usually clearly pentagonal courtyard with a colon
nade along one side, behind which opened a group
of roofed spaces, fairly tightly organized. At the end
of the sixth century the building received the form it
was to preserve thereafter almost unchanged. There
was a pentagonal courtyard with colonnades along
two long sides and a group of three rooms in a block,
the center one providing entrance from the street and
the courtyard and giving access to a room on either
side. One of these, a small trapezoid, is seen as the
Sacrarium Opis Consivae, the other, preserving a
large circular feature, 2.53 m in diameter, that might

well be a hearth, is seen as the Sacrarium Martis.
Under the courtyard is a large beehive-shaped cistern
or silo for the storage of grain. There were two dif
ferent decorations with architectural terracottas
worked with Orientalizing friezes of animals and
maenad antefixes along the eaves of the roof in the
sixth-century building. After Calvmuss rebuilding,
the courtyard was paved with marble.
In the Middle Ages, the seventh or eighth century,
the Regia was transformed into a private house.
Traces of this are visible everywhere, and for its
adornment architectural elements were robbed from
a variety of other buildings.
Nash 2 .2 6 4 - 6 7 ; Entretiens H ardt 13 (1967): 4 7 -
60 (F. E. Brown); PP 26 (1971): 4 4 3 - 6 0 (C. Am-
polo); R endP ontA cc 4 7 (1 9 7 4 -7 5 ): 1 5 -3 6 (F. E.
Brown); L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds., In
M em oriam O tto ]. B ren del (Mainz 1976), 5 -1 2 (F.
E. Brown, Of Huts and Houses ); Coarelli 1983,
5 6 -7 9 .
Regio, Vicus, Pagus: The regiones of Rome were
first the geographical units of the four urban tribes
created by Servius Tullius: Suburana, Esquilina, Col-
lina, and Palatina. They are not bounded for us, but
they are fairly clear: the Suburana consisted of the
Caelian and valley between Caelian and Oppius, the
Esquilina of the Oppius and Cispian with the valley
between, the Collina of the Viminal and Quirinal
and the valley between, the Palatina of the Palatine
and Velia. The Collina may have included the Capi-
toline, for a good many people lived there, or it may
have been divided between the Collina and the Pala
tina. And the Palatina may have included most of the
forum valley, or that may have been divided in three
ways. These are matters of only small importance;
the fact is that the city was divided into four roughly
equal parts.
With the Augustan reorganization of the city and
its municipal administration in 7 B .C . the city was
divided into fourteen regiones. Its boundaries were
now set well beyond the line of the Servian Walls,
approximately along the line of the Aurelian Walls,
although the precise line is not known. The regiones
were numbered, beginning at the southeast with the
area around Via Appia, and running counterclock
wise as far as the twelfth, with X III, the Aventine,
and XIV, the Transtiberim, added as an afterthought.
So far as we know, these regiones were known offi
cially only by number.
These regiones were subdivided into vici, probably
units of four blocks, 3 0 7 in all, the smallest number,
seven, in Regio II, the Caelian, the highest number,
seventy-eight, more than twice as many as the next
highest, in XIV, the Transtiberim. Originally there
were four vicom agistri for each vicus; later there
reg (i o ) m a r (t i s )
Figure 73
R egia, First Period,
R estored Plan
were forty-eight vicomagistri for each regio, regard
less of the number of vici. When and why this change
was made is not known. Over these was a curator, or
sometimes two curatores, for each regio and a de-
nuntiator. Later these were changed to two cura
tores. Their responsibilities are not clear. The vico
magistri were chiefly concerned with the religious life
and ceremonies of their neighborhoods, compital
worship and the like; how they related to the curiae
is not told to us, but because, although originally the
curiae had been geographical, by the late republic
they had become entirely a matter of family and their
sacra would have been of an entirely different char
acter from those of the vici, we do not need to
trouble ourselves very much about possible overlap.
Around the outskirts of the city the suburbium
was divided into pagi. These presumably began at
the pomerium, and an inscription of the Augustan
period found at Lanuvium (C IL 14.2105) shows that
the Pagus Aventinensis continued to exist down to
the time it was included in the new pomerium by
Claudius. We learn also of a Pagus Montanus on the
Esquiline (C IL 6 .3 8 2 3 = 3 1 5 7 7 ) and a Pagus Iani-
culensis in the Transtiberim (C IL 6 .2 2 1 9 , 22 2 0 ). We
might have expected these and several more as well,
but there is ho further record of any. We might pre
sume that their purpose would be mainly religious,
but C IL 6 .2 2 1 9 speaks of the building of a porticus,
a cella, a culina and an ara (?) under the supervision
of the magistri pagi, and C IL 1 4.2105 is of a X X V I-
vir of the pagus who also held a number of high of
fices, so the officials of the pagus had broad admin
istrative and judicial powers combining many of the
competences of praetors and aediles. The adminis
tration of a pagus seems to have been a microcosm
of the administration of Rome itself.
Reg(io) M ar(tis): known only from a poorly pre
served lead tessera that is difficult to read showing
329

Figure 7 4
R egiones Q u attu o r and
S a c a r i a o f the A rgc,, as
R E G IO N E S Q U A T T U O R
Mars helmeted with shield and spear (Rostovtzeff,
Sylloge 4 9 5 and pi. 4.2 0 ), which is believed to indi-
catg thg neighborhood of the Aedes Martis (see
M ars, Aedes) outside Porta Capena, but is perhaps
almost as likely to identify the neighborhood of the
Ara M artis (see M ars, Ara) or that of the Temple of
Mars Ultor (see Forum Augustum).
Regiones Q uattuor (Fig. 7 4 ): the four regiones
into which Servius Tullius is supposed to have di
vided the city of Rome. Each region corresponded to
one of the four urban tribes, and at first those living
in one were supposed to be forbidden to move to
another or be enrolled in another (Livy 1 .4 3 .1 3 ;
Dion. Hal. 4 .1 4 .1 ; Festus 5 0 6 L ; [Aurel. Viet.,] D e
Vir. III. 7.7). The four tribes persisted as a political
organization well into the empire, but they must
have lost their original geographical constraint fairly
early, as those owning property in the more impor
tant suburban tribes got themselves enrolled in these.
The four were given in various orders; Varro (Ling.
5.4554), in his account of the Argei, lists them as
(1) Suburana, the Caelian with the valley between
the Caelian and Oppius, (2) Esquilina, the Oppius
and Cispian with the valley between them, (3) Col-
330
nna, the Viminal and Quirinal with the valley be
tween them, and (4) Palatina, including the Cerma-
lus and Velia. It should be observed that the
Capitoline seems likely to have been excluded, al
though people are supposed to have lived there from
the beginning, and that we know nothing about the
forum valley and how it may have been divided
among the four. It is generally believed that this rep
resents a stage in urban development between the
Palatine village and the city of the Servian Walls,
which included the Aventine. It is now known that
in the last two centuries of the republic at least, the
Tribus Suburana and Esquilina were regarded as in
ferior to the Palatina and Collina, while all the urban
tribes, being populous, were regarded as inferior to
the suburban tribes, where the individual vote and
voice had greater importance (R endP ontA cc 27
[195254]: 2 2 5 38 [L. R. Taylor]). If this inferiority
among the urban tribes can be laid to the same force
at work as that distinguishing the urban from the
suburban tribes, it may be that when the Aventine,
which had been essentially public domain, was
handed over to the plebs for settlement in 4 5 6 B .C .
(Livy 3 .3 1 .1 ; Dion. Hal. 1 0 .3 1 .2 32.5) it was in
cluded in the Suburana, to which it was adjacent,
while the Esquilina was always especially densely
populated and may have included a large chunk of
the forum valley. In any case, the division into four
regiones seems to have been the geographical orga
nization of the city still in force when Augustus un
dertook his reorganization, so it must have under
gone modification from time to time.
The relation of the four regiones to the pomerium
is not entirely clear. Presumably the regiones in
cluded all the territory within the pomerium, except
possibly the Capitoline, at the time they were cre
ated. We cannot trace the expansion of the pome
rium earlier than the time of Sulla, at which point it
coincided with the line of the Servian Walls, except
for the Aventine. In his account of the Argei (see Ar-
georum, Sacraria), Varro lists the sites of the shrines
with relation to the individual regiones, and it is
clear that although various of the landmarks he cites
are no older than the third century, the ceremony as
a whole must go back to a time before the plebs was
settled on the Aventine and before the upper reaches
of the Quirinal and Viminal had been included
within the pomerium. One has then to presume that
as the pomerium was enlarged, the new territory was
added to the nearest, or geographically most logical,
of the regiones, although on this point we have no
information. But the distribution of the sacraria of
the Argei among the regiones shows the importance
of these in the state religion, as well as its political
organization.

R. Thomsen, King Servius Tullius Copenhagen
1980), 2 1 2 -1 8 .
Regiones Q uattuordecim : the fourteen regiones
into which Augustus divided Rome when he re
formed the municipal administration in 7 b . c . (Sue
tonius, Aug. 3 0 .1 ; Cass. Dio 55 .8 .7 ). The regiones
were divided into vici, and new magistrates were cre
ated, m agistri vicorum , originally four for each vi-
cus, elected annually by the inhabitants of the vicus,
later forty-eight for each regio, regardless of the
number of vici, plus two curatores for each regio
chosen by lot among the eligible. The magistrates
responsibilities were chiefly religious and especially
compital, the real administration residing higher (see
J. Marquardt, R m isch e Staatsverw altung [Leipzig
1885], 3 .2 0 3 -7 ; T. Mommsen, L e d roit pu blic ro-
main [Paris 18891907], 5 .3 3 3 36, 6 .1 3 4 4 1 ;
B u llC om 34 [1906]: 1 9 8 -2 0 8 [G. Gatti]; C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073). These regiones were at first
known only by number (Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .4 0 ; Pliny,
H N 3 .6 6 ; Suetonius, Dorn. 1.1; Frontinus, A q. 2 .7 9 ;
S.H.A. H eliog ab. 2 0 .2 ), but the names by which they
seem to appear in the regionary catalogues could be
as old as the late first century after Christ. The fact
that some of these names do not really describe the
regiones to which they belong (Porta Capena, Isis et
Serapis, Via Lata, Circus Flaminius) suggests that
they had no official standing, and Elters observation
that they occur in no ancient author or inscription,
not even a sepulchral inscription, suggests that he
may well be right that they began as the first item
under each regio in the original list from which the
regionary catalogues derived and then got promoted
into the prominence of names. Other names for re
gions of the city were known both earlier and later
(Suetonius, Iul. 3 9 .1 , N ero 1 2 .1 ; D e G ram m . 2).
This organization of the city lasted as late as the sev
enth century, when an ecclesiastical division into
seven parishes was instituted and paved the way for
a different organization in the Middle Ages. The par
ishes are supposed to have been the creation of
Clement, fourth bishop of Rome, of the time of
Domitian, and cannot be made to coincide with the
Augustan regiones in any pattern.
From the regionary catalogues it is possible to
draw up a picture of the fourteen regiones as they
were in the fourth century, but the relation of this to
the Augustan regiones, especially around the outer
edge of the city, is uncertain. The pomerium (q.v.)
had been extended under Claudius, Vespasian, and
possibly Hadrian, but trying to draw the limits of the
city from those cippi that marked the line and have
survived is an exercise in ingenuity (see Fig. 67). Pli
nys description (HN 3 .6 6 -6 7 ) of the size of the city
R E G IO N E S Q U A T T U O R D E C IM
in his day is a bewildering set of statistics from which
it is impossible to wrest more than a general mean
ing. The customs boundary of the city (the o ctroi
boundary) marked by cippi of which five of the time
of Commodus have been found (C IL 6.1016a-
c = /LS 3 7 5 , 8 5 9 4 , 31 2 2 7 ) is too fragmentary to be
much help. And the Capitoline Base of the vicoma-
gistri inscribed in a . d . 136 (C IL 6.975 = 1LS 6073)
is an enormous help but includes information only
for Regiones I, X , X II, X III, and XIV. The Servian
Walls were not used as a boundary, except where it
was convenient, and the line of the Aurelian Walls
generally seems to have followed the customs bound
ary, but with certain modifications.
The following is a short description of what is at
present known of the boundaries of the individual
regiones in the fourth century. The map of Lugli and
Gismondi (Novara 1949) presents a convenient
graphic representation of these, although arbitrary at
some points.
I Porta Capena: named for the gate in the Servian
Walls from which the Via Appia issued. An irregu
larly shaped region, possibly beginning at the Meta
Sudans at the east corner of the Palatine and running
down the valley between the Palatine and Caelian,
turning southeast along the northeast side of Via Ap
pia in the vicinity of the southeast end of the Circus
M aximus, and then beyond the Baths of Caracalla
running along both sides of Via Appia as far as the
River Almo outside the Aurelian Walls. Beyond the
Baths of Caracalla it widened to include a consider
able area to the southwest of Via Appia. Regiones I,
II, III, IV, and X may all have met at the Meta Su
dans, but only if we accept a certain amount of ger
rymandering for which there is no sound evidence. If
the awkward northern point of Regio I running to
the M eta Sudans should be subtracted from it, this
might be included in either Regio II or Regio X.
II Caelimontium: essentially the Caelian, bounded
on the southwest by Regio I, on the southeast by the
line of the Aurelian Walls, and on the north by the
straight street running from the Colosseum through
Porta Querquetulana and continuing to a postern in
the Aurelian Walls.
III Isis et Serapis: the valley between Caelian and
Oppius and the Oppius, except for its western tip,
running from the Colosseum to a straight street run
ning north and south outside the Servian Walls (Via
Merulana Vetus). It is bounded on the south by Re
gio II, on the east by Via Merulana Vetus, and on the
northwest by the Clivus Suburanus. The western
boundary is not entirely clear.
IV Templum Pacis: a much-gerrymandered regio
including the Sacra Via and the buildings on its
northeast side from the Basilica Paulli to Hadrians
331
R E G IU M A T R IU M
Temple of Venus et Roma, the southeast side of the
Argiletum/Subura valley, including at least part of
the Forum Transitorium, and the Cispian. In its east
ern reaches it is bounded by the Vicus Patricius on
the northwest, the Servian Walls on the east, and the
Clivus Suburanus on the south.
V Esquiliae: an enormous region including every
thing between the Servian Walls and the Aurelian
Walls from a line running from Porta Viminalis to
Porta Chiusa on the north to the line between Porta
Querquetulana and the postern of the Aurelian Walls
bounding Regio II. But some authorities would as
sign a strip between Via Merulana Vetus and the Ser
vian Walls to Regio III.
VI Alta Semita: the Quirinal and Viminal, the val
ley of the Horti Sallustiani and eastern half of the
Pincian, and everything beyond these to the north
east as far as the Aurelian Walls. It is bounded on the
west by the line of the Servian Walls and Via Salaria
Vetus as far as Porta Pinciana, thereafter by the line
of the Aurelian Walls as far as Porta Chiusa south of
the Castra Praetoria, and on the southeast by the Vi
cus Patricius and its extension to Porta Chiusa.
VII Via Lata: the eastern Campus Martius and
western half of the Pincian, everything from Alta
Semitas western boundary to Via Flaminia and pos
sibly just taking in Via Flaminia, from Porta Flami
nia south to Forum Traiani.
VIII Forum Romanum vel Magnum: the Capito-
line, the imperial fora to and including the Forum
Nervae, the Forum Romanum, except for the build
ings northeast of Sacra Via and southeast of the Ar-
giletum, as far as Summa Sacra Via, the Vicus Iuga-
rius but not the Velabrum, and probably the
northwest half of the Forum Boarium. It is very dif
ficult to bound this region with anything like a logi
cal line.
IX Circus Flaminius: named for the square near its
southern extremity. The western Campus Martius
from Via Flaminia to the Tiber and from Porta Fla
minia south to the Capitoline and Theater of Mar-
cellus.
X Palatium: the Palatine, roughly within the
boundaries given by Tacitus (Ann. 12.24) as the line
of the pomerium of the Romulean city (the bronze
statue of a bull in the Forum Boarium, Ara Maxima
Herculis, Ara Consi, Curiae Veteres, Sacellum La-
rum, Forum Romanum), but somewhat diminished
on the west and southwest.
X I Circus Maximus: an irregular regio embracing
the circus, the slope of the Aventine above it, the Ve
labrum, and the southern half of the Forum Boar
ium, including the riverbank. Its limit on the south
east is doubtful, but is usually taken to be Vicus
Piscinae Publicae, running between the Aventinus
332
M aior and Aventinus Minor. It is bounded by the
Tiber and Regiones VIII, X , X II, and XIII.
X II Piscina Publica: named for an old tank that
had probably originally been a public reservoir and
later a public swimming pool. It included the Aven
tinus Minor, the area southwest of this as far as
Porta Ostiensis, and the area southeast of it that was
largely occupied by the Baths of Caracalla. It is
bounded on the south by the irregular course of the
Aurelian Walls, on the southeast and northeast by
Regio I, and on the northwest by the Vicus Piscinae
Publicae and its continuation as Vicus Portae Rau-
dusculanae.
XIII Aventinus: the Aventinus Maior, except for
its northeast slope, and the area southwest of it
where the great warehouses and markets of Rome
were located, as far as the line of the Aurelian Walls
beyond Mons Testaceus.
X IV Trans Tiberim: everything on the right bank
of the river and including the Tiber island. Its bound
aries seem to have been almost unlimited; it em
braced far more than the area included within the
Aurelian Walls. It stretched at least from the Temple
of Fors Fortuna (see Fors Fortuna, Fanum) on the
south to the Gaianum (q.v.) and naumachia beyond
the Mausoleum Hadriani on the north, and west to
the Vatican Hill.
Jordan 1 .1 .2 9 6 3 3 9 , 2.1236.
Regium Atrium : see Regia.
R em ora: the name Remus would have given to
Rome had he received the right to found the city, ac
cording to Ennius, Ann. 1 .7 7 (Skutsch, p. 76). This
is probably simply a variant of Remoria (q.v.), m etri
causa.
Remoria (or Remuria): a place connected with the
foundation story of Rome. According to one version
it was a hill near the Tiber 8 kilometers (30 stades)
south of the Palatine, where Remus wanted to build
the city (Dion. H al.1 .8 5 .6 ; [Aur. Viet.,] Orig. Gent.
R om . 23.1) and where he is buried (Dion. Hal.
1.87.3). Festus (345L) has a Remurinus Ager as the
territory of Remus and his dwelling at Remona,
which is a variant. This cannot now be located pre
cisely. Uncertainty as to where the augural station of
Remus was located also led to the identification of a
place in su m m o A ventino as another Remoria (Fes
tus 34 5 L ; Dion. Hal. 1.86.2). Finally, Plutarch
(R om . 9 .4 , 11.1) puts both the augural station and
the burial place of Remus on the highest part of the
Aventine with the name Remonion or Remonia, or
as it is now called Rignarion. In historical times
this was part of the Aventinus Minor, near S. Bal-

bina, identified with the Saxum and commonly
called by that name (Cicero, D om . 136; Ovid, Fast.
5 .1 4 9 52). See also Bona Dea Subsaxana, Aedes.
H J 1 8 1 -8 3 .
Rignarion: see Remoria.
Ripa Veientana: the right bank of the Tiber, as op
posed to the Ripa Romana. The name is found on
the cippi of the curatores riparum under the empire
(C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 7 , 315 4 8 b , 3 1 5 5 5 ; IL S 5 9 2 8 , 5929a,
5934), but it wag probably a very old designation
and included everything from the Cremera to the sea
(Livy 1.33.9, and cf. Horace, Car. 1.2.14; Statius,
Silv. 4 .4 .6 7; Dion. Hal. 3.45.1).
H J 6 5 1 -5 2 .
Rivus Herculaneus: see Aqua M arcia.
Rom a, Dea, Sacellum: a nymphaeum on the Vicus
Iugarius, built against the slope of the Capitoline Hill
opposite the church of S. M aria della Consolazione,
that was converted to use as a shrine of Dea Roma
in the second half of the fourth century after Christ.
This was discovered in excavations in 1943.
R endP ontA cc 5 3 - 5 4 (1 9 8 0 -8 2 ): 3 2 9 - 4 0 (A. M.
Colini).
Rom a Q uadrata: a shrine on the Palatine ante
Tem plum A pollinis (Festus 3 1 0 12L) in which were
deposited those things used to found a city auspi
ciously. The augurs lituus and the sacrificial imple
ments used in the foundation ceremonies might be
meant, possibly including the plow used to drive the
sulcus prim igenius of the pomerium (q.v.), but more
likely it is the prim itiae of everything sanctioned by
custom as good and by nature as necessary that Plu
tarch (R om . 11.12) says were deposited in a trench
dug around the comitium at the founding of a city
(see Mundus [1]). The epithet quadrata seems to re
fer to the satisfying of religious, perhaps especially
augural, requirements, but, because the sacrarium in
which the offerings were deposited was of square
shape (Festus 3 1 0 12L), it was early taken to refer
to this. It is mentioned as a location in the acta of
the Ludi Saeculares of Septimius Severus (C IL
6 .3 2 327.12).
Varro (ap. Solin. 1.17) may have confused the de
scription of this: d ictaqu e prim um est R om a q u a d
rata q u o d a d aequ ilibriu m fo r et p osita, with some
thing quite different, if related. He continues: ea
incipit a silva q u a e est in area A pollinis et a d super-
cilium scalarum C aci h a b et term inum , u bi tugurium
fuit Faustuli. The latter seems to be describing the
augural line that Romulus laid out for taking the
R O M U L U S , D IV U S , T E M P L U M
auspices for the new city in competition with Remus
(Livy 1 .6 .4 7 .1 ; Dion. Hal. 1 .8 6 .2 -4 and cf. 2.5). If
we take Lancianis Aedes Iovis Propugnatoris to be
the Temple of Apollo, as most authorities now do,
the grove can hardly have been anywhere but in
front of this to the southwest, and the augural line
may have lain due north and south, but seems much
too short for such a line. The head of the Scalae Caci
or the Tugurium Faustuli also seems a poor land
mark for someone laying out an augural line to have
chosen, though perhaps originally it might have been
a tree or similar vertical at the top of the Scalae that
was chosen. Since Livy (1.18.6) is particular in spec
ifying that in taking the auspices to determine
whether Numa Pompilius should be king of Rome
the augur seated him on a rock facing south, one
wonders whether Varro may not have got things
backward and Romulus actually took his station in
front of the hut of Faustulus (cf. Auguraculum [1])
and looked south over the Circus Maximus. A frag
mentary papyrus (P O xy 2088) that mentions Roma
Quadrata is unfortunately too mutilated to be help
ful (see R. Thomsen, King Servius Tullius [Copen
hagen 1980], 1 3 -1 6 ).
Romuleius M ons: a name found once in the His
toria Augusta (S.H.A. G allien. 19.4) to describe the
place of a statue between the temples of Faustina and
Vesta, a d A rcum F abianum . It is also an te Sacram
Viam. This would seem clear enough, but it is also
said to be in p e d e M ontis R om ulei, which is confus
ing. It may be that the Velia was briefly renamed
Mons Romuleius, if the so-called Tempio del Divo
Romolo actually was the construction of Maxentius
to his deified son who died in a . d . 307, but more
likely the Palatine is meant.
Romulus, Aedes: see Casa Romuli.
Romulus, Divus, Templum: a temple erected by
Maxentius in honor of his young son, Romulus, who
died and was deified in a . d . 3 0 7 . The temple is
shown on coins (Cohen 7 .1 8 2 -8 4 , Romulus nos. 1
12; R IC 6 .3 8 1 -8 2 nos. 2 3 9 - 4 0 , 2 4 3 - 5 7 ; Mazzini
5 .3 2 and pi. 10) as round and domed, surmounted
by an eagle, sometimes without columns, sometimes
with four columns, and sometimes with six. So it is
possible, if unlikely, that we are dealing with more
than one building, the mausoleum on Via Appia and
a temple elsewhere. The temple has often been
thought to be the small circular brick structure on
the east side of Sacra Via between the Temple of An
toninus and Faustina and the Basilica Constantini
(Maxentii). On the fragmentary epistyle of the porch
was an inscription still there in the sixteenth century
333
R O S T R A , S U G G E S T U S , T R IB U N A L
with the name of Constantine (C IL 6 .1 1 4 7 ), and it
has been presumed that after M axentiuss death
Constantine took over and rededicated the building,
as he did the basilica next to it. It has also been iden
tified as a temple of Pax (see Penates Dei, Aedes) or
of the Penates (q.v.), as the Fanum Urbis (see Venus
et Roma, Templum), and, most recently, as the
Temple of Iuppiter Stator flanked by sacella of the
Penates, a replacement for the Temple of the Penates
(Coarelli 1 9 8 3 ,2 9 - 3 1 ,4 9 ) .
It is a very curious building, a small rotunda be
hind a concave faade flanked by deep apsidal cham
bers with more imposing doors than the rotunda,
emphasized by columns on high plinths and elabo
rate entablatures at the top of the stair of approach.
The doors of the side chambers are missing, and one
can get only a general impression of the effect from
the condition of the ruin today. The door to the ro
tunda is comparatively small, but of fine bronze,
tucked in a shallow niche behind a post-and-lintel
frame of porphyry columns with plinths and Corin
thian capitals of white marble. Because all three
doorways are set at the same level, the flanking
chambers are thrust forward and make the entrance
to the rotunda almost secretive. The building was
later converted into a vestibule for the church of SS.
Cosma e Damiano, which was built into the south
corner of the Templum Pacis under Pope Felix IV
(5 2 6 -5 3 0 ).
Lugli 1947, 1 8 4 - 9 0 ; Nash 2 .2 6 8 -7 1 ; Coarelli
, ;
1974 9 4 A. K. Frazer, F ou r L a te A n tiqu e R otundas
(Ann Arbor, M ich. 19 7 8); Q u ad ern i d ellIstituto di
Storia d e llA rcbitettura 26 (1980): fasc. 15762
(Rome 1982), II tempio di Rom olo di Foro R o
mano (various authors).
R o s tra , Suggestus, T rib u n a l: R ostra is the term al
ways used for the speakers platform in the Comi-
tium, although it was not decorated with the ships
beaks that gave it that name before sometime in the
third century. But there must have been a speakers
platform there from the beginning, and the Curia
was supposed to have been built by Tullus Hostilius.
Earlier the kings are said to have used the Volcanal
for that purpose. But after the Romans great naval
victory over the Latins at Antium in 338 B .C . some
of the captured ships were added to the Roman fleet,
and the rest were burned, and the beaks of those that
were burned were used to decorate a suggestus
erected in m ed io fo r o to celebrate that victory. Being
in the forum, it was distinct from the speakers plat
form in the Comitium, but before long that platform,
too, received a contingent of beaks, probably after
one of the great naval victories of the First Punic
War. If the comitium/curia complex of Cosa can be
taken as a fair copy of the Comitium and Curia of
334
Rome, then the original speakers platform was
simply a space at the top of the steps of the Comi
tium in front of the door of the Curia and extending
the width of the Comitium. Here the magistrates
wishing to address the people stood between the sen
ate and the assembly, and here the praetor urbanus
set up his tribunal to one side of the Curia door. The
creation of a more imposing speakers platform of
the sort we see in the comitium of Paestum would
have come in the middle of the third century, for the
colonies of Cosa and Paestum were both deductions
of 273 B .C ., but Cosa was to an entirely new site,
while Paestum was to an existing town. So it is rea
sonable to see the incentive to the creation of a sec
ond rostrate suggestus in Rome as one of the naval
victories of the First Punic War. Because Comitium
and Curia were both inaugurated templa, it follows
that the speakers platform was, too. The Antiate
rostra must have been inaugurated separately, for it
was a templum, but no one informs us on that detail.
The difference between a rostra and a suggestus
may have been only in the beaks, though possibly it
extended to size, for a suggestus could be quite small,
while a rostra was always very large. Many Roman
temples were preceded by suggestus, the stair of ap
proach being broken at the middle by a platform that
might hold an altar and also be used as a speakers
platform or magistrates tribunal. Two of the temples
of the Forum Holitorium show such an arrangement,
and the Temple of Castor in the forum offered a re
finement on it by having the platform approached by
small stairs leading off left and right at either end, so
the crowd could gather immediately in front of the
platform and that front, too, could conceivably be
decorated with beaks.
The need for speakers platforms in every part of
the city where people gathered or court was held was
very great, and we hear of them in the Area Capito
lina (the Tribunal Vespasiani, Titi, Domitiani) and
Porticus Minucia (Cicero, Phil. 2 .6 3 and 84). Temple
platforms must always have provided the readiest
opportunity, for they were elevated, already inaugu
rated, so suitable for holding court, and usually came
with ample open space in front of them. This will
also explain why there were few tribunalia in Rome,
despite the ever increasing multiplication and de
mand for space for courts; a praetor needed only to
mark out a place on a temple platform and install a
small wooden dais ticketed with his name and office
and sufficiently large to hold his curule chair to es
tablish his court. And the simpler it was, the better.
R o s tra : the platform from which orators addressed
the people in assembly, both formal and informal.
The original platform if there was only one, which
must remain doubtful, because the word itself was

plural and the need for more than one suggestus
must have been felt very early must have been that
in the Comitium, the traditional place of assembly,
and was a platform in front of the Curia, on axis
with it, possibly the whole breadth of the Comitium
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 5 ; Asconius a d Cic. in M ilon. Arg.
2 8 - 2 9 and 37 [12] [Stangl 3 1 -3 2 , 37]). Here the
praetor urbanus traditionally had his tribunal and
the laws of the Twelve Tables were put on display in
4 4 2 B .C . (Diod. Sic. 12.26.1).
This platform was augmented after the victory
over the Latins at Antium in 338 B .C . by a suggestus
(perhaps already in existence) in fo r o (not in the
Comitium) that was decorated with the beaks of
some of the captured ships (Livy 8 .1 4 .1 2 ; Pliny, H N
34.20). This was the first suggestus to be called ros
tra, and it was made a templum. It is located by its
proximity to the stone lion marking the grave of
Faustulus or Romulus (Dion. Hal. 1.87.2) and by the
custom of having the accensus consulis announce
noon when he saw the sun from the door of the
Curia between the rostra and the Graecostasis (Pliny,
H N 7.212), at which time he must have been looking
due south. It almost certainly had the form of a seg
ment of the Comitium, as the Rostra Augusti did
later, with curved steps approaching it, but whether
one spoke over the steps or, as seems more likely,
from the front now decorated with beaks, no one
tells us. This was the most conspicuous feature of the
forum square, quant ocu latissim o lo co , eaq u e est in
rostris (Pliny, H N 34 .2 4 ), and statues of those who
had met their death in public service or done deeds
of singular valor were repeatedly erected there, as
they had been earlier on the rostra of the Comitium
(Cicero, Phil. 9 .1 6 ; Livy 4 .1 7 .6 ; Veil. Pat. 2 .6 1 .3 ;
Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 3 25). This platform was then dis
mantled and rebuilt farther to the northwest some
time between 46 and 42 B .C . (see Rostra Augusti).
At some point, probably after one of the signal na
val victories of the First Punic War, the rostra of the
Comitium were rebuilt and decorated with the beaks
of enemy ships. This complex will than have re
sembled the Comitium of Paestum (the so-called Tea-
tro Circolare) with a suggestus cutting across the
ring of the steps of the Comitium and accessible at
the ends, rather than axially. This is implicit in the
story of Catos saving himself from the fury of the
mob by hauling himself up to his feet by hanging
onto the beaks themselves (Plutarch, C ato Min.
4 4 .1 -4 ).
Excavations in the Comitium adjacent to the N i
ger Lapis have brought to light remains of republican
construction that have been interpreted as remains of
the rostra. Five building periods are distinguished,
the last three with some form of rostra. But the first
two of these, as reconstructed, are architecturally bi
R O ST R A A U G U STI
zarre and unworkable, buildings that can never have
existed, and it is not until we get to the final phase,
dated to the time of Sulla, that architectural logic
emerges. W hat we see is the stepping of the Comi
tium rising to a broad platform behind it, although
the latter might have been considerably narrower,
because the number of steps is restored arbitrarily.
But it is not the rostra, which should be on the op
posite side of the Comitium in front of the Curia;
this is part of the Comitiums stepped cavea. The fact
that the group of monuments under the Niger Lapis
is preserved at a level where it interrupts the stepping
and includes remains of a monument interpreted as
the tomb of Faustulus or Romulus shows that, as far
as the remains go, the stepped plan need not be of
high antiquity, but it is implicit in the story of how
Tarquinius Superbus seized up the aged Servius Tul
lius bodily in the Curia and threw him down the
steps into the Comitium (Livy 1 .4 8 .3 ; Dion. Hal.
4 .3 8 .5 ). If we cannot restore steps in stone, we must
do so in wood.
The coins of Lollius Palicanus of 45 B .C . showing
rostra with a curved front decorated with beaks may
represent either the Antiate Rostra, at that time pre
sumably dismantled, or a design for the new Rostra
Augusti, which had, when dedicated in 4 2 , a straight
front, but the former is, of course, more likely.
O p R om 2 (1941): 9 7 -1 5 8 (E. Gjerstad); Lugli
1946, 1 1 5 -2 1 ; R om M itt 80 (1973): 2 1 9 -3 3 (L.
Richardson).
R ostra Aedis Divi Iulii: see Iulius, Divus,
Aedes.
R ostra Augusti: the rostra of the imperial period at
the northwest end of the forum square. Julius Caesar
had decided on the removal of the old rostra (Cass.
Dio 4 3 .4 9 .1 ), but their rebuilding does not seem to
have taken place until after 4 2 B .C . Augustus cer
tainly finished them (Dig. 1.2.9.43 [Pomponius]),
and he appears seated on the rostra with Agrippa on
a coin (Cohen 1, Aug. 5 2 9 = B. M. C oins, R om .
E m p. 1.23 no. 115 = Mazzini, Aug. 529). The rostra
came to signify the northwest limit of the forum
(Seneca, C onstant. 1.3), and the funeral orations for
Augustus were delivered presumably from these ros
tra, called vetera, by Drusus (Suetonius, Aug. 100.3;
Cass. Dio 5 6 .3 4 .4 ), and from the Rostra Divi Iulii by
Tiberius.
This was the site of two splendid spectacles de
scribed at length by Dio, N eros reception of Tiri-
dates of Armenia and Pertinaxs funeral (Cass. Dio
6 2 [6 3 ].4 .3 , 7 5 .4 .2 ). Didius Julianuss head was dis
played there (Aur. Viet., E pit. 19). There were al
ways statues on the rostra (cf. the seated statues
shown on the panel of the Arcus Constantini show
335
R O S T R A C A E S A R IS
ing the rostra [LOrange and von Gerkan pis. 5a,
14b, 15a]; S.H.A. C laud. 3 .5 ; C IL 6 .1 1 9 5 , 1731
= IL S 1278). An archaic statue of Hercules wearing
a tunic stood beside it (iu xta: Pliny, N H 34.93).
The existing remains are difficult to interpret but
can be divided into four periods:
1. The Rostra Caesaris (?), a concrete core with
curving front, over 13 m long, with five or six curv
ing steps behind. This backs up against, and was
probably built to encroach on, the line of low vaults
supporting the Vicus Iugarius along the stair of the
Temple of Saturn. It was 3 .5 0 m high and revetted
with marble; the faade shows plates of Porta Santa
separated by slender pilasters of africano, probably
remains of the original revetment. There are holes in
the faade for the attachment of ornaments of some
sort, but seemingly too small to have carried the
great rostra of warships. This may be the rostra of
the coin of Palicanus (see Rostra).
2. To this Augustus made an addition to make a
larger and slightly higher core for the steps with an
extension of the Caesarean steps on the west to reach
the whole width of the construction, now with a
front faade 2 3 .8 0 m wide, and create a truly mon
umental flight. The formerly narrow Caesarean plat
form at the top now extended 10 m forward, with
front and side walls of squared blocks of tufa faced
with marble, to which were attached the bronze
beaks in two rows. This has now been restored to
full height. It evidently had a wooden floor sup
ported on travertine beams that rested on the front
and side walls and on three rows of travertine piers.
Later brick pillars were added to strengthen or re
place the travertine ones. A marble balustrade
framed the sides and front, but a generous opening
was left in the middle of the front, and to approach
this a temporary frontal stair was erected on occa
sion.
3. The erection of the Arch of Septimius Severus
necessitated removal of most of the northeast wall of
the rostra and a small court, known as the hemi-
cycle, was created by cutting away the core of the
Augustan platform down to the level of the forum
pavement for a bit more than one-half its length.
This exposed the facing of the Caesarean rostra in
Porta Santa and africano with a plinth of Pentelic
marble and a richly decorated crown molding and
created a small triangular room that must have been
roofed with a wooden floor. The purpose of this
room is not clear, nor yet whether it communicated
with the platform above. The room was paved with
tile, some of which bears Severan stamps (C IL
15.405).
4. About a .d . 4 7 0 the forward rectangular block
of the rostra was lengthened by the addition of a
clumsy, slightly trapezoidal construction in brick at
336
the northwest end in front of the pier of the Arch of
Septimius Severus, the front of which was also dec
orated with beaks. An inscription recording a resto
ration by the praefectus urbi Iunius Valentinus in
honor of the victory of Leo and Anthemius (?) over
the Vandals has given this the name Rostra Vandal-
ica (C IL 6 .3 2 0 0 5 ; R om M itt 10 [1895]: 5 9 - 6 3 [C.
Hiilsen]).
The two marble balustrades known as the Plutei,
or Anaglypha, Traiani (see Plutei Traiani) found in
the open area of the forum near the Columna Phocae
are now commonly believed to have formed part of
the Rostra Augusti and to have stood either flanking
the approach or at the ends of the platform. They
were found simply roughly mounted on blocks of
travertine, clearly out of context. It is now fairly gen
erally accepted that they date to the time of Hadrian.
They show on one face of each a suovetaurilia pro
cession, the victims decked out for sacrifice, at large
scale, and on the other face at much smaller scale a
historical event in its setting, on one the burning of
bundles of tax records on the occasion of a remission
of taxes (cf. C IL 6 .9 6 7 = IL S 309), and on the other
the princeps standing on a rostra addressing an as
sembly, while at the opposite end is a statue of Trajan
receiving the thanks of a mother for the Institutio
Alimentaria (C IL 9 .1455 = 7L S6509 and C IL 1 1.1147
= ILS 6675). The topographical problems entailed
in the correct reading of the backgrounds are diffi
cult, and there is no agreement among scholars as to
their solution, but it seems quite clear that both are
intended to show the Forum Romanum and use the
statue of Marsyas as a point of reference. However,
because they are meant only to be read summarily,
parts of the background are clearly arbitrary in the
number of arches and columns and the angle of vi
sion, and they do not help with the topography of
the forum (see Plutei Traiani and Statua Marsyae).
Lugli 1946, 1 4 0 - 4 4 ; Nash 2 .1 7 6 -7 7 ; Rend-
PontA cc 5 5 -5 6 (1 9 8 2 -8 4 ): 3 2 9 - 4 0 (P. Verduchi);
Coarelli 1985, 2 3 7 -5 7 ; R om a, a rcb eo lo g ia n el cen-
tro (1985), 1 .2 9 -3 3 (P. Verduchi).
R ostra Caesaris: the rostra that Julius Caesar built
at the northwest end of the Forum Romanum to take
the place of the Rostra Comitii, destroyed prob
ably when the Curia was dismantled sometime be
fore Caesars assassination in March 4 4 B .C . Dio
(43.49.1) puts the construction of the rostra early
in 4 4 and makes this the occasion for the restora
tion of the equestrian statues of Sulla and Pompey
destroyed by the plebs (Suetonius, Iul. 7 5 .4 ; Cass.
Dio 4 2 .1 8 .2 ). It would have been on the new rostra
that Caesar sat to watch the celebration of the Lu-
percalia in February, when Antony publicly offered
him a royal diadem, which he then refused (Veil. Pat.

2 .5 6 .4 ; Plutarch, C aes. 6 1 .1 -4 ; Cass. Dio 4 4 .1 1 .2
3). It must have been here that two statues of Caesar
were erected, one representing him with the oak
crown, or Corona Civica, as savior of the citizens,
and one as deliverer of the city from siege, with the
Corona Obsidionalis, considered the highest possible
honor (Pliny, H N 2 2 .6 ; Cass. Dio 44 .4 .5 ). One of
these must have been the equestrian statue men
tioned by Velleius (2.61.3). Here also must have
stood the equestrian statue voted by the senate to
Octavian in 43 (Veil. Pat. 2.56 .4 ). All this argues that
the Rostra Caesaris were of considerable size. They
have been recognized in a concrete core, 3 .5 0 m high
and over 13 m long, built against and probably orig
inally over the line of low vaults supporting the Vicus
Iugarius along the stairs of the Temple of Saturn.
This construction had a curving front facing the
open square of the forum, a narrow platform at its
summit, and a stair of probably seven steps behind,
R U P E S T A R P E IA
which eventually became the stair up to the Rostra
Augusti. The platform is clearly inadequate to ac
commodate the accumulation of monuments that
must have found place there, and we have our choice
of extending it on supports in the fashion of the Ros
tra Augusti, or of finding a place for the Rostra Cae
saris elsewhere. The former is in every way easier, in
view of the line of the Vicus Iugarius and Clivus Cap-
itolinus, but it is not clear how the extension would
have been engineered, or how it would have func
tioned architecturally.
Rostra Castoris: see Castor, Aedes.
R ostra Divi Iulii: see Iulius, Divus, Aedes.
R ostra Vetera: see Rostra and R ostra Augusti.
Rupes Tarpeia: see Tarpeia Rupes.
337
Sabina, Diva, A ra: an altar shown on coins of
Hadrian of a.d . 1 3 8 -1 3 9 (B . M. C oins, R om . E m p.
3.363 nos. 9 6 0 -6 3 ) , following the deification of Sa
bina. The altar is of the form that later became stan
dard for the commemoration of deified members of
the Antonine family: rectangular, with base and
crown moldings and acroteria of horned form at the
upper corners, and with a door of four panels on axis
in front.
This seems apt to be the altar of which parts were
discovered during work on Corso Vittorio Emanuele
just northwest of the Chiesa Nuova in 1 8 8 6 -1 8 8 7 ,
commonly known as the Ara Ditis et Proserpinae. It
shows the general design of altars to deified members
of the family found in the vicinity of the Columna
Marci Aurelii Antonini, but with some variation. Its
plan consists of three concentric rectangles equidis
tant from one another, probably with axial doors on
the principal faade and matching doors in sequence
in from either side, backed against a wall running
parallel to the Euripus Thermarum Agrippae. The
large altar within the innermost enclosure stood on
a base of three steps and had bolsters at the ends
decorated with a scale pattern, a large fragment of
one of which was recovered and is now in the court
yard of the Palazzo dei Conservatori. Because Sa
bina, who died only a short time before Hadrian,
never received a temple, it seems likely that this was
an altar erected where her pyre had stood, but there
is no proof.
B u llC om 15 (1887): 2 7 6 - 7 7 (G. Gatti); Nash
1.57, 5 9 ; A]A 89 (1985): 4 8 5 - 9 7 (M. T. Boat
wright); Boatwright 2 1 8 - 3 0 ; C EFR 98 (1987): 1 9 1 -
210 (J.-M . Flambard).
Sacra Urbs, Templum: see Venus et Rom a,
Templum.
Sacra Via: the oldest and most famous street in
Rome, it and the Nova Via (q.v.) being the only
streets within the city called viae before the imperial
period. The adjective almost always precedes, except
in poetry (for exceptions, see Pliny, H N 1 9 .2 3 ; Sue
tonius, Vitel. 17; Asconius a d Cic. M ilon. 4 2 [Stangl
4 1 ]; C IL 6 .9 2 3 9 , 9 4 1 8 , 9 5 4 9 ; IL S 7 7 0 0 ; regionary
catalogues, Regio IV). There was even a common
tendency to run the two words together into a single
word in pronunciation (Festus 372L ). Mentions of it
are very frequent in all periods, but for the most part
not informative. It is listed in Regio IV in the region
ary catalogues.
The Sacra Via was commonly believed to extend
from Summa Sacra Via, where were clustered the
Temple of the Lares (Augustus, R G 19), the house of
the rex sacrorum (Festus 372L ), and the Temple of
Iuppiter Stator (Plutarch, Cic. 16.3), to the Regia
(Festus 372L) and Fornix Fabianus (Cicero, Plane.
17). Three times it is called Sacer Clivus (Horace,
Car. 4 .2 .3 5 ; M artial 1.70.5, 4 .7 8 .7 ), but only in po
etry, and to go from Summa Sacra Via to the forum
was Sacra Via d escen d ere (Cicero, Att. 4 .3 .3 ; Hor
ace, E p o d . 7.7). But Varro (Ling. 5.47) and Festus
(372L) are explicit that the Sacra Via really began at
the Sacellum Streniae on the Carinae and extended
from the Regia in arcem . Varro explained this by say
ing sacra were carried from the sacellum to the arx
every month, and the augurs setting out from the arx
were accustomed to inaugurare by the Sacra Via.
This must mean that in the late republic and early
empire on the Ides, which were sacred to Jupiter, the
priests bringing sacra from the Sacellum Streniae had
to make a sharp turn at Summa Sacra Via (cf. the
course of Nova Via) and probably had to ascend the
Capitoline by the stair known as the Gradus M one
tae (later replaced by the Scalae Gemoniae), for the

only road up the Capitoline on this side was the Cli-
vus Capitolinus. Unless the clivus was considered
part of Sacra Via, which no one suggests (cf., e.g.,
Pliny, H N 19.23), the ascent must have been made
by the stair. This really creates no difficulty, except
as the Scalae Gemoniae came to be associated with
disgrace and violence. But the sacra in question were
the idulia sacra (Festus 372L) and involved a sheep,
the idulis ovis (Paulus ex Fest. 93L ; Macrobius, Sat.
1.15.16). This was a gelding, a lb a . . . gran dior agna
(Ovid, Fast. 1 .5 5 -5 6 , 5 8 7 -8 8 ), and it was sacrificed
by the Flamen Dialis and the entrails offered at the
Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (Ovid, Fast.
1 .5 5 -5 6 , 5 8 7 -8 8 ). One must ask why it should have
been taken to the other peak of the Capitoline first.
Perhaps it is because the worship of Jupiter was older
on the higher peak.
The course and level of the Sacra Via varied con
siderably in antiquity, as can be seen dramatically at
the Arch of Titus, where the footing of the arch
stands well above the Augustan pavement that has
now been exposed for most of the length of the street
between the Regia and Summa Sacra Via. As it was
always the principal route from the Palatine to the
Forum Romanum (Plutarch, Cic. 2 2 .1 ; Tacitus, Hist.
3 .6 8 ; Cass. Dio 6 4 .2 0 .3 , 78 .4 .3 ), in the republican
period it probably followed a relatively straight
course from Summa Sacra Via to the Regia. Under
the empire ambitious building programs, such as
those of Nero for the Domus Transitoria and Domus
Aurea and that of Maxentius when a serious confla
gration made a large area available for redevelop
ment, may well have forced it to deviate. After the
construction of the Arch of Titus, this at Summa
Sacra Via and the Fornix Fabianus at the Regia (no
one ever uses the term Im a Sacra Via) must have
seemed terminals. Herodian (2.9.5 and 7.6.9) has
been taken to indicate that in his day a stretch was
known as Media Sacra Via, but the case is weak.
Browns excavations in and around the Regia led
him to conclude that in the time of the kings and the
early republic the Sacra Via sloped downward on a
long curve from the upper Palatium to its northeast,
then between Vesta and the Regia along Castor and
Pollux, whence it crossed the Forum beside the Do-
liola to the Comitium (G n om on 56 [1984]: 3 8 1
82 [F. E. Brown]), and that it was only after the
pavement of the forum in 179 B .C . that the Sacra Via
ran along the north side of the forum. It is difficult
to follow Brown in this. The brook now buried
under the Sacra Via on the Velia must always have
determined the course of a thoroughfare, with first a
path and then a road running along it bringing traffic
into the forum. If it divided just above the Regia, the
SA C R A V IA
road will not have deviated to follow it to the north
west, but will have crossed it on a bridge. If another
path developed along the branch to make a forked
entrance to the forum, the more direct route will still
have been the real Sacra Via, and it is difficult to see
the Gradus M onetae as anything but an archaic ap
proach to the northeast height of the Capitoline dic
tated by the necessities of religion and ritual, ascend
ing the hill steeply in a straight line. Browns new line
will be only auxiliary. For Plautus (Cure. 4 7 0 -7 5 )
proves that one could stroll along the northeast side
of the forum from the Comitium to Forum Infimum
while the Cloaca was still an open trench across the
middle.
For the Sacra Via before the time of Augustus, our
archaeological evidence is poor and fragmentary. In
the late republican period it seems to have been lined
with shops in front of houses from just beyond the
Regia to Summa Sacra Via. The rebuilding of the Re
gia in 36 B .C . and the building of the Temple of Di-
vus Iulius in the next few years did little to change it.
Marius had already built his Temple of Honos et Vir-
tus across from the Regia, but he also had a house
there (see Domus, C. Marius), and Horace shows
that in his day it was still the shopping street par
ex cellen ce of Rome. The Augustan pavement has
now been uncovered, 5 m wide, for most of the
length of this sector; it rises from 12.60 meters above
sea level at the northeast corner of the Temple of Di-
vus Iulius to 2 8 .3 0 meters above sea level at its crest
east of the Arch of Titus. Some of its pavement has
been found underlying the steps of Hadrians Temple
of Venus et Roma. How much change there was for
the creation of the Domus Transitoria is not clear,
but after the fire of a . d . 64 we see a considerable rise
in level and the construction of handsome arcades on
both sides of the street that fronted vast structures
similar to the Porticus Minucia Frumentaria (q.v.),
which must have served as offices for parts of the
bureaucracy that ran the empire. These led to a
grand colonnaded cou r d b on n eu r at the top of the
Velia, with the Colossus of Nero as its center and
focus. Later Domitian converted at least some of the
arcaded buildings flanking the Sacra Via into the
Horrea Piperataria (q.v.), but without change in
the Sacra Via. Change came with Hadrians con
struction of the Temple of Venus et Roma (see Venus
et Roma, Templum) to replace N eros colonnaded
court, after which time the Sacra Via became a broad
avenue, flanked by porticoes and shops, those on the
northeast side being eventually replaced by the Basil
ica Constantini (q.v.). Unfortunately, this avenue
was removed in 1899 in the belief that it was medie
val and the Augustan pavement uncovered. Conse
339
SA E P T A IU L IA
quently, all the imperial buildings now seem to float
on their foundations. There is no evidence that the
continuation of the Sacra Via beyond the Arch of
Titus in the direction of the Meta Sudans was ever
called, or thought of as part of, Sacra Via.
The Sacra Via and Velia was a residential quarter
in republican times, probably always with a bank of
shops fronting immediately on the street and the
houses withdrawn behind these in the manner famil
iar from Pompeii. We hear of houses of the kings
Numa Pompilius and Ancus Marcius here (Solinus
1.212 3 ), of Tullus Hostilius on the Velia (Solinus
1.22; Cicero, R ep. 2 .5 3 ), of Publius Valerius (Cicero,
R ep. 2 .5 3 ; Livy 2 .7 .1 2 ), Cn. Domitius Calvinus (Fes-
tus 142L), P. Scipio Nasica, a public gift (Dig.
1.2.8.37 [Pomponius]), probably Marius (AJA 82
[1978]: 2 4 5 (L. Richardson]), Tettius Damio (Ci
cero, Att. 4.3 .3 ), the Octavii (Sallust, Hist. frag.
2.45), and, in the early empire, Domitius Ahenobar-
bus (C IL 6 .2 0 4 1 .2 5 = / IS 2 2 9 , 2042d , 32 3 5 2 ). The
shops then seem to have dealt especially in luxuries
(Ovid, Ars A m. 2 .2 6 5 66, A m. 1 .8 .1 0 0 ; Propertius
2 .2 4 .1 3 -1 4 ). There are numerous sepulchral inscrip
tions, especially of goldsmiths and jewelers from the
Sacra Via (C IL 6 .9 2 0 7 = IL S 7 6 8 5 , 9221 = ILS
7694, 9 2 3 9 , 9 4 1 8 = IL S 7 7 0 0 ; 9 4 1 9 , 9 5 4 5 = ILS
7602, 9 5 4 6 -4 9 ) , but also of others (C IL 6.9283
= IL S 7 6 1 7 , 9 7 9 5 , 9935 = IL S 7 6 4 5 ); Ovid (Ars
Am. 2 .2 6 5 66) speaks of buying fine fruit there.
On the Ides of October, after the sacrifice of the
October horse at the Altar of Mars in the Campus
Martius, the head of the horse was cut off and dec
orated with bread, and the Sacravienses and Subura-
nenses battled for the possession of it. If the Sacra
vienses were victorious, they nailed the head to a
wall of the Regia. It is not clear exactly who made
up these two factions or how they were marshaled.
The struggle for possession of the head presumably
took place in the Forum Romanum (Festus 190L,
246L ; Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 97).
As one ascends the Sacra Via from the forum, after
passing the Basilica Paulli one has on the left the
Temple of Antoninus and Faustina, the archaic Se-
pulcretum, remains of republican houses, the so-
called Tempio di Divo Romolo, a medieval loggia,
and the Basilica Constantini. On the right are the Re
gia, remains of houses and shops between the road
and the Atrium Vestae, a medieval hemicycle facing
the loggia, and the great forest of piers faced with
brickwork commonly called the Porticus Margari-
taria (q.v.). All these are, in effect, public buildings,
or publicly controlled, and attest to the great impor
tance that the Sacra Via apparently always had.
Jordan 1 .2 .2 7 4 -8 6 ; Lugli 1946, 2 1 6 - 3 3 ; Nash
2 .2 8 4 - 9 0 ; AJA 82 (1978): 2 4 0 - 4 1 (L. Richardson);
Coarelli 1983, 111 1 8 ; R om a, a rch eo lo g ia net cen
340
tro (1985), 1 .9 9 105 (A. Cassatella); B u llC om 91.2
(1986): 2 4 1 - 6 2 (S. Buranelli Le Pera and L. D Elia);
QITA 10 (1988): 7 7 -9 7 (D. Palombi), 9 9 -1 1 4 (F.
Castagnoli); O p R om 17 (1989): 2 2 9 35 (A. Ziol-
kowski).
Saepta Iulia: identified in 1 9 3 4 -1 9 3 7 by Gattis
study of the evidence of fragments of the Marble
Plan and the actual remains from antiquity (FUR pi.
3 1 ; Rodriguez pis. 2 6 , 2 7 , 31) as the great rectangu
lar enclosure about 3 1 0 m long and 120 m wide just
east of the Pantheon and Thermae Agrippae, and just
west of the Temple of Isis Campensis and Serapeum.
On the south it adjoined the Diribitorium, which,
however, was always regarded as a separate entity.
Along its two long sides were colonnades, that on the
east the Porticus Meleagri and so inscribed on the
Marble Plan, and that on the west the Porticus Ar-
gonautarum, which Martial (2.14.56) associated
with the Saepta, while the two porticoes are listed
separately in the regionary catalogues.
Julius Caesar projected the Saepta as early as 54
B .C . (Cicero, Att. 4 .1 6 .1 4 ) to replace the earlier
Saepta, jokingly called the Ovile (q.v.), the voting
place of the Romans in the com itia centuriata and
tributa in the Campus Martius. It was to be of
marble surrounded by a lofty portico a mile long.
Whether work was actually begun in Caesars life
time has been doubted. Lepidus was in part respon
sible for the construction (Cass. Dio 5 3 .2 3 .2 ), and it
was completed and dedicated in 26 B .C . by Agrippa,
who adorned it with numerous pictures and reliefs.
It was officially called Saepta Iulia, but ordinarily
called simply Saepta, and once Saepta Agrippiana
(S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 26 .7 ). It also continued to be
known as the Ovile (Ausonius, Grat. act. 3 .1 3 ; cf.
Servius a d E el. 1.33).
In the Saepta several of the Caesars, beginning
with Augustus, staged gladiatorial shows (Suetonius,
Aug. 4 3 .1 , Calig. 18.1, Claud. 2 1 .4 ; Cass. Dio
5 5 .8 .5 ), and Nero put on a gymnastic exhibition
there (Suetonius, N ero 12.4). In 17 B .C . the senate
(?) was convened here during the Ludi Saeculares
(C IL 6 .3 2 3 2 3 .5 0 ), and Tiberius used it for an as
sembly of the people on his return from Illyria (Sue
tonius, Tib. 1 7 .2 ; Cass. Dio 56 .1 .1 ). Pliny (HN
36.29) mentions statuary groups of Chiron and
Achilles and Pan and Olympus here, supposed to be
the work of either Scopas or Praxiteles but disputed
as to which. And Seneca (Ira 2.8.1) characterizes it
as one of the most frequented spots in Rome.
The Saepta burned in the great fire of Titus in a . d .
80 (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 4 .2 ), but it must have been im
mediately restored, for Statius (Silv. 4.6.2) and M ar
tial (2.14.5, 5 7 .2 , 9 .5 9 .1 , 10.80.4) speak of it as the
haunt of strollers and loungers and the site of a great

market in luxury goods. Hadrian restored it again
(S.H.A. Hadr. 19.10). The Porticoes of Meleager and
the Argonauts are listed in the regionary catalogues,
and the name Septa appears on a post-Constantinian
slave collar (C/L 15.7195).
With the Saeptas proper identification we now
know its form. The long porticoes to either side were
essentially independent structures. At the south end
a broad corridor without columns separated it from
the Diribitorium. At the north end there seems to
have been an ample lobby separated from the open
area to the south by a wall in which there were at
least eight doors, and outside the Saepta to the north
was an open space left between the Saepta and the
nearest building (the Templum Matidiae). At the op
posite end of the open area of the interior, in front
of the Diribitorium, was a feature of uncertain form
and character. Lily Ross Taylor and Lucos Cozza
have tried to reconstruct how the actual voting might
have been organized (L. R. Taylor, R om an Voting
A ssem blies [Ann Arbor, Mich. 1966], 4 7 -5 8 ). En
trances to the Saepta are a problem. There seem to
have been none along the long sides and only minor
entrances from the Diribitorium on the south. It is
hardly thinkable that almost all Romans entered this
important building from the north, the direction
from which fewest, one would think, would natu
rally be coming, but that is what the evidence sug
gests.
Part of the west wall of the Porticus Argonau-
tarum adjacent to the Pantheon has long been
known (Fig. 64). It is built of brick-faced concrete,
originally revetted with marble, of which only some
stretches of the base molding survive, interrupted at
regular intervals by large rectangular niches, presum
ably for the display of sculpture (cf. Pliny, H N
36.29). It is presumed that the name Porticus Argo-
nautarum referred to a mural painting (Cass. Dio
5 3 .2 3 .2 ); certainly Jason was represented in some
way (M artial 2 .1 4 .5 -6 ) , but there seems to be no
suitable place for a large mural. Yet it continued to
be known as the Porticus Argonautarum after re
peated restorations. Perhaps we should imagine that
an original painting was replaced by sculptures of
the same subject in the course of time and that a gal
lery of the heroes known to have taken part in the
expedition of the Argo filled the niches.
B u llC om 62 (1934): 1 2 6 -2 8 (G. Gatti); L urbe 2,
no. 9 (1937): 8 -2 3 (G. Gatti); Lugli 1938, 9 6 -1 0 7 ;
Nash 2 .2 9 1 -9 3 .
Salinae: a place at the foot of the Clivus Publicius
just inside the Porta Trigemina where at one time
there had been saltworks. By the time of our earliest
mention, it was no more than a place-name (Livy
2 4 .4 7 .1 5 ; Frontinus, A q. 1.5; Solinus 1.8). It is gen
SA LU S, A ED ES
erally believed by topographers that this was the site
of warehouses for salt brought up from the salt
works at the mouth of the Tiber, but that is not what
the name suggests, and the location would not have
been convenient for warehouses.
Salus, Aedes: a temple vowed by C. Iunius Bubul-
cus Brutus when he was consul and commander in
the Second Samnite War, probably in 311 B . C . He let
the contract for the temple as censor in 3 0 7 and ded
icated the temple when dictator in 3 0 2 (Livy
9 .4 3 .2 5 , 10.1.9). Its dedication day was the Nones
of August (Fast. Vail. Amit. Ant., Philocalus; Cicero,
Att. 4 .1 .4 , Sest. 1 3 1 ; Degrassi 492). It stood on the
part of the Quirinal known as the Collis Salutaris, so
perhaps there was a very ancient altar or sacellum of
Salus here. One of the gates of the Servian Walls was
the Porta Salutaris (q.v.), and we know of a Clivus
Salutaris and a Vicus Salutis (or Salutaris).
Despite the age and importance of the temple, we
know little about it. Lightning struck it in 2 7 6 B . C .
(Orosius 4 .4 .1 ), in 2 0 6 (Livy 2 8 .1 1 .4 ), and again in
166 (Obsequens 12), but evidently the damage was
always limited, because paintings by C. Fabius, sur-
named Pictor, executed when Brutuss temple was
first built, survived until it burned in the time of
Claudius (Pliny, H N 3 5 .1 9 ). Fabius was proud
enough of his work to have signed it (Val. M ax.
8 .14.6). The temple must have been restored after
the fire, because it was still standing in the fourth
century and was included in the regionary catalogues
(its name corrupted to Templum Salusti in the Cu-
riosum ).
A statue of Cato M aior was set up in the temple
in his honor (Plutarch, C ato M ai. 19.3). A swarm of
bees settled in front of the temple in 104 B . C . (Ob
sequens 43). And Atticuss house was nearby, evi
dently between the Temple of Salus and the Temple
of Quirinus (Cicero, Att. 4 .1 .4 , 12.45.3). The temple
must have been prominent to be repeatedly struck by
lightning, and we may place it somewhere close to
Piazza del Quirinale (Montecavallo).
Remains of a very large temple that faced east
stood south of Montecavallo until the seventeenth
century. Together with its stair, this extended from
Piazza della Pilotta to the fountain of Montecavallo
(Fig. 72). The rear corner of the temple, built of
blocks of peperino and carrying the marble entabla
ture and a corner of the pediment, against which was
built a medieval defense tower, was known variously
as Torre Mesa, Torre di Mecenate, and Frontispizio
di Nerone. Remains of a great stair leading to the
temple from the plain below still survive in the gar
dens of Palazzo Colonna and the Pontificia Univer-
sita Gregoriana, and records of these have been left
by artists, notably van Heemskerck, who gives a pan
341
SA L U S, ARA
orama of what was to be seen in the sixteenth cen
tury (2.81 v, 82 r). There are also a plan by Palladio
(Zorzi pis. 1 5 3 -5 5 ) and drawings of the entablature
and corner of the pediment by Serlio and the Anon
ymous Destailleur (R m M itt 52 [1937]: 95 fig. 1).
Fragments of the architecture, including an archi
trave block, parts of the frieze, and the corner block
of the pediment, still lie in the gardens of Palazzo
Colonna.
This complex was the subject of a famous debate
toward the end of the nineteenth century between
Hiilsen, who wished to identify it as the Temple of
Serapis (see Serapis, Aedes), built by Caracalla, and
Lanciani, who held it to be the Temple of Sol (see
Sol, Templum) built by Aurelian. Each advanced re
lays of argument for his identification, and since then
topographers have generally held for one theory
or the other. M ost recently Nash (2 .3 7 6 -8 3 ) and
Lugli (Lugli 1938, 3 0 4 -7 ) have sided with Hiilsen,
whereas M . Santangelo (M em PontA cc, ser. 3.5
[1 9 4 0 -4 1 ]: 1 5 4 -7 7 ) has sided with Lanciani. Only
H. Khler (R m M itt 52 [1937]: 9 4 105) has been
bold enough to reject both identifications, yet he is
unquestionably correct. The architectural ornament
of the temple is unmistakably Hadrianic (cf. PBSR,
n.s., 8, vol. 21 [1953]: 1 1 8 -5 1 [D. Strong]). M ore
over, the pronaos, as Palladio has drawn it, is a close
congener of the pronaos of Hadrians Pantheon, with
its lines of columns leading back to important niches
between pronaos and cella. It has been argued that
the brickwork in the walls of the monumental stair
approaching the temple is typically Severan (see
Lugli 1938, 3 0 6 -7 ) , but there seems to have been no
confirmation of this from the evidence of brick-
stamps. If it is Severan, it must be a later addition to
a Hadrianic building.
Palladio shows the temple as peripteral, sine pos-
tico, pseudo-dipteral, with twelve columns on the fa
ade and fourteen down the flanks. It is mounted on
a platform with seven steps running around the three
colonnaded sides. The pronaos is deep, with eight
columns in pairs behind the third, fifth, eighth, and
tenth columns of the faade. These flank niches in
the cella wall, semicircular to either side, and rectan
gular for the door in the middle. The interior is be
lieved to have been hypaethral, with colonnades
down the sides in two storeys, Ionic below, Corin
thian above. The total height of the main order has
been calculated as 2 1 .1 7 m (Alberti), the entablature
as 4.83 m. It was a huge temple, on the order of the
Temple of Venus et Roma, and set at the back of a
large precinct finished, at least along the back, with
a wall behind an addorsed colonnade, in the bays of
which were niches, alternately rectangular and semi
circular. At the front of the precinct were found the
342
statues of the horse tamers that still adorn Monte-
cavallo, although perhaps they belonged to the Ther
mae Constantinianae (M em PontA cc, ser. 3.5 [1 9 4 0
41]: 158, 161 [M. Santangelo]).
The approach from the plain of the Campus Mar-
tius was complicated, and the drawings of it are dif
ficult to read. It consisted of a double stair on each
side of an open court, the inner stair on each side
steeper than the outer. The stairs were roofed, so
there was a subtle element of surprise introduced,
but there were windows along the sides, so one could
admire the view along the way. At the top one had
to make a detour to enter the precinct, where the
view of the flank of the temple would be enhanced.
The stairs were carried on vaults, and a number of
vaulted chambers filled the back of the court be
tween them. It is not clear what the use of these
rooms may have been. Lanciani (LS 1.38) believed
that blocks of these stairs were robbed in 1348 to
build the stair leading up to the church of S. Maria
in Aracoeli.
The arguments in favor of identifying this as the
Temple of Salus are simply that it is in approximately
the right place with respect to the Porta Salutaris and
would have a certain prominence, consonant with its
having been repeatedly struck by lightning. We know
of no Hadrianic rebuilding of the Temple of Salus,
but coins bearing the image of Salus and the legend
Salus Augusti are particularly numerous in Hadri
ans principate (see, e.g., B. M. Coins, R om . E m p.
3.cxlviii-clxix).
R om M itt 52 (1937): 9 4 -1 0 5 (H. Kahler); Lugli
1938, 3 0 4 - 7 ; M em PontA cc, ser. 3.5 (1 9 4 0 -4 1 ):
1 5 4 -7 7 (M. Santangelo); PBSR, n.s., 8, vol. 21
(1953): 1 1 8 -5 1 (D. E. Strong); Nash 2 .3 7 6 - 8 3 ; M.
A. Marwood, T h e R om an Cult o f Salus (BAR, Int.
Ser. 465 [1988]): especially 2 -1 5 .
Salus, A ra: mentioned once, in connection with a
prodigy of 113 B .C . (Obsequens 38), but possibly not
the altar of the Aedes Salutis (see Salus, Aedes), nor
necessarily in Rome.
Salutaris Collis: see Quirinalis Collis.
Samiarium: a place where weapons were polished
and sharpened, mentioned only in the regionary cat
alogues, where the C uriosum has saniarium , but nei
ther word is known elsewhere, and sam iarium is the
lectio difficilior. See Lydus, M ag. 1.46.5. It is listed
in the catalogues in Regio II and was probably
closely connected with the Armamentarium and Spo-
liarium (qq.v.).
Saturnius M ons: see Capitolinus Mons.

Saturnus, A edes (Fig. 19): a temple about which
there was much disagreement. Macrobius (Sat.
1.8.1) knew a tradition that ascribed a fatium Sa-
turni and the establishment of the Saturnalia to Tul-
lus Hostilius, but also knew that Varro thought that
L. Tarquinius (Priscus?) had let the contract for the
temple building and that Titus Larcius dedicated it
as dictator, an office he may have held in connection
with one of his consulships in 501 and 4 9 8 , or
shortly thereafter. This was the commonest belief
(see Dion. Hal. 6.1.4). But there were those who as
signed its dedication to other magistrates of the first
years of the republic, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus
and M . Minucius Mamercus, the consuls of 4 9 7
(Livy 2.2 1 .1 2; Dion. Hal. 6.1 .4 ), Postumus Comi-
nius, consul in 501 and 493 (Dion. Hal. 6.1 .4 ), the
last tradition ascribed to a Gellius, probably Cn. Gel-
lius, the annalist of the second century b . c . Almost
everyone agrees that the temple belongs to the begin
ning of the republic and that it was the oldest temple
whose building was recorded in the records of the
pontifices. Its location was variously given as in fau -
cibus (M ontis C apitolini) (Varro, Ling. 5.4 2 ), sub
Clivo C ap itolin o (Servius a d Aen. 8 .3 1 9 ; [Aur. Viet.,]
Orig. G ent. R om . 3.6), ante C livum C apitolinum
(Servius a d Aen. 2 .1 1 6 ; Hyginus, F ab. 26 1 ), ad
foru m (Macrobius, Sat. 1.8.1), and in F oro R om an o
(Livy 41 .2 1 .1 2 ).
In 174 B .C . a portico was built from the temple to
the Senaculum, a c su per id Curiam . This must have
run along the shoulder of the Capitoline, but how it
can have reached the Curia without passing through
the Comitium is a hard question. The answer may be
that a columnar porch similar to that of the Curia
Iulia (q.v.) was added to the faade of the Curia Hos-
tilia either at this time or earlier, and the new portico
adjoined it at one end. The fact that such a porch
was a feature of the third-century curia of Paestum
may strengthen the argument. In any case, this por
tico must have been a relatively light structure that
has disappeared without leaving any trace. In 4 2 b . c .
L. Munatius Plancus rebuilt the temple (Suetonius,
Aug. 2 9 .5 ; C IL 6 .1 3 1 6 = IL S 4 1 , C IL 1 0 .6 0 8 7 = ILS
886). It is mentioned casually in connection with the
Arch of Tiberius of a . d . 16 (Tacitus, Ann. 2.41). It
burned sometime in the later fourth century and was
then restored by vote of the senate, as is recorded on
the architrave (C IL 6 .9 3 7 = IL S 33 2 6 ). It is listed in
the regionary catalogues in Regio VIII.
Throughout the republic, this temple contained
the state treasury, the A erarium P opuli R om an i, or
A erarium Saturni (Paulus ex Fest. 2L ; Solinus 1.12;
Macrobius, Sat. 1.8.3), administered by quaestors,
for whom it became a sort of headquarters (Plutarch,
Ti. G racch. 10.6; Appian, B ellC iv 1.31). In the
SA T U R N U S , A E D E S
temple was kept a pair of scales in memory of a time
when payment had been by weight (Varro, Ling.
5.1 8 3 ). Under the empire the Aerarium Populi R o
mani was distinguished from the fiscus, the privy
purse of the emperor, and continued to reside in the
temple, but seems now to have been administered by
praefecti (Pliny, E pist. 10.3.1). For inscriptions men
tioning the aerarium, see D E 1 .3 0 0 ; for occurrences
of the phrase Aerarium Populi Romani and Aerar
ium Saturni, see T L L 1 .1 0 5 5 -5 8 . Other public doc
uments were affixed in numbers to the exterior
(Varro, Ling. 5 .4 2 ; Cass. Dio 4 5 .1 7 .3 ), perhaps be
cause of the temples association with the quaestors.
On the gable of the temple were acroteria of Tri
tons blowing trumpets (Macrobius, Sat. 1,8,4), and
in the cella was a statue, probably with substantial
parts of ivory, for it was filled with oil (Pliny, H N
15.32), whose feet were shackled with woolen bonds
except on the Saturnalia (Macrobius, Sat. 1.8.5). It
seems doubtful that this was the image carried in
solemn processions and lectisternia (Dion. Hal.
7.7 2 .1 3 ). The day of dedication was the Saturnalia,
17 December (Fast. Amit. a d X V I Kal. Ian .; Degrassi
5 3 8 -4 0 ) .
A very small part of the temple was shown on one
fragment of the Marble Plan, now lost (FUR pi.
13.24 = 2 1 .18d; Rodriguez pi. 13.18d), and another,
also lost, has erroneously been thought to show the
stair of approach (FUR pi. 3.3 = 2 1 .1 9 ; Rodriguez
pi. 13.19) but can be demonstrated not to belong to
the temple at all.
A few blocks of the original structure survive, but
most of what can be seen of the podium today be
longs to the reconstruction of Plancus, a mass of con
crete faced with walls of blocks of travertine and pe-
perino that were revetted with marble. It is 2 2 .5 0 m
wide and about 4 0 m long; the back is at present in
the process of being excavated for the first time.
There is no evidence of any building period interme
diate between the original construction and Plancuss
reconstruction, unless Gelliuss record of a dedica
tion by the tribunus militum L. Furius of a building
decreed by the senate (Macrobius, Sat. 1.8.1) refers
to a rebuilding of the late fifth or fourth century B .C .
In that case it might refer to a rebuilding after the fire
of the Gauls.
The temple stands very high on its podium because
of its situation on the slope of the Capitoline. The
superstructure is that of the rebuilding after the fire
in the fourth century. The columns are of granite, six
on the faade of gray granite, the pairs behind them
on either side of the pronaos of rose granite. The
bases are of white marble and of three types, and the
capitals are four-sided Ionic of very late type, almost
proto-Byzantine. The entablature blocks are reused
343
SA T U R N U S , ARA
with sketchy patching of lacunas, of Proconnesian
marble, perhaps of Severan date, whereas the cornice
is considered Augustan, possibly part of Plancuss
building but clumsily reassembled. The columns are
11 m high, but of unpleasing effect. The whole
points to a reconstruction when the classical tradi
tion of working stone had been lost, but a new aes
thetic had not yet taken its place.
The steps of the temple have disappeared, but the
Aerarium must have been arranged under them. In
Pompeii the aerarium was in vaulted chambers under
the Capitolium (Temple of Jupiter) at the end of the
forum, accessible from a platform at midstair in the
stair of approach across the faade. Here the stair
divided into three parts, those on either side continu
ing up to the pronaos, and that in the middle de
scending to the aerarium (A. Maiuri, A lla ricerca di
P om pei p rerom an a [Naples 1973], 1 0 4 6). A similar
arrangement in Rome would suit the information
that during M ilos trial Pompey set his curule chair
pro aerario (Asconius in Cic. M ilon. arg. 3 6 [Stangl
36]). That there was a single door to the Aerarium
seems shown by Tiberius Gracchuss sealing of this
with his personal seal in 133 B . C . (Plutarch, Ti.
G racch. 10.6). The temple was well preserved until
the fifteenth century, according to Poggio, and de
stroyed between 1402 and 1447 (VZ 4.235).
Lugli 1946, 1 4 9 5 1 ; C ollection L atom u s 58
(1962): 7 5 7 -6 2 (E. Gjerstad); A]A 84 (1980): 5 1 -
62 (L. Richardson); R. Pensabene, T em pio d i Sa-
turno, architettura e d eco ra zio n e (Rome 1984).
Saturnus, A ra: an ancient altar usually distin
guished from, but sometimes confused with (e.g., So-
linus 1.12), the Aedes Saturni, in front of which it
stood. It was in into Clivo C ap itolin o (Festus 430L)
and was believed to date from before the time of the
Trojan War, or even to have been established by Her
cules (Dion. Hal. 1 .3 4 .4 ; Solinus 1.12). Macrobius
puts it an te senaculum , which suggests that it lay too
far east of the Temple of Saturn to be closely asso
ciated with it. Worship there was always in the
Greek rite with the head uncovered, which was con
sidered proof of its high antiquity. Coarelli has con
vincingly identified it as the ancient altar tradition
ally called the Volcanal behind the northeast end of
the Rostra Augusti.
D ialA rch 9 -1 0 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 3 4 6 - 7 7 (F. Coarelli);
Coarelli 1983, 2 0 2 10.
Saxum: see Rem oria and Bona Dea Subsaxana,
Aedes.
Saxum Tarpeium: see Tarpeia Rupes.
344
Scalae Anulariae: The location of the house of the
orator and poet Licinius M acer Calvus in which Au
gustus lived during his early public life (Suetonius,
Aug. 72.1) is given as iuxta R om an u m Forum , supra
Scalas A nularias. Cicero (A cad. 2.86) uses the word
anularius to mean a worker of, or dealer in, seal
stones, a jeweler, and in the republic and early em
pire there was always a concentration of jewelers
along Sacra Via from the Regia to Summa Sacra Via,
so we can with confidence put this stair somewhere
on the Velia, but whether it was the same as the Sca
lae Deum Penatium (Varro ap. D on. a d Ter. Eun.
256) or an otherwise unknown stair between Sacra
Via and Nova Via must remain uncertain.
Scalae Caci (Fig. 6 3 ): an ancient approach to the
Palatine via the Cermalus in the form of a ramped
stair cut in the tufa of the hill. At its supercilium
(top) was the Casa Romuli (or Tugurium Faustuli;
see Casa Romuli) and the termination of Roma
Quadrata (Solinus 1.18; Plutarch, R om . 2 0 .4 , where
the text is corrupt; Diod. Sic. 4 .2 1 .2 ). At its lower
end, which is not preserved, it must have emerged in
the Forum Boarium in the area associated especially
with the cult of Hercules. Its relation to the Atrium
Caci (q.v.) is unknown. Its upper end was closed in
the imperial period by a gate with travertine jambs
and sill. Here it has been followed as far as it is pre
served between the sacred precinct of the Magna
M ater with the Casa Romuli and the Casa di Au-
gusto. It was never more than a narrow alley, but one
up which a mule or donkey could have been driven.
Its association with Cacus is unknown.
Lugli 1946, 4 0 5 - 6 ; M onA nt 4 6 (1963): 2 0 2 - 6 (P.
Romanelli); N Sc 1965, suppl., 1 3 0 4 0 (G. Caret-
toni); Nash 2 .2 9 9 -3 0 0 .
Scalae Cassii: a flight of steps in Regio XIII (N oti-
tia), presumably built by Sp. Cassius and leading to
the top of the Aventine from the neighborhood of the
Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera, which he dedi
cated. Before the construction of the Clivus Publi-
cius, about 238 B . C . , this would have been the only
approach to the Aventine in this vicinity, so it may
be presumed to have been a ramped stair, like the
Scalae Caci of the Palatine, capable of being negoti
ated by mules and donkeys. Such a stair is mentioned
in the Einsiedeln itinerary of the eighth century
(M onA nt 1 [1889]: 5 1 2 [R. Lanciani]) after a water,
presumably the Aqua Appia, which ended at the foot
of the Clivus Publicius near Porta Trigemina (Fron-
tinus, A q. 1.5).
Scalae Deum Penatium: see Penates Dei, Aedes.

Scalae Gemoniae: a flight of steps leading along
side the Career (q.v.) to the top of the Capitoline on
which the bodies of executed criminals were thrown
for public exposure and disgrace. The steps are
called Scalae Gemoniae (Val. M ax. 6 .3 .3 , 9 .1 3 ; Aur.
Viet., C aes. 8.6, 3 3 .3 1 , Epit. 8 .4 ; Orosius 7 .8.8),
simply Gemoniae (Suetonius, Tib. 5 3 .2 , 61.4, 75.2,
Vitel. 17.2; Tacitus, Ann. 3.1 4 , 5 .9 , 6.25, Hist. 3.74
and 85; Sid. Apoll., Epist. 1.7.12), an a b a sm o i (Cass.
Dio 5 8 .1 .3 , 5.6, 11.5, 6 4 .2 1 .2 ), Gradus Gemitorii
(Pliny, H N 8.145), and Gradus Gemonii (Tertul-
lian, Adv. Val. 36). Only two of our sources provide
good topographical information; Valerius Maximus
(6.9.13) says that the steps were in sight of the whole
forum, and Dio (58.5.6) says that after sacrifice on
the Capitoline, while Sejanus descended to the forum
by the way leading to the Career, his lictors slipped
and fell on the Scalae. This makes it highly probable
that the Scalae followed fairly closely the course of
the modern stair leading down from the top of Via
S. Pietro in Carcere, just northeast of the Temple of
Concordia. They are first mentioned only in the time
of Tiberius, so it is likely that they were a replace
ment for the Gradus M onetae (q.v.; cf. Ovid, Fast.
1.638), destroyed when Tiberius rebuilt and en
larged the Temple of Concordia. However, the Gra
dus Monetae were not used for the exposure of the
executed, so far as we know. In the popular mind
Gemoniae was clearly derived from gem ere, but it
was a proper name, although we are unable to make
a connection with a particular person (cf. PW 7.1
[1910]: 111516, s.v. Gemoniae Scalae [K. Zie seems to indicate a collegial gathering place in or
gler]).
Scala M ediana: a stair known from a single in
scription (C/L 6.9683 = IL S 7488), the sepulchral in
scription of a n egotiatrix fru m en taria et legum inaria
a b scala m edian a. Obviously it could have been al
most anywhere; it sounds like the designation of a
stair up the Tiber bank in the area of the wholesale
markets below the Aventine.
Scalae Tarquitiae: mentioned only once (Festus
496L ). Verrius Flaccus said it was popularly thought
that they were so called for the sake of obliterating
the name of Tarquinius Superbus, who had built
them. This must mean that they were very old and
that Verrius himself did not accept this explanation.
There is no indication of their location, and specu
lation seems futile.
Scholar S chola was a term used for two very differ
ent sorts of building. The older and simpler was
simply a semicircular bench where a group of ten or
SC H O L A F O R I T R A IA N I
twelve could gather and talk. It might be of stone or
stuccoed masonry and variously embellished with a
sundial or statuary. They seem to have been common
features of sanctuaries, including rustic sanctuaries,
and they were a popular tomb form, especially for
tombs near the gates of a city.
Schola was also used as a term for the headquar
ters of a collegium of any sort, the usage clearly de
riving from the preceding. Such a schola was usually
exedral, but did not have to be. It could be an inde
pendent building. There was usually a shrine to the
tutelary divinity of the collegium, and here were kept
the collegial archives. In more elaborate form this
could be adjacent to facilities for the preparation and
consumption of meals that the collegium took in
common, at which time the whole complex was
called a schola.
(Schola) Calcariensium: an organization of the
lime burners mentioned in two inscriptions (C/L
6.9223 = IL S 7 2 8 9 , 9 2 2 4 = IL S 7 2 8 9 a; cf. C od.
T h eod . 12.1.37), both found in the area just east of
the Thermae Diocletiani. H. Armini (E ran os 22
[1924]: 8 5 -8 8 ), arguing from inscriptions of calcar-
ienses in Jewish catacombs, Juvenal 3 .1 2 -1 4 , and the
Vicus Pulverarius (q.v.) in Regio I would place the
synagogue and headquarters of the calcarienses in
Regio I. But there must have been a good many lime
burners in Rome, and it is unlikely that they would
all have been Jewish and all congregated in a single
quarter. The evidence of the inscriptions in hand
near the Thermae Diocletiani.
Schola C arrucariorum : see Area Carruces.
Schola Fabrum Soliarium Baxiarium : the colle
gial headquarters of a guild of shoemakers sub T hea-
tro P om p eian o, presumably in the arcades support
ing the cavea (C/L 6 .9 4 0 4 = IL S 7249).
Schola Fori Traiani: a room or rooms attached to
the libraries of the Forum Traiani (q.v.). The only
occurrence of the name is in a su bscriptio of a man
uscript (pseudo-Quintilian in cod d . Parisin. 16230,
S orbon ian . 629): legi et em en d av i eg o D racontius
cum fratre Ierio in com p arabili arrico urbis R om e, in
scola fo r i Traiani feliciter (see R bM 60 [1905]: 1 5 4
58 [G. Lehnert]). Despite the great variety of archi
tectural forms that a schola might take, there seems
always to have been a preference for the semicircular.
So it is perhaps not too much to suppose that in late
antiquity the hemicycles at the ends of the Basilica
Ulpia, evidently labeled a t r i u m and l i b e r t a t i s on
345
SC H O L A K A L A T O R U M P O N T IF IC U M
the Marble Plan and perhaps containing the Bib-
liotheca Ulpia (S.H.A. Aurel. 1.7, 8.1, 24.7), might
have come to be called scholae. The manuscript sub-
scriptio is believed to belong to the late fourth or
fifth century.
Schola Kalatorum Pontificum: the name given in
modern times to the headquarters of the kalatores,
freedmen attending on the pontifices and flamines as
assistants. It was in the forum near the Regia, known
from an inscription found in two pieces, one in 1546,
one in 1899, that together read in h on orem dom u s
A ugustae k a la tores p on tificu m et flam inum . The in
scription is on a marble epistyle, probably the lintel
of a door, 3 .5 0 m wide overall. It is associated with
other inscriptions of the kalatores on marble blocks
from the forum area that suggest a rather pretentious
edifice (C IL 6 .3 2 4 4 5 ; N Sc 1899, 128 [G. Gatti];
B u llC om 2 7 [1899]: 146 [G. Gatti]; R om M itt 16
[1901]: 1 0 -1 2 [C. von Bildt], 17 [1902]: 6 5 -6 6 [C.
Hiilsen], 29 [1914]: 7 -1 1 [M. Bang]). It may be that
one of the tabernae connected with the Atrium Ves-
tae was used as the Schola Kalatorum, but it is im
possible to identify which. The inscription seems to
be of Severan date.
Lugli 1946, 99.
Schola Porticus O ctaviae: see Porticus
Octaviae.
Schola Praeconum (Fig. 6 3): collegial headquar
ters of the heralds of the Domus Augustiana (?),
identified from wall paintings showing life-size fig
ures in sleeved knee-length tunics in various activities
as attendants against a setting of columnar architec
ture. The fragmentary building of the Severan period
is separate from the Domus itself, lying low on the
southwest slope of the Palatine close to Via dei Cer-
chi. W hat remains consists of an arcaded peristyle on
which open three parallel vaulted chambers, almost
exedras, a large central one flanked by symmetrical
smaller ones, while other rooms seem to have ex
tended to either side of the peristyle, but nothing
clearly legible. This is sometimes mistakenly called
the Domus Gelotiana (q.v.), sometimes Domus Prae
conum. Its true character is uncertain, but the re
mains show that it was once a fine building. It has
recently been the object of excavations by the British
School at Rome using a wide range of new and so
phisticated techniques.
Nash 1 .3 3 6 , 3 3 8 ; PBSR 50 (1982): 5 3 -1 0 1 , 3 4 7 -
84 (D. Whitehouse et al.), 53 (1985): 1 6 3 -2 1 0 (D.
Whitehouse et al.).
Schola Quaestorum et Caplatorum : listed by the
regionary catalogues in Regio III. The name is almost
346
certainly corrupt, because the quaestors who were
magistrates of the government of Rome were elected
and would have had no need of a schola, while ca-
p latores (or cap u latores) were those who refined and
bottled olive oil and were organized in collegia in
many parts of central and southern Italy (cf. C IL
9 .665 = IL S 5 7 8 4 , 2 3 3 6 = IL S 7 2 9 8 , 1 0 .5 9 1 7 = /L5
1 909, 1 4 .3 6 7 7 = IL S 6244). They might well have
had need for a headquarters building of some sort.
There seems no real reason to accept Hlsens sug
gestion that the ancient church of S. M aria de Cam-
biatoribus may preserve a distorted memory of this
schola in its name, because the church and the tri
vium from which it may have taken its name were in
all probability in Regio IV rather than Regio III.
H J 3 1 9 ; HCh 3 1 6 -1 8 .
Schola Quindecimvirorum Sacris Faciundis: In
the creation of Corso Vittorio Emanuele in 1889, in
the swath cut for the street just southeast of its junc
tion with Vicolo dellArco della Fontanella, opposite
the faade of S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini, were found
remains of a building with a semicircular apse that
Lanciani (LFUR sheet 14) has labeled s c h o l a x v v i r
s a c FAC (cf. M onA nt 1 [1889]: 548 [R. Lanciani]).
Nothing more seems to be known about this.
Schola Sodalium Serrensium: known from an in
scription (C IL 6 .8 3 9 , cf. IL S 9419) found a little
outside Porta Nomentana to the southeast, probably
in the ruins of the schola itself, because two bronze
measures of a sextarius and a bem is also inscribed
sod aliu m were found in the same place. But no plan
of the remains was made, and the nature of this so-
dalicium remains completely obscure.
Schola Tetrastyli: headquarters of a collegium of
dealers in ivory and citrus wood, known from a
single inscription, the lex collegii (C IL 6.33885)
found in the Transtiberim near the church of S. Cal-
listo, probably not far from its original location. It
belongs to the time of Hadrian.
Schola Viatorum Triumvirum et
Quattuorvirum : headquarters of the viatores (sub
alterns) of the tresviri capitales, tresviri monetales,
and quattuorviri viarum curandarum on the Aven-
tine in the neighborhood of the church of S. Alessio,
known from C IL 6 .1 9 3 6 = IL S 1929 immured in the
wall of the porch of the church and confirmed by
finds of related inscriptions. However, there are no
remains of buildings associated with these.
E pig rap bica 8 (1946): 4 5 - 4 8 (F. Castagnoli).
Schola Xanthi: the headquarters of the scribae, li-
brarii, and p ra eco n es of the curule aediles. Bebryx

Aug. lib. Drusianus and A. Fabius Xanrhus rebuilt it
in the time of Tiberius, and C. Avillius Licinius Tro-
sius restored it in the early third century {C IL
6.103 = 30 6 9 2 = IL S 1879, repeated with variations
on both sides of the lintel of the doorway). It was a
small building but elegantly appointed, as the in
scriptions attest, and excavated in 1539 (LS 2 .1 8 5 -
86) and destroyed for its building material. It was
relocated in 1 9 0 0 -1 9 0 2 and identified as a trapezoi
dal building just southeast of the little viaduct car
rying the Vicus Iugarius into the forum along the
stair to the Temple of Saturn. The principal entrance
was on the southeast from the main square
of the forum. It had a pavement of white marble
and a marble bench around three walls, while in the
middle of the northwest wall was a door from which
a stair led up to the level of the Vicus Iugarius. The
identification is generally accepted and all but
positive.
Lugli 1946, 9 5 -9 6 , 152; Nash 2 .3 0 1 .
Secretarium Circi: mentioned only once (Symma-
chus, R elat. 23.9) and apparently a courtroom for
secret, or secluded, hearings of the praefectus urbi.
The only circus that could be meant seems to be the
Circus Maximus, which was a long way from the
other offices of the praefectus on the Oppius and in
Templum Pacis. Perhaps a room in the Thermae
Traiani with a circus mosaic decorating the pave
ment might have been meant (see Praefectura Urbana
and Porticus Thermarum Traianarum).
Secretarium Senatus: one of the tabernae, the
fifteenth counting from the north, of the Forum Iul-
ium, used for criminal trials involving senators, es
tablished as a courtroom probably in a . d . 393/394,
and restored in 4 1 2 and 4 1 4 by Flavius Annius Eu-
charinus Epifanius. It went out of use with, if not
before, the construction of the church of S. Martina
in the seventh century, because the church makes use
of one of its walls as a foundation.
L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds., In M em o-
riam O tto J. B ren del (Mainz 1976), 1912 0 4 (E.
Nash, Secretarium Senatus).
Secretarium Tellurense: see Praefectura
Urbana.
Secundenses: a name occurring in a very fragmen
tary inscription (NSc 1899, 335 [G. G atti]; K lio 2
[1902]: 2 7 0 [C. Hiilsen]) believed to be part of the
edict of Tarracius Bassus against fraudulent mer
chants and shopkeepers dated shortly after a . d . 368
(CIL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 -3 1 9 0 1 = IL S 6072). The mention of
d e Sicinino two lines earlier might permit putting the
Secundenses in a street in Regio IV on the Cispian,
S E M O SA N C U S, STA T U A
not far from the church of S. M aria Maggiore (see
Sicininum).
Semo Sancus Dius Fidius, Aedes (Sacellum, Livy
8.2 0 .8 , where perhaps he is referring to a small
dedication within the precinct of the temple, because
he specifies in sacello Sangus adversus aed em
Quirini) (Fig. 7 2): a temple to a god originally Sa
bine (Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 1 3 -1 8 ; Varro, Ling. 5.66) but
believed to have been built by Tarquinius Priscus. It
was dedicated only much later, in 4 6 6 B .C . (Dion.
Hal. 9 .6 0 .8 ), by Sp. Posturrtius, whose name was in
scribed on the temple. The dedication day was the
Nones of June (Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 1 3 -1 8 ; Fast. Ven.;
Degrassi 465).
Probably there had been a templum with an altar
here from very early times. The temple stood on the
Collis Mucialis, the second rise of the Quirinal, but
could evidently be related to the Temple of Quirinus
on the crest of the hill. One of the gates of the Ser
vian Walls was the Porta Sanqualis, so named be
cause of its proximity to the temple (Paulus ex Fest.
4 6 4 -6 5 L ). Almost certainly it was the gate of which
remains have been found in Piazza Magnanapoli. We
can locate the temple north of this, because an in
scription to Semo Sancus was found near the church
of S. Silvestro (C IL 6.568 = IL S 3473) and perhaps
somewhat to the east, where a view of the Temple of
Quirinus would have been possible from it.
The temple contained some curious dedications,
the spindle and distaff of Tanaquil (Pliny, H N
8.1 9 4 ), a bronze statue of Gaia Caecilia, believed by
some to be the same as Tanaquil, by others her
daughter-in-law (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 3 0 ; Festus
2 76L ), from the girdle of which filings were taken as
an amulet against disease; a shield of wood covered
with a sacrificial bulls hide on which were inscribed
the terms of a treaty with Gabii dating from the time
of Tarquinius Superbus (Dion. Hal. 4 .5 8 .4 ); and
bronze o rb es (rings, discs, or globes) made from the
proceeds of the sale of the property of Vitruvius Vac-
cus (Livy 8.20.8).
The temple seems to have been in the charge of
a decu ria sacerd otu m biden taliu m that not only
made dedications (C IL 6.568 = IL S 3 4 7 3 ; cf. C IL
6 .3 0 9 9 4 = IL S 3472) but also inscribed its name on
lead pipes leading from a water castle on the Quir
inal (B u llC om 15 [1887]: 8 - 9 [G. Gatti]).
Semo Sancus, Statua: a statue of Semo Sancus
Dius Fidius on the Tiber island, known from the in
scription on its base (C IL 6 .5 6 7 = IL S 3474) found
in 1574. The base is of the second century after
Christ. Because of the similarity of names, Justin
M artyr mistook it for a statue of Simon Magus, who
he thought was worshiped as a divinity at Rome
347
SE N A C U L U M
(Justin Martyr, A pol. 1.26, 56). He was then fol
lowed in this error by a number of early Christian
writers (Irenaeus, C ontra H aeres. 1 .1 6 .3 [1 .2 3 .1 ];
Tertullian, A pol. 1 3 .9 ; Cyrill. Hierosol., C atecbesis
6.14; Eusebius, Hist. E ccles. 2.13 and 14). There is
no other evidence for the cult of Semo Sancus on the
island, and it has been suggested that the statue
stood in the precinct of Iuppiter Iurarius (q.v.),
which is possible but hardly necessary. Both seem to
have faced onto the little public square with an obe
lisk at its center that was the hub of planning for the
island.
M . Besnier, L lle tiberin e dans Ian tiqu ite (Paris
1902), 2 8 6 89; Roscher 4 .3 1 8 -1 9 (G. Wissowa).
Senaculum: a place where the senators assembled
on being summoned to a meeting until the magistrate
convoking them considered there were enough to
call the meeting to order. Consequently, there was a
senaculum of some sort in the neighborhood of any
building in which the senate met and a more or less
formally established one near every building in
which they met regularly. We hear of three, one near
the Curia Hostilia, the most important, one near the
Temple of Bellona, and one ad Portam Capenam,
used only, so far as we know, during the year follow
ing the Battle of Cannae, 215 B.C .
The senaculum of the Curia Hostilia was on the
shoulder of the Capitoline supra G raecostasim ubi
aed es C on cord ia e et B asilica O pim ia (Varro, Ling.
5 .1 5 6 ; Val. M ax. 2 .2 .6 ; Macrobius, Sat. 1.8 .2 ; Fes-
tus 470L ). These sources all make it clear that it was
principally an area later occupied by Tiberiuss
Temple of Concordia. Valerius Maximus adds the in
teresting information that there was a tradition that
in earlier days the senate had been accustomed to
frequent the senaculum assiduously, so there would
be no need of summoning them, and that they trans
acted their various businesses there and discussed
matters of state with one another the rest of the time.
Whenever a magistrate wished to call a meeting of
the senate, a quorum was already on hand. The se
naculum was never a building and never had archi
tectural form or boundaries; it was simply a place
where the senators gathered. However, the method
of summoning the senate is implicit in Livys account
of Lucius Tarquiniuss seizure of power (1.47.8), and
it must reflect very old institutions. The magistrate
summoning the meeting set his curule chair in front
of the Curia and sent praecones throughout the city
to announce the meeting. When he deemed that a
sufficient number had assembled on the senaculum,
he then moved his chair from the Curia door to the
dais at the back of the Curia, and the senators filed
in and took their places. The senaculum had to be in
full view of the Curia door, but that is the only re
348
quirement. We may suppose that it was to some ex
tent artificially leveled, but certainly nothing more.
Festus tells us on the authority of an otherwise un
known Nicostratus, probably a friend of Verrius
Flaccus (PW 1 7 .5 4 6 , s.v. Nikostratos 2 3 [W.
Kroll]), that there was a second senaculum ad Por
tam Capenam and a third citra aed em B ello n a e (see
Bellona, Aedes). That ad Portam Capenam would
have been necessary when the senate was constantly
meeting there but must have fallen out of use as soon
as it stopped; its existence would have been attested
in the annals of Rome. That citra aedem Bellonae
would have been in frequent use, because the senate
met there to consider questions that had to be dis
cussed outside the pomerium down to the time of the
construction of the Curia Pompeii. It is odd that Ver
rius seems to have been unfamiliar with it. The
Temple of Bellona was flanked closely on the west by
the Temple of Apollo Medicus, but on the east and
south, either of which might be considered citra with
respect to the Porta Carmentalis, there was open
space. A fourth senaculum proposed on the basis of
Livy 4 1 .2 7 .7 derives from a misunderstanding of the
passage. There were never more than three estab
lished senacula in Rome, and by Festuss time appar
ently there was none.
HJ 2 0 4 , 5 5 3 ; D ialA rch 9 -1 0 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 3 4 6 -7 7
(F. Coarelli).
Senaculum M ulierum: a hall of assembly on the
Quirinal built by Elagabalus (S.H.A. H eliog ab. 4.3)
in a place where earlier there had been gatherings of
women on certain festivals. At these gatherings spe
cial honors and rights seem to have been awarded in
recognition of nobility and merit. The purpose of the
hall seems to have degenerated into triviality, and it
must have been soon destroyed, for Aurelian (S.H.A.
Aurel. 49.6) is said to have wished to repeat the ges
ture and to assure women of recognition. There had
long been conventus m atron aru m (assemblies of
women), and recognition of exceptional womanly
virtue (cf., e.g., Livy 2 7 .3 7 .9 ), but the institutional
izing of it was regarded as absurd.
The 1914 find of female statuary associated with
reticulate-faced walls on the northwest side of Via
X X Settembre, 39 m from its juncture with Via di
Porta Salaria, is not likely to have any connection
with the Senaculum Mulierum, although that was
proposed at the time (NSC 1914, 1 4 1 -4 6 [A. Pas-
qui]).
R en dA ccN ap, n.s., 5 7 (1982): 9 1 -1 0 7 (M. Ele-
fante).
Septem Caesares: see Caesares, Septem.
Septem Domus: see Domus: Septem Domus.

Septem Tabernae: see Tabemae Circum Forum.
Septem Viae: probably the broad piazza around the
exterior of the sphendone of the Circus Maximus,
shown on fragments of the Marble Plan ( FUR pi. 17;
Rodriguez pi. 5). The streets debouching on this
seem to have been three at the southwest extremity
(the vicus along the southwest side of the circus, the
Vicus Piscinae Publicae, and a vicus leading south
west toward the Aventinus M inor), three at the
northeast extremity (one along the northeast side of
the circus, the ancient street buried under Via di S.
Gregorio, and one leading to Porta Capena), and one
in the middle (the Via Nova leading southeast to the
Thermae Antoninianae).
Septimianium: a name that does not occur in any
ancient source (except perhaps S.H.A. Sept. Sev.
19.3, where it is a conjecture), but was probably
given to the district on the right bank of the Tiber
from the Aurelian Walls to the valley leading to the
Vatican as a result of the numerous projects that Sep-
timius Severus undertook here (see Porta Septimi-
ana). The identification is inferred from its use in the
Middle Ages in the designation of churches: S. Iacobi
in Septimiano (HCh 268), S. Leonardo Sitignano
(HCh 299), and S. Lucia de Septignano (HCh 305).
See also Coriaria Septimiana.
Septimontium (1): according to Varro (Ling. 5.41),
an ancient name for the place where Rome came to
be, so called from the seven hills that were later en
closed by the Servian Walls. He then enumerates
these, beginning with the Capitoline and Aventine.
Varro takes the others from the city of the Quattuor
Regiones (see Regiones Quattuor), evidently regard
ing each as a single hill. This, of course, leaves him
with only six hills, as the Quirinal and Viminal are
lumped together, and he does not elaborate on the
difficulty. Festus (424L, 476L) preserves a fragment
of the same tradition, evidently regarding Septimon
tium as the name of the site of Rome when Ligures
and Siculi occupied it. Lydus (Mens. 4.155) supports
this with two lists of the names of the hills, one with
some antiquarian variations in which the seventh hill
is the Viminal, and one in which it is the Velia. All
this seems to be erudite rationalization that took its
beginning from the name of the Septimontium festi
val.
Septimontium (2) (Fig. 75): a festival celebrated on
11 December by the M ontani, whom Varro (Ling.
6.24) considers those living on the seven hills em
braced by the Servian Walls. However, Festus ( 4 7 4 -
76L), following Antistius Labeo, has another trad
ition, that it belonged to these hills (m ontibus):
S E P T IM O N T IU M
Palatium, Velia, Fagutal, Subura, Cermalus, Oppius, Figure 75
Caelius, and Cispius. Some of these are not hills Septim ontium
namely, Fagutal, Subura, and Cermalus and there
are eight names in the list. Modern scholars have
therefore been inclined to drop the Subura from the
list, but without reason, because the places named
are a tight group and coherent, and Festus must have
been as well aware as we are that not all the places
named were hills. Apparently, according to Antistius
Labeo, at only two were there sacrifices made on this
day, the Palatine, where the sacrifice had a special
name, Palatuar, and the Velia. But in another passage
Festus (4 5 8 -5 9 L ) has sacrifices at all eight and pro
vides the same list but calls them loci. The priest of
ficiating at the Palatuar would have been the Flamen
Palatualis (Varro, Ling. 7 .4 5 ; Festus 284L) and the
divinity would have been Pales (Roscher 3.1278 [G.
Wissowa]), but it is not clear whether the sacrifices
at other points were to place divinities (cf. Iuppiter
Fagutalis, Iuppiter Viminus), or rather parts of a lus
tration of the flocks. Plutarch (Q u aest. R om . 69)
adds the interesting information that on this day it
was considered improper for anyone to make use of
a horse-drawn vehicle. The Fasti Amiternini mark
the day a g ( o n a l i a ) , which Festus (458L) confirms;
this is the more interesting because the Quirinal,
whose earlier name was Agonus (Festus 304L ), is ex
cluded. It seems to have been a very old festival of a
time when the city was composed of the Palatine,
Velia, Caelian, and Esquiline, and L. A. Holland is
probably right that the name should be understood
as deriving from saep ti m on tes, rather than septem
m on ies.
349
S E P T IZ O D IU M
TAPA 84 (1953): 1 6 -3 4 (L. A. Holland), 108
(1978): 1 4 7 -5 4 (J. P. Poe).
Septizod iu m (Fig. 6 3 ): a building of Septimius Sev-
erus dedicated in a . d . 203 (C IL 6 .1 0 3 2 = 3 1 2 2 9 ;
Chron. 147; Hieron. a. Abr. 2 2 1 6 ), which was at the
southeast corner of the Palatine facing toward Porta
Capena and the approach to Rome by the Via Appia.
It was intended apparently simply as a magnificent
faade, and it was almost the only monumental work
for which Septimius was responsible in Rome
(S.H.A. Sept. Sev. 19.5, 2 4 .3 - 4 , G eta 7.2). The story
was told that Septimius had intended a splendid ap
proach to the Palatine using the Septizodium as a fa
ade and building behind it a royal reception hall (re-
gium atrium ), but that in his absence the praefectus
urbi had prevented completion of the original pro
gram. This is a transparent fabrication to explain an
otherwise enigmatic edifice. It was actually no more
or less than what appears from the plans and draw
ings that survive, a scaen ae fr o m intended as a frame
for a program of statuary, probably portraits of the
imperial family. There is no sign of water, and
though the architectures of nymphaea and scaenae
frontes were always closely related and crossed
boundaries with each other, it seems unlikely that
water was ever intended to be introduced. Rather,
we should think of this as complete in itself. The pro
gram of statuary was never completed, or was edited
by periodic removals that left gaps that could not be
filled, but the figure of Septimius triumphantly dom
inated. The Septizodium survived and was recorded
in the regionary catalogues of the fourth century,
listed in Regio X , and enough remained in the six
teenth century to figure in drawings of Renaissance
artists.
Its southwest end appears in part on a fragment of
the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 17; Rodriguez pi. 5), two
curved niches side by side with a line of columns in
front of them interrupted by a statue base at the cen
ter of the inner niche and the line of columns then
carried around a projecting wall, like an anta, at the
southwest extremity. There is no building shown be
hind this faade, and if the building is to match the
identifying inscription, what we see is less than one-
third of the whole. There would have been at least
seven niches of this size. The best Renaissance draw
ings, which show the ruins of the opposite end of the
building, show an anta-like projection with columns
running around three sides and a bit of straight wall,
presumably just before the breaking back of a curved
niche in symmetry with that at the opposite end.
While a series of nothing but curved niches is very
unlikely in Roman architecture, we might think
350
of pairs of curved niches at the ends flanking single
rectangular niches with a large curved niche at
the center. T. D om barts reconstruction (D as pal-
atin ische S eptizonium zu R om [Mainz 1922]) suits
neither the evidence nor the aesthetic of this sort of
architecture.
The more correct form of the name is Septizo
dium, with reference to the seven planetary deities.
This was evidently the form inscribed on the Marble
Plan and is found in a nearly contemporary inscrip
tion (C IL 8 .1 4 3 7 2 = ILS 50 7 6 ). The seven divisions
must have been used in some way to honor these di
vinities. W hat was left in the sixteenth century was a
building of three storeys, progressively diminishing
in height like a scaenae frons, all three with Corin
thian columns, some but not all of those of the
lowest storey fluted, and possibly both fluted and un
fluted in all three storeys. These carried rich entab
latures, the frieze in the lowest storey embellished
with a large inscription in a single line running the
whole width of the faade, that of the second storey
with a strongly convex frieze and dentils above, and
that of the top storey with a second and deeper frieze
above the usual one. There was evidently rich coffer
ing in all three storeys, but the upper storeys can
have been accessible only by ladders, and there is no
sign of a building of any sort behind this faade.
The Septizodium had a long and lively history in
the medieval period. Its name was corrupted into
Septodia, Septem Viae, and Septem Solia. It was re
named Scuola di Vergilio in the belief that Septodia
referred to the trivium and quadrivium of the liberal
arts. Two churches are known to have been named
from it, S. Lucia de Septem Soliis (HCh 305) and S.
Leone de Septem Soliis (HCh 29798). The Septizo
dium was also converted to use as a fortress of the
Frangipani.
The east end was destroyed in 1 5 8 8 1589 by or
der of Pope Sixtus V. The records of the demolition
show that a variety of precious colored marbles had
been used in the construction (LS 2 .5 1 -5 4 ).
C. Hlsen, D as S eptizonium des Severus (BW Pr
4 6 , 1886); B u llC om 18 (1888): 2 6 9 -9 8 (E. Steven
son); BdA 3 (1909): 2 5 3 - 6 9 (A. Bartoli); Lugli
1 946, 5 1 9 - 2 1 ; M em L in c, ser. 8.3 (1 9 5 0 -5 1 ): 178
99 (G. Spano); M on P iot 5 2 .2 (1962): 7793 (G. C.
Picard); Nash 2 .3 0 2 - 5 ; B u llC om 9 1 .2 (1986): 2 4 1 -
62 (P. Chini and D. M ancioli); B u llC om 92 (1987
88): 3 4 6 -5 3 (P. Chini and D. Mancioli).
Sep tizon iu m : mentioned once by Suetonius {Tit. 1)
to locate the house where Titus was born. Because
the Flavian family seems to have congregated high
on the Quirinal, at Ad Malum Punicum (see Malum

Punicum), we should probably look tor it there. H.
Jordan (FU R [Berlin 1874]: 37) plausibly refers Am-
mianus Marcellinus 15.7.3 to this building, rather
than the Septizodium of Septimius Severus, but that
does not help with the topography. Presumably what
is required is a building of seven storeys.
Sepulcretum: the modern name given to the small
archaic necropolis that Boni discovered in 1902 just
southeast of the stair leading up to the Temple of
Antoninus and Faustina. It contained both crema
tion and inhumation burials, the latter principally of
children, and pottery similar to that of the Early Iron
Age cemeteries of the Alban Hills. In the cremation
burials the ashes were deposited in an ossuary, com
monly in the form of a hut, and placed in a well,
sometimes within a large storage jar, with other
grave furniture. In the inhumation burials the body
was sometimes put in a coffin of stone or wood, and
sometimes not. The pottery in the burials was of im-
pasto decorated with sgraffito designs. The only jew
elry is bronze fibulae, occasionally ornamented with
beads of amber; there is no gold, and there is not
much indication of any distinction in social class.
The material runs from the ninth or eighth century
to the end of the seventh. Sometimes the trench
graves cut into well burials, but this seems accidental
and not an indication of difference in epoch. The dif
ference in rite is probably to be laid to Romes being
from the beginning an amalgam of Latins, Sabines,
Faliscans, and Etruscans. The part called Sepulcre
tum is only a small part of the actual cemetery, which
extended at least as far as the Equus Domitiani in
the middle of the forum square, but it was entirely
outside the pomerium of Romulus, according to
Tacitus (Ann. 12.24), and at least for the most part,
possibly all, on the far side of the brook, or brooks,
that ran down from the Velia to join the Cloaca.
N Sc 1902, 9 6 -1 1 1 , 1903, 1 2 3 -7 0 , 3 7 5 -4 2 7 ,
1905, 1 4 5 -9 3 , 1906, 5 - 4 6 , 2 5 3 -9 4 , 1911, 1 5 7 -9 0
(G. Boni); M onA nt 15 (1905): 2 7 3 -3 1 4 (G. Pinza);
Lugli 1946, 2 2 1 -2 4 ; Helbig4 2 .8 0 3 -9 (T. Dohrn);
Nash 2 .3 0 6 -7 .
Sepulcrum, Sepulcretum, Bustum, Ustrinum,
M onumentum, M ausoleum, Tumulus: Sepul
crum is the term used for any sort of burial place,
without regard to the burial rite; it embraces every
thing from the simplest to the most elaborate and
carries no suggestion of architecture. It is used in all
periods very freely. Sepulcretum is a word used once
by Catullus (59.2) for a cemetery, but apparently
otherwise unknown. It has been revived in modern
times to designate that part of the archaic cemetery
SEPU LC R U M , SE PU L C R ET U M , ETC.
of the forum lying east of the stair of the Temple of
Antoninus and Faustina and, as such, is convenient,
but has no other justification.
Bustum designates an enclosure where the pyre
was erected and the ashes of the dead buried after
cremation. While the pyre might be elaborate, the
bier being a couch richly embellished with ivory
mounts and the corpse sumptuously dressed, the
bustum was usually rather small, enclosed by a wall,
and used repeatedly for members of the same family.
After cremation the ashes were collected in an urn,
which might be simple or elaborate, and buried
within the bustum, a plate bearing the name of the
deceased being let into the surrounding wall over, or
near, the place of burial. A tube for libations might
also be installed. A good example of a bustum is the
grave of A. Hirtius found under the Palazzo della
Cancelleria. This form of burial was that used regu
larly by families who cremated their dead through
out the republican period. M ore elaborate monu
ments were extremely rare before the time of
Augustus. An ustrinum (or ustrina) is distinguished
from a bustum by being the place where corpses
were burned but buried elsewhere (Paulus ex Fest.
29L). Only a single ustrinum is known in Rome, that
of the house of Augustus, which is described by
Strabo (5.2.8 [236]).
M onum entum is the term used for any tomb of
architectural form. Strictly speaking this should in
clude construction above ground, but such construc
tion need not be pretentious. During the Augustan
period and the first half of the first century after
Christ architects exercised their ingenuity in the de
sign of tombs, producing extremely bizarre confec
tions. While the altar tomb, the aedicula tomb, the
rotunda, and the tumulus were always the most pop
ular forms, every conceivable invention seems to
have been tried, from the simple pyramid to the most
baroque tower. Since the word m on u m en tu m em
braces other buildings than tombs, it is generally es
chewed in favor of a more particular term, but in
common usage it always especially designated a
tomb, as in the formula h o c m on u m en tu m h ered em
non sequetur.
M ausoleum was apparently coined to describe the
tomb of Augustus (Strabo 5 .3 .8 [2 3 6 ]), either by Au
gustus himself (Suetonius, Aug. 100) or, more likely,
by some wit. It was the largest tomb in the neighbor
hood of Rome in its day, but hardly a rival of the
greatest Etruscan tombs, let alone those of Asia M i
nor. Once coined the term was accepted and became
standard. The use of the term for the tomb of Ha
drian is modern. In antiquity it was called simply se
pulcrum, or something equivalent, or else Antoni-
351
S E P U L C R U M A C C A E L A R E N T IA E
neion (Cass. Dio 76 [77] 15.4, 77 [79] 9.1, 24.3). Its
great difference from the Mausoleum Augusti in ar
chitectural form and almost everything but size did
not encourage comparison between them. However,
it has now become the term in general use.
Tumulus is specific for a tomb that is an artificial
mound of earth, with or without architectural addi
tions. This was the prevalent form of funerary mon
ument among the Etruscans, although it usually
stood over a tomb chamber that might be richly em
bellished and varied in its particulars from city to
city. It is a very old form of tomb, used extensively
in central Asia, South Russia, and Asia Minor. The
Romans must have taken it from the Etruscans and
used it only sparingly. The first to have such a tomb
that we hear of is Sulla, but then it is used for Julia,
the daughter of Julius Caesar, and Caesar himself
was buried in the same tomb. Augustuss choice of
the tumulus form with modifications must be allu
sive rather to Caesar than to the Etruscans, although
there must also have been allusion to the tumuli of
Asia M inor and the Trojan origin of the Gens Iulia.
Thereafter he was much imitated, and tombs such as
those of Munatius Plancus, Caecilia Metella, and Lu-
cilius Paetus show how widespread this flattery be
came.
Sepulcrum Accae Larentiae: a place in the Vela-
brum near where it joined the Nova Via, but just
outside the Porta Romana (or Romanula) of the
Romulean pomerium (Varro, Ling. 6 .2 3 -2 4 ) where
Acca Larentia, a legendary benefactress of the Ro
man people, was believed buried, and where the Fla-
men Quirinalis offered a solemn rite of p aren tatio on
23 December, the Larentalia (A. Gellius 7 .7 .7 ; Ma-
crobius, Sat. 1.10.15). Cicero (ad Brut. 1.15.8) says
the ceremony was conducted by the pontifices, who
may also have been present. Presumably this was a
very insignificant monument, according to Cicero
(ad Brut. 1.15.8) an altar, and certainly not a bus-
tum, for there was doubt in some peoples minds that
it actually was a tomb.
Degrassi 5 4 3 - 4 4 ; B u llC om 88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 6 1 -6 4
(B. Frischer); Coarelli 1983, 2 6 1 -8 2 (who believes
the tomb of Acca Larentia was near the north corner
of the Palatine).
Sep. P. Aelii Guttae Calpurniani: an imposing
monument to a very famous charioteer of the time of
Hadrian and Antoninus Pius built during his own
lifetime. The inscriptions (on three sides?) recounting
his victories were copied in the Einsiedeln sylloge
(C IL 6 .1 0 0 4 7 = IL S 5288) and recorded as coming
from a tomb on the Via Flaminia. During the de
struction of the rectangular bastions flanking the
352
Porta Flaminia in 1 8 7 6 -1 8 7 7 numerous elements of
tombs that had gone into their construction were re
covered. Those from the eastern bastion included
several large fragments of reliefs at two-thirds life
size showing chariot races and the head of a horse in
the round of similar style. These have been assigned
to this tomb because of their subject and proveni
ence. It is therefore believed that the tomb must have
consisted of at least two storeys, a plain base, a sto
rey covered with inscriptions, and a storey covered
with reliefs, and the whole surmounted by a quad
riga driven by Aelius Gutta Calpurnianus. But it is
odd that the builders of the bastion of Porta Flaminia
(q.v.), of the time of Honorius, should have taken the
upper storeys of the tomb for building material and
left the storey covered with inscribed slabs in situ.
One would think these would have been much more
useful to them. The reliefs are now on display in the
garden of the Museo Nuovo Capitolino (Inv. nos.
2 2 4 3 - 4 4 ; Helbig4 2.1 7 9 6 ).
B u llC om 5 (1877): 186 (C. Visconti and V. Vespi-
gnani), 2 0 0 -2 0 1 (V. Vespignani), 9 (1881): 1 7 6 -7 9
(V. Vespignani), 39 (1911): 1 8 7 -9 2 (G. Gatti); Nash
2.308.
Sep. Agrippae: the tomb of Agrippa that he is re
ported to have built for himself in the Campus Mar-
tius (Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 8 .5 ). His ashes were, in fact, de
posited in the Mausoleum Augusti. We know
nothing of the form, location, or further history of
this tomb, and the imperial gesture of giving Agrippa
a place in the mausoleum must seem an odd one, if
he had already arranged his own tomb.
Sep. Antinoi: see Obeliscus Antinoi.
Sep. Arruntiorum: a complex of three columbaria
in which were deposited the ashes of the dependents
and descendants of L. Arruntius, cos. a . d . 6 , found
in the eighteenth century southwest of Via Giolitti
between the Tempio di Minerva Medica and Porta
Maggiore on the old Via Praenestina, a little more
than 100 m inside the gate (C IL 6 .5 9 3 1 60). The
vaults were decorated with elaborate stuccowork
and painting, including figurative scenes said to be
similar to the decoration of the Underground Basil
ica of Porta Maggiore (see Basilica Subterranea). By
1838 the complex was said to be so ruined as to be
hardly recognizable.
M AAR 4 (1924): 3 6 - 3 7 (E. Wadsworth); Nash
2 .3 0 9 -1 0 .
Sep. L. Aufidii Aprilis: a tomb found in 1965 east
of Via Flaminia in the block opposite Via Filangieri
and Via V. Gravina, where other tombs were found

in 1932. It consisted of a handsome travertine base
surmounted by an elaborately carved funerary altar.
In the area was also buried one of his freedmen, de
scribed as C orintbiarius d e T heatro B albi.
N Sc 1975, 1 9 9 -2 3 2 (E. Lissi Caronna).
Sep. Aureliorum: the multichambered burial place
of a Christian community of the first half of the third
century, discovered in 1919 at the corner of Viale
Manzoni and Via Luigi Luzzati, southwest of ancient
Via Labicana. It takes its name from a family, four
members of which are commemorated in the mosaic
pavement of one chamber, while others are named
on tombstones. One descended into the tomb by a
stair to an upper chamber, now largely destroyed,
from which a stair led down and branched to left and
right. Here the wall paintings are well preserved. The
slightly larger chamber to the northeast is the tomb
of the Aurelii proper, with largely conventional dec
orations but also figures of the apostles. A later ad
dition is a monumental doorway leading to a stair
down to a catacomb. To the southwest a small ves
tibule precedes a burial chamber with arcosolia in
three walls and paintings of more typically Christian
character. Again a stair leads down from this to
a catacomb. But neither catacomb is extensive,
and after the construction of the Aurelian Walls
( a . d . 2 7 0 282) the whole complex must have been
abandoned, because it lay within the circuit of the
walls.
NSc 1 9 2 0 ,1 2 3 - 4 1 , 1921, 2 3 0 - 3 4 (G. Bendinelli);
M onA nt 28 (1922): 2 8 9 -5 2 0 (G. Bendinelli);
M em PontA cc. ser. 3 .1 .2 (1924): 1 -4 3 (G. Wilpert);
Nash 2 .3 1 1 -1 8 .
Sep. Bibuli: the tomb of C. Publicius Bibulus, ple
beian aedile, built by decree of the senate at the base
of the Capitoline Hill (C IL l 2.834 = 6 .1 3 1 9 = ILS
8 6 2; IL L R P 357). The architecture shows an aedi-
cula of travertine on a high plain base of tufa. There
are Tuscanic pilasters and a frieze of garlands looped
between bucrania, the loops filled with paterae. The
tomb cannot be older than the period of Sulla, and
the letter forms confirm this. But no Publicius Bibu
lus who attained the aedileship is known in the first
century b . c . This is therefore seen as the rebuilding
of the tomb of a famous man, possibly Broughtons
aedile of 195 b . c . (cf. PW 2 3 .1 8 9 8 -9 9 : Publicius Bi
bulus 15 [F. Miinzer]). It stands to the east of the
Victor Emanuel Monument, outside the Porta Fon-
tinalis to the right of Via Lata (Via Flaminia) as one
left the city. Preserved are the principal faade, the
southwest side, and the beginning of the southeast
side. The base is 4 .7 6 m high and 6.50 m wide. The
architecture of the aedicula set above this is unusual,
S E P . C . C E S T II
a central doorway flanked by closed walls with small
tablets for non-existent inscriptions. It must have
been finished with a pediment, but of this no element
survives. The inscription is cut on the base, only
roughly centered, in large well-formed letters with
out serifs. The fact that the tomb was given at public
expense, h on oris virtutisque caussa, may indicate
that C. Publicius Bibulus died in office.
N Sc 1907, 4 1 0 - 1 4 (G. Boni); Delbriick, H ellenis-
tische B auten, 2.374 1 ; Nash 2 .3 1 9 2 0 ; B u llC om
88 (1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 6 6 - 6 8 (B. Frischer).
Sep. Caecilii Statii: see Sep. Statii Caecilii.
Sep. Caesaris: see Tumulus Iuliae.
Sep. C. et L. Caesarum : a cenotaph or memorial
to Gaius and Lucius Caesar in which the body of
Julia Domna was deposited in 2 1 7 before entomb
ment in the Mausoleum Hadriani (Cass. Dio
7 8[7 9 ].2 4 .3 ). This is our only notice of this monu
ment, and it has been generally assumed that the
ashes of Augustuss grandsons would have been
placed in the Mausoleum Augusti, but we have no
reason to doubt D ios explicit statement. Presumably
it would have been somewhere in the Campus Mar-
tius with the other tombs of the family.
Sep. Caesoniorum: see Sep. Quinctiorum et
Aliorum.
Sep. Calpurniorum: the tomb of the Calpurnii Pi-
sones discovered in 1885 during the cutting of a new
street on the east side of Via Salaria about 100 m
outside Porta Salaria in Villa Bonaparte. It was a
simple rectangle, probably a bustum, containing
seven tombstones, all more or less handsomely
carved (C IL 6 .3 1 7 2 1 -2 7 ; IL S 2 4 0 , 924, 954, 955),
of the Calpurnii Pisones and their wives. These were
members of the family of the first century after
Christ, two of them consuls.
B u llC om 13 (1885): 1 0 1 -3 (R. Lanciani); B d l
1885, 9 -1 3 (G. Henzen), 2 2 - 3 0 (E. Stevenson).
Sep. C. Cestii: the tomb of a man who may have
been the praetor mentioned by Cicero (Phil. 3.26)
but is otherwise unknown. He died before Agrippa,
whom he made one of his heirs and who died in 12
B.C . (C IL 6 .1 3 7 5 = IL S 917a). The tomb is a pyra
mid set in the angle between Via Ostiensis and the
street skirting the base of the Aventine, in what was
to become the line of the Aurelian Walls close to
Porta Ostiensis, so the wall abuts it on either side. It
is a mass of brick-faced concrete on a foundation of
travertine and is covered with slabs of white marble;
353
S E P . C IN C IO R U M
it is 2 7 m high, and about 2 1 m square at the base.
The burial chamber in the interior is small, 5.95 m
long, 4 .1 0 m wide, and 4 .8 0 m high, with painted
decoration. The inscriptions stand about halfway up
on the east and west sides, one on each side record
ing the name and titles of Cestius, and one below on
the east side only recording the erection of the tomb
in accordance with his will (C IL 6 .1 3 7 4 = IL S 917).
On the west side in 1660 were found two large statue
bases, one with a bronze foot still in place, with in
scriptions recording their erection by the heirs of
Cestius (CIL 1375 = IL S 917a). In the Middle Ages
the monument was called M eta or Sepulcrum Remi;
the origins of the name seem completely obscure. It
was probably in response to this that the pyramid
near the Mausoleum Hadriani got the name Meta
Romuli (q.v.) rather than vice versa.
The decoration of the burial chamber in stucco
and painting was already all but invisible a hundred
years ago (Middleton 2.4 3 3 ). R Wirth (R m M itt 42
[1927]: 66) classes it as Third Style, but without
elaborating, and the date is questionable. P. Marconi
[La pittura d ei rom an i [Rome 1929], 111 and pi.
152) dates the decoration to the beginning of the
third century. If G. B. Piranesis (A ntichit rom an e 3
pl. 44) and P. S. Bartolis (T. Kraus, D as rm isch e
W eltreich [Propylen Kunstgeschichte 2, Berlin
1967], 2 0 7 fig. 44) drawings are trustworthy, it was
certainly not Third Style, but later. A date earlier
than the second century seems quite impossible, so
we must presume the tomb was redecorated and
reused later.
P alladio 11 (1961): 1 6 5 -7 0 (R Sanguinetti); Nash
2 .3 2 1 -2 3 ; W. Ehrhardt, Stilgeschichtliche Unter
suchungen an rm ischen W andm alerei (Mainz
1987), 5 3 - 5 4 and pl. 25.
Sep. Cinciorum: According to Festus (318L),
people commonly called a place where water ran off
an epistyle the Porta Romana (or Romanula), but
earlier people had called this the Statuae Cinciae, be
cause in this place was the tomb of the Gens Cincia.
Most topographers have plausibly taken this to
mean that the Sepulcrum Cinciorum was not far
from the Porta Romana and that the tomb was a
ruin, but preserved a faade with an arch or door
framed with columns and an epistyle, so it, having
architectural form, had the name Porta Romana
transferred to it from the true Porta Romana, which
was merely a platform. That there were other tombs
in this area follows from our knowledge of the Se
pulcrum Accae Larentiae (q.v.). This all hangs to
gether and places the Sepulcrum Cinciorum in the
Velabrum. The statues had evidently disappeared by
354
the time of the change of name from Statuae Cinciae
to Porta Romana and were merely a memory; noth
ing at all can be said about them. The question re
mains whether the epistyle from which water ran
had anything to do with the medieval Arcus Stillans
of Forum Boarium (ecclesia S. Lau ren tii q u a e est
iuxta arcum stillantem in region e S ch olae G raecae,
HCh 28 7 ). Because the two must have been very
close together, this seems highly likely, but whether
the monument itself survived so late, or whether it
was only a place-name, as seems more likely, there
is no way of deciding. The source of the water that
ran from the epistyle may have been one of the
aqueducts in the area, because ancient conduits
tended to leak and were commonly carried on arches
over the streets, but the description in Festus makes
it sound more like an architectural fountain.
Perhaps the tomb faade had been rebuilt as a
fountain.
Sep. Claudiorum: a tomb at the base of the Capi-
toline Hill on the west side of Via Lata (Via Flami-
nia) a little north of the Sepulcrum Bibuli (q.v.). For
no real reason it was identified in the popular mind
with Suetoniuss sepultura gentis C lau diae sub C api
tolio {Tib. 1.1). However, this was a large rectangu
lar edifice of more than one storey built of blocks of
tufa and at one time revetted with marble, while it is
clear from what Suetonius says that the tomb of the
Claudii was simply a bustum. It was destroyed to
permit construction of the Victor Emanuel Monu
ment.
C apitoliu m 2 (1 9 2 6 27): 2 7 1 73 (L. Du Jardin).
Sep. Ti. Claudii Vitalis: a columbarium of the
later first century after Christ discovered in 1866 in
Villa Wolkonsky, southeast of an ancient road run
ning parallel to the Neronian arches of the Aqua
Claudia on the Caelian. It consisted of three storeys,
the interior walls of the two lower ones covered with
loculi of various sizes, for the most part arched but
occasionally flat-headed, with an aedicula in the cen
ter of each wall. One entered the middle storey, de
scending then to an underground crypt or climbing
to an upper storey that was probably of aedicular
form. The crypt was barrel-vaulted, the upper sto
reys cross-vaulted. The whole is built of brick-faced
concrete, the brick used decoratively to make friezes
and cornices. There is no sign of stuccoing, and the
only marble is the plate of the inscription recording
that it was built for Ti. Claudius Vitalis by another
man of the same name and for his family, all freed-
men, two of them architects (C IL 6 .9 1 5 1 ; cf. C IL
6.9152).

M em PontA cc, ser. 3.7 (1944 : 3 8 9 -9 1 A.M . Col-
ini); R endP ontA cc 36 (1963 64 : 9 3 105 (S. Pan-
ciera); Nash 2 .3 2 4 26.
Sep. C. Considii Galli: the tomb of a praetor pere-
grinus of the early empire (C IL 6 .31705) found in
1883 just north of the Via Tiburtina Vetus at the in
tersection of the modern streets Via Mamiani and
Via Principe Amedeo, northeast of Piazza Vittorio
Emanuele. It was a small rectangular structure, 5 .3 0
m x 4 .1 0 m, with a faade revetted with marble and
side walls of travertine. The inscription was on the
frieze.
NSc 1883, 420 (R. Lanciani); B u llC om 11 (1883):
223 (R. Lanciani).
Sep. Corneliae: known only from a fragmentary in
scription found in 1871 under the north tower of
Porta Salaria (C IL 6.1296 ) commemorating the
daughter of a Scipio and wife of a Vatienus. This
is associated with remains of a square travertine
base supporting a circular drum faced with marble
found at the same time. In 1950 the remains were
reassembled to the west of their original position
and now stand between Porta Salaria and Porta Pin-
ciana.
Nash 2 .3 2 7 -2 8 .
Sep. Corneliorum Scipionum: see Sep.
Scipionum.
Sep. D omitiorum: known only from Suetoniuss
(N ero 50) account of the burial of Nero in the family
tomb. It was on the summit of the Pincian in view of
the Campus Martius. Interment was in a porphyry
sarcophagus (solium ) with an altar of Luna marble
over it and a balustrade of Thasian stone around
this. This presumes that inhumation was traditional
in his family, and one remembers that Poppaea was
embalmed and deposited in the Tumulus Iuliae (Taci
tus, Ann. 16.6). One cannot say what the architec
tural form of the tomb may have been. In the Middle
Ages it came to be believed that the tomb was in the
vicinity of Piazza del Popolo, and to exorcise the ma
levolent ghost of Nero a small chapel was built there
by Pope Paschal II in 1099, which in time became S.
Maria del Popolo. But it is more likely that the tomb
stood considerably farther south on the hill, perhaps
in the vicinity of the Sepulcrum Octaviae.
C o llo q u i d el S odalizio tra Studosi d ellA rte, ser.
2.5 (1 9 7 5 -7 6 ): 3 5 - 4 0 (A. M . Colim).
Sep. Eurysacis: the tomb of M. Vergilius Eurysaces,
a contract baker, in the fork of the Via Praenestina
S E P . Q . F A B II
and Via Labicana just beyond the crossing of the
Aqua Claudia (Porta Maggiore), given monumental
form by Claudius and later built into the Porta Prae
nestina (q.v.) of Aurelian. The tomb was engulfed in
the base of a central semicircular tower between the
two roads, its front demolished and the rest englobed
in concrete. However, the tomb was in some way ac
cessible from the interior, for the inscriptions were
known and in part read in the sixteenth century. The
towers of the gate were dismantled in 1838 and the
tomb was exposed, but its east side is almost com
pletely gone.
The tomb was a trapezium in plan, measuring
8.75, 6.85, 5 .8 0 , and 4.05 m on its sides, built of
concrete with a facing of travertine. The facing,
framed by pilasters at the corners, is curious, in the
form of vertical cylinders that support a block in
which there are three zones of framed orifices of
roughly the same diameters as the cylinders. These
have sometimes been seen as grain measures
crowned by oven mouths, in allusion to the source
of Eurysacess wealth. But there is really no good rea
son for this, and such an interpretation cannot be
defended. It is more likely a pure experiment in geo
metrical forms. The inscription, repeated on all sides,
is on a plain fascia separating the cylinders from the
block above (C IL l 2. 12035 = 6 .1 9 5 8 = IL S 7460a-
c = IL L R P 805). The inscription of Atistia, believed
to be his wife, carved on a marble tablet, was also
found (C IL l 2.1206 = 6.1 9 5 8 = IL L R P 805A). The
alphabet is a fine late republican form approaching
Augustan. Around the crown of the monument
under a modillion cornice runs a continuous frieze in
which at small scale various operations connected
with the manufacture of bread are shown, from mill
ing to baking, weighing, and delivery. In the center
of the east front was a group of Eurysaces and Anti-
stia in very high relief, almost freestanding, he wear
ing the toga a d coh ib en d u m bracchiu m , she swathed
in veils, but with her head uncovered. In the inscrip
tion commemorating her the tomb, or her urn, is
called a panarium (bread basket). Relief and inscrip
tion were found used as fill in the tower. The roof of
the tomb, of which no element survives, has been re
constructed as stepped, tiled, or a pyramid. Because
the proportions of a pyramid of this ground plan
would be apt to appear visually unpleasing, we may
incline to a low tiled roof.
Nash 2 .3 2 9 - 3 2 ; P. Ciancio Rossetto, II sep olcro
d el fo rn a io M arco Virgilio E u risace (Rome 1973).
Sep. Q. Fabii: a tomb in the Esquiline cemetery
under the church of S. Eusebio, known from a frag
ment of the painted decoration found in 1885 in
355
S E P . F A M IL IA E M A R C E L L A E E T A L IO R U M
which parts of four relatively narrow bands, one
above another, show historical scenes of battle and
the siege and surrender of cities. Inscriptions name
M. Fannius and Q. Fabius, and the scenes are gen
erally believed to illustrate events of the Second Sam-
nite War, but a consensus as to the events and indi
viduals portrayed has not been reached. The painting
is now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori (Helbig4
2.16 00 ).
Sep. Familiae M arcellae et Aliorum: In the
wedge between Via Latina and Via Appia, numerous
columbaria of the early imperial period have come to
light, some of them with hundreds of loculi for ash
urns. Today only three are well preserved, known
collectively as the Columbari di Vigna Cedini. They
all served as burial places for the freedmen of the
imperial house and its ramifications. The second to
be excavated, in 1847, produced good numbers of / Sep. Q. H aterii: a tomb on Via Nomentana cov
inscriptions showing that it belonged especially to
the households of the two Marcellas, nieces of
Augustus, one of whom was the second wife of
Agrippa. The first columbarium was excavated in
1840, the third in 1852. The architectural forms are
simple, but many of the ash urns are handsome, arid
numerous portrait busts were added. For the inscrip
tions see C IL 6 .4 8 8 1 -5 1 7 8 (Columbarium I), 4 4 1 4 - died in a . d . 26 (Tacitus, Ann. 4.6 1 ). This is not to be
4 8 8 0 (Columbarium II), and 5 1 7 9 5 5 3 8 (Colum
barium III).
Lugli 1930, 4 4 6 - 5 7 ; Nash 2 .3 3 2 -3 9 .
Sep. Faustuli: see Sep. Romuli (1) and Niger
Lapis.
Sep. Gaii et Lucii: see Sep. C. et L. Caesarum.
Sep. Galbae: the tomb of Ser. Sulpicius Galba,
either the consul of 144 b . c . or, more probably, the
consul of 108 B .C ., in the district belonging to the
family between the southwest flank of the Aventine
and the Tiber, where the Horrea Galbae (q.v.) are
located. The tomb was a small square structure of
tufa faced with blocks of peperino and with a slab
of travertine carrying the inscription (C IL
l 2.695 = 6 .3 1 6 1 7 = IL S 863 = IL L R P 339) on the fa
ade between six fasces to either side. It was found
in 1885. Presumably the Sulpicii Galbae had large
land holdings here from an early date, and, with the
development of the Emporium (q.v.) and the ware
houses that grew up around it, they grew rich on the
exploitation of their land. The survival of this tomb
in such circumstances is especially interesting and
shows that the family still kept a measure of control
here.
Lugli 1938, 6 0 5 - 6 ; Nash 2 .3 7 0 ; B u llC om 88
(198283): 66 (B. Frischer).
356
Sep. Galloniorum: a tomb on the Via Flaminia of
which a fragmentary inscription was found during
the dismantling of the bastions outside Porta Flami
nia in 1 8 7 6 1 8 7 7 (C IL 6 .3 1 7 1 4 ). This names the oc
cupants as C. Gallonius and C. Gallonius Q. Mar-
cius Turbo (B u llC om 5 [1877]: 2 5 1 -5 2 [C. Visconti
and V. Vespignani], 8 [1880]: 17678 and pi. 1213
[C. Visconti and V. Vespignani]; cf. P IR 2 G-51).
There must be a close relationship between these
men and Q. Marcius Turbo, praefectus praetorio
under Hadrian (S.H.A. H adr. 9.4). A large circular
tomb about 100 m north of Porta Flaminia on the
west side of the road (marked on Bufalinis map of
Rome of 1551) has been conjectured to have been
the tomb in question.
Sep. Getae: see Sep. Severi.
ered by the south tower that Honorius built to flank
Porta Nomentana, brought to light in 1 8 2 6 1827. It
consisted of a rectangular concrete core for a large
funerary altar, of which fragments of the travertine
facing and marble decoration were recovered. On the
front was the somewhat incomplete inscription (C IL
6.1 42 6 ), presumably of the celebrated orator who
confused with the more famous tomb of the Haterii
found in 1848 5 kilometers from Porta Maggiore on
the south side of Via Labicana from which important
reliefs come.
Nash 2 .3 4 0 ; CAR 3-D , 7 4 pp. 8 9 -9 0 .
Sep. A. Hirtii: the bustum of the consul of 43 B .C .,
victim of the Battle of Modena, in the Campus Mar-
tius. It was found in 1938 under the northwest cor
ner of Palazzo della Cancelleria, a simple enclosure
of brick-faced concrete with a plain travertine coping
and with travertine cippi, some of them inscribed
with his name, at the corners (IL L R P 41 9 ). This is
the more impressive because he was awarded a state
funeral by vote of the senate (Livy, Epit. 119; Veil.
Pat. 2.6 2 .4 ).
Nash 2 .3 4 1 -4 3 .
Sep. H oratiae: the tomb of Horatia, whom her
brother, the hero of the combat of the Horatii and
Curiatii, slew outside Porta Capena, known from
Livys statement (1.26.14) that her tomb was con
structed in opus quadratum where she fell. Presum
ably it was a landmark in Livys day.
Sep. H oratii: the tomb of the poet in extrem is Es-
quiliis, next to the tumulus of Maecenas (Suetonius,
D e P oet., H or. 2 0 ). Because Maecenas had a very ex
tensive estate on the Esquiline, we should expect to

find the tomb on the edge of this, but we cannot
bound the Horti Maecenatiani (q.v.).
Sep. Iuliorum: see Tumulus Iuliae.
Sep. Lucilii Paeti: the tomb of M. Lucilius Paetus,
tribunus militum, praefectus fabrum, praefectus
equitum, in the time of Augustus, built for himself
and his sister, Lucilia Polla, about the end of the first
century B .C . (C IL 6 .3 2 9 3 2 ). It was found in 1885 on
the west side of Via Salaria about 3 0 0 m from Porta
Salaria, a round tomb with a ring wall of ashlar ma
sonry of travertine surmounted by an earth mound.
It was 3 4 .9 0 m in diameter, with an estimated height
of 16 m. At the back a corridor led to a small cross
vaulted burial chamber. The imitation of the M au
soleum Augusti is clear and intended to be compli
mentary. By the time of Trajan the base was con
cealed by earth washing down from the tumulus, but
in the fourth century the tomb was reopened, and the
walls of the entrance corridor were carved out in lo-
culi, while a catacomb was dug into the tufa below
the burial chamber beginning from the original en
trance.
L u rbe 5, no. 11 (1940): 2 0 -2 8 (C. Pietrangeli);
CAR 2-C, 14 pp. 2 5 - 2 6 ; Nash 2 .3 4 4 - 4 5 .
Sep. M ariae: the circular mausoleum of M aria, the
daughter of Stilicho and wife of Honorius, and also
possibly of Honorius himself, also the tomb of Theo
dosius II and Valentinian III, built on the east end of
the spina of the Circus Gaii et Neronis (q.v.) just
south of the south transept of the Constantinian ba
silica of S. Pietro, together with a second circular
mausoleum of similar size dedicated by Pope Sym-
machus to Saint Andrew (HCh 190). It was later
known as S. M aria della Febbre and demolished only
by Pope Pius VI for the construction of the present
basilica of S. Pietro about 1520. The interior con
tained eight niches, one of which served as the en
trance. In the eighth century the body of Saint Pe-
tronilla was deposited here, and it became known as
the chapel of the Frankish kings. The sarcophagus
containing the remains of M aria, together with much
wealth, was found in 1544.
C. T. Rivoira, L o m b a rd ic A rchitecture (London
1910), 1 .8 2 -8 4 ; D. M . Cerrati, D e basilica Vaticana
antiquissim a et n ova structura (Studi e testi 26,
Rome 1914), 1 3 2 - 4 5 ; HCh 190, 4 2 2 - 2 3 ; CAR 1-
G, 45 p. 59.
Sep. N eronis: see Sep. Domitiorum.
Sep. L. Nonii Asprenatis: the tomb of either the
consul of a . d . 6 or, more likely, his son, cos. a . d . 29
(P IR 2 N -118, 119). Some fragments of the frieze
S E P . O R E S T IS
with an inscription (C IL 6 .3 1 6 8 9 = IL S 941) were
found when the east bastion on the outer side of
Porta Flaminia was demolished in 1 8 7 6 1877. On
the basis of the inscription and other fragments of
decoration, the monument is believed to have been
rectangular.
B u llC om 5 (1877): 2 4 7 and pi. 2 0 - 2 1 (R. Lanci-
ani).
Sep. N um ae: the tomb of Numa Pompilius on the
right bank of the Tiber sub Ianiculo (Festus 1 7 8 -
79L ; Dion. Hal. 2 .7 6 .6 ; Pliny, N H 1 3 .8 4 -8 7 ; Soli-
nus 1.21). This is generally taken to mean at the foot
of the Janiculan hill, but, because farm workers dis
covered the tomb in the course of more or less cus
tomary activity, it is probably best to think of it as
well up the slope, where erosion might have washed
away the overburden. The Ianiculum proper was
probably only a gatehouse on the site of the later
Porta Aurelia, so the tomb might even have been
near the crest of the slope. It was in agro L. Petilii
(Livy 4 0 .2 9 .2 ) and near the Ara Fontis (Cicero, Leg.
2.56). There is an abundant spring on the slope of
the Janiculan hill under Piazza S. Pietro in Montorio
along the line of Via Aurelia, which might well have
had an Ara Fontis connected with it, and we should
expect the burial to have been along one of the prin
cipal roads. But there is no proof. In 181 B.C . the
discovery of two stone chests, one supposed to con
tain the body of Numa but actually found empty, the
other containing his writings on pontifical law and
philosophy, caused a great alarm (Livy 4 0 .2 9 .2 -1 4 ;
Val. M ax. 1 .1 .1 2 ; Plutarch, N um a 22.2).
Sep. O ctaviae: the tomb of a daughter of Marcus
and wife (?) of Appius found in 1616 at the corner
of Via Sistina and Via di Porta Pinciana on the line
of the ancient road that issued from Porta Pinciana
and may have issued from the Servian Walls by Porta
Salutaris. The tomb was of marble, and the inscrip
tion was on the frieze (C IL 6 .2 3 3 3 0 ). Because it was
here in a zone that was built up with horti before the
time of Augustus, one would like to date it as early
as possible, but a marble tomb seems impossible be
fore the middle of the first century B.C .
Sep. Orestis: Orestes is supposed to have died at
Aricia and his bones to have been brought to Rome
and buried in front of the Temple of Saturn in the
Forum Romanum (Servius a d A en. 2 .1 1 6 ; Hyginus,
Fab. 2 6 1 ; Scriptores Rerum Mythicarum Latini Tres
[Mythogr. Vat.], ed. Bode, 2 .2 0 2 ). The bones of
Orestes were regarded as one of the guarantees of the
greatness of Rome, so the grave itself must have been
marked in some way, if only to prevent accidental
sacrilege, but no one tells us how it was marked.
357
S E P . P A L L A N T IS
Sep. Pallantis: the tomb of Claudiuss celebrated
freedman on the Via Tiburtina intra prim um lapidem
(Pliny, E pist. 7 .2 9 .1 -2 , 8 .6 .1 -2 ). It is worth noting
that the cippus of one of Pallass freedmen comes
from the neighborhood of Porta Tiburtina (CIL
6.11965 ).
Sep. Pansae: the tomb of C. Pansa, cos. 43 B .C .,
who died of the wound that he received in the Battle
of Modena and was awarded a public funeral and
burial in the Campus Martius by decree of the senate
(Livy, E pit. 119; Veil. Pat. 2.6 2 .4 ). In 1899 a traver
tine tablet bearing Pansas name was found at the
corner of Corso Vittorio Emanuele and Vicolo Sa-
velli, reused as building material (C IL 6 .3 7 0 7 7 = ILS
8890 = IL L R P 421). This unquestionably came from
his funeral monument, and the discovery of the bus-
tum of Hirtius (see Sep. Hirtii) under the northwest
corner of Palazzo della Cancellera makes it probable
that if the tombs were not twins and side by side, at
least they were similar and not far from each other.
It is interesting that a little later a man who seems to
have been the grandson of Pansa built a monumental
tomb of circular form in the Campus Martius for his
wife and brother-in-law (CIL 6.3542).
Sep. Passienorum: a tomb excavated in 1 7 0 2 -
1705 in Vigna M oroni on the west side of Via Appia,
not far inside Porta Appia, but greater precision is
not possible. It was a large columbarium of two or
three chambers of very irregular architectural form,
the walls covered with loculi. M ost of the burials
were simple, with terracotta ossuaries, some sixty
being found, but there was a wealth of inscriptions,
estimated at one hundred, of which only twenty-five
are known and recorded. These are of freedmen of
the Passienus family and their families of the first two
centuries after Christ (C IL 6 .7 2 5 7 -8 0 , 3 3 2 4 8 -4 9 ).
The tomb is briefly described in B u llC om 23 (1895):
170, 1 8 4 88 (R. Lanciani).
C IL 6 p. 3 4 3 0 ; PBSR 7 (1914): 7 -9 nos. 1 -2 1 (T.
Ashby).
Sep. Pomponii H ylae: a columbarium on Via La
tina just inside Porta Latina, excavated in 1831, so
named from a panel of glass mosaic prominently
placed facing the visitor at the entrance with the fu
nerary inscription of Pomponius Hylas and his wife,
Pomponia Vitalis (C IL 6 .5 5 5 2 ), but the twenty-nine
inscriptions found here show the greatest variety of
names and show no family connection with Pom
ponius Hylas whatsoever. The tomb, of brick-faced
concrete, was built in the time of Tiberius, and the
latest inscription is of a freedman of Antoninus Pius.
358
PBSR 5 (1910): 4 6 3 -7 1 and pis. 3 7 - 4 7 (F. G.
Newton); Nash 2 .3 4 6 48.
Sep. Publicii Bibuli: see Sep. Bibuli.
Sep. Quinctiorum et Aliorum: In the widening of
Via S. Croce in Gerusalemme, 1 9 1 6 -1 9 1 8 , a row of
four chamber tombs was discovered at its intersec
tion with Via Statilia, facing toward the latter and
originally in a band between the Neronian arches of
the Aqua Claudia and a street running from the Ar
cus Dolabellae et Silani (q.v.) to Porta Maggiore. P.
Quinctius built the tomb at the northeast end for
himself, his wife, and his concubine Quinctia Agatea
(CIL l 2.2 5 2 7 a = IL L R P 795). The second was a
double tomb of freedmen of the Gentes Clodia, M ar
cia, Annia, and Annaea (CIL l 2.2527b = 1LLR P
952). On the faade of this tomb are portrait busts
carved in high relief. The third was not identified.
The fourth was built for A. Caesonius. The tombs all
date to the end of the republican period.
M em PontA cc., set. 3 .7 (1944): 3 9 3 96 (A. M.
Colini); Nash 2 .3 4 9 51.
Sep. Romuli (1): the traditional tomb of Romulus
in the Comitium, commonly known as the Niger
Lapis (Festus 184L), and located variously by writers
after the destruction of the Comitium as an architec
tural entity in rostris or p o st rostra (schol. a d Hor.
E p o d . 1 6 .1 3 -1 4 , where it is also stated that there
had once been two lions there to mark the tomb).
Because another tradition held that Romulus was
translated bodily to heaven, Dionysius (1.187.2) be
lieved that this was actually the tomb of Faustulus,
who threw himself between the factions of the quar
reling brothers and was buried where he fell. He
speaks of a single lion. In 3 .1 .2 3 he tells about the
grandfather of Tullus Hostilius and says that he was
buried in the principal part of the forum, his grave
marked by a stele, but it is not entirely clear whether
this was yet another explanation of the same monu
ment, as it seems to be.
In 1899 was discovered some distance in front of
the Curia Iulia and oriented with it a pavement of
slabs of black Taenarian marble about 4 m long by
3 m wide, one side (southwest) irregularly bowed,
surrounded by a pluteus of white marble about 1 m
high set in a travertine base. Exploration under the
pavement brought to light three monuments, which
do not correspond to the area covered by the pave
ment, nor yet to its orientation, one of them a U-
shaped base of G rotta Oscura tufa, the two broad
wings symmetrical, with a deep cyma molding above
a plain plinth, joined across the back by a narrower

element. This has been interpreted as remains of the
base for the pair of lions, sometimes with a shallow
heroon added across the back. Others have seen it as
the remains of an old altar misunderstood as the base
for a pair of lions. In any case, it is seen as the tomb
of Romulus proper.
See also Niger Lapis.
Sep Romuli (2) : see M eta Romuli.
Sep. Rusticeliorum: a tomb discovered in 1 6 8 6 -
1687 under the south side of M onte Testaccio com
pletely covered by the dump and some 17 meters into
its interior, a block of masonry, 10 meters on a side,
with a profiled base and crown of peperino and the
die of tufa in drafted ashlar blocks. The inscription
was on a tablet of travertine (C IL 6 .1 1 5 3 4 ), and one
of the travertine cippi marking the plot was also re
covered (C IL 6 .1 1 5 3 5 ). The surviving part, as de
scribed and drawn, looks like the base for a more
elaborate upper storey, possibly a tholus rather than
anything else.
Sep. Scipionis: the name sometimes given in the
early Renaissance to the pyramidal tomb between
the Mausoleum Hadriani and the Vatican (cf., e.g.,
the map of Bufalini of 1551 = F ru ta z 2: pi. 201),
more commonly known as the M eta Romuli (q.v.).
The ascription to Scipio is a learned one based on a
scholion of Acron on Horace (E p od . 9.25) to the ef
fect that in response to an oracle the ashes of Scipio
Africanus the Elder were removed d e p yram ide in
Vaticano con stitua and reburied in a tomb at Portus.
There seems to be no historical ground for this tra
dition.
Sep. Scipionum (Figs. 76, 7 7 ): the somewhat
catacomb-like family tomb of the Cornelii Scipiones
on Via Appia about a kilometer outside Porta Ca-
pena and 4 0 0 m beyond the point where Via Latina
branched to the east, at the intersection of a cross
road that connected the two main roads, the main
faade facing on the crossroad. It was one of the
most famous tombs in Rome, in part because of the
importance of the family, in part because of its situ
ation and unusual form (cf. Cicero, Tusc. 1.13). En
nius was believed to be buried here and a marble
statue of him erected by Scipio Africanus (Cicero,
Arch. 2 2 ; Pliny, H N 7 .1 1 4 ; Suetonius, D e P oet., E n
nius 8). The tombs and statues of P. Scipio Africanus
the Elder and his brother Lucius were also shown
here, although there were also others at Liternum
(Livy 3 8 .5 6 .2 -4 ).
As the Scipios regularly buried their dead in sar-
S E P . S C IP IO N U M
i''-.'iJ r o c en 1 ^ 3 optrit h te r iz i'i o p e r lisfdtfi H E ] m a r i m o c /c r m
cophagi, rather than cremating them (Cicero, Leg. Figure 76
2 .5 7 ; Pliny, H N 7 .1 8 7 ), the tomb became filled with Sepulcrum Scipionum ,
, , , i ii j i r Plan , A ctual State
sarcophagi arranged along the walls and in loculi cut
in the rock. The tomb was rediscovered and opened
in the early seventeenth century, and one sarcopha
gus, that of L. Scipio, cos. 2 5 9 B .C ., was broken and
its inscribed lid was removed. Final excavation of the
tomb came in 1780 (F. Piranesi and E. Q. Visconti,
M onum enti degli Scipion i [Rome 1785] = Visconti,
O p ere varie [Milan 1827], 1 .1 -7 0 ). Many of the sar
cophagi were then damaged, but apparently much of
the damage had already occurred in late antiquity,
perhaps in the fourth century. One sarcophagus, that
of L. Scipio Barbatus, cos. 298 B .C ., and evidently
the first of the family to be buried here, was removed
and is preserved in the Vatican museums; this is the
only one that was decorated, taking the form of an
altar with a Doric frieze at small scale under a row
of dentils just under the lid, and the lid given volute
pulvini. It is believed not to be Barbatuss original
sarcophagus, but a replacement, possibly even of the
early first century B .C . Parts of several other sarcoph
agi with their inscriptions, those of eight members of
the family, were also removed to the Vatican mu
seums (C IL l 2 pp. 3 7 3 82 nos. 6 16 = 6 .1 2 8 4
94 = IL S 1-10 = IL L R P 3 0 9 -1 7 ); they run from Bar
batus to Paulla Cornelia, wife of an Hispallus of un
known date, but probably the consul of 176 B.C .
Some are written in Saturnian meter and are of great
philological, as well as historical, interest.
The tomb is somewhat irregular, which has led to
359
 S E P . S E M P R O N IO R U M
Figure 77
Sepulcrum Scipionum ,
F aad e, R estored
the supposition that it is an adaptation of an older
stone quarry. There was a roughly cut central en
trance leading to a main corridor running fairly di
rectly back to the sarcophagus of Barbatus and
flanked by other sarcophagi. To the right is a diver
gent corridor of larger dimensions, originally a sepa
rate and later burial place; as it is irregular, this has
especially suggested that it is, in part, a reused
quarry. Some eighteen places for sarcophagi in the
main tomb are readily identifiable, and a good many
more could be accommodated, perhaps twice as
many.
Coarelli has recently and interestingly recon
structed the tomb faade of the second half of the
second century B .C . (Fig. 77). Above a base of Grotta
Oscura tufa in which opened three arched entrances,
the central one to the principal tomb, are remains of
a monumental faade articulated by engaged col
umns with Attic bases. Coarelli sees these as framing
three niches with flat lintels over the arched en
trances to contain the marble statues of P. Scipio Af-
ricanus the Elder, his brother Lucius, and the poet
Ennius, about which we hear as ornaments of the
tomb. This would make the tomb faade rather
strongly resemble a scaen ae frons. I should prefer to
have the program of statuary crown the attic of the
tomb, as it might a triumphal arch, and as the word
ing of the Latin in which we are told of these statues
suggests (Cicero, A rch. 2 2 ; Val. M ax. 8.1 4 ; Pliny,
H N 7.114).
Lugli 1930, 4 3 2 3 - 3 9 ; Nash 2 .3 5 2 -5 6 ; D ialA rch
6 (1972): 3 6 -1 0 6 (F. Coarelli); R m M itt 89 (1982):
3546 (H. Lauter Bufe).
Sep. Semproniorum: a well-preserved tomb of the
very late republic under Palazzo S. Felice in Via della
Dataria on the northern slope of the Quirinal. It
faced southwest onto the clivus ascending to the
southeast from the Campus Martius to the Porta Sal-
utaris, presumably the Clivus Salutis (q.v.) The tomb
is cut into the rock, the faade faced with travertine
and with a deep arched niche that makes the tomb
seem almost an arch. The crown is trimmed with a
finely carved anthemion under a cornice with a line
of dentils and an egg molding. The inscription over
the niche (C/L 6 .2 6 1 5 2 ) records that it is for C. Sem-
360
pronius, his sister, and their mother, Larcia. The al
phabet approaches that of fine Augustan inscrip
tions, but the owners cannot be identified. The tomb
was excavated in 1863 (B u llC om 4 [1876]: 12627
and pi. 12 [R. Lanciani]).
Nash 2 .3 5 7 -5 8 .
Sep. Severi: an alleged tomb of the family of the
Septimii Severi, known only from one passage,
which puts it on the Via Appia on the right to those
approaching the gate (S.H.A. G eta 7.2) and com
pares it to the Septizodium. However, it is known
from other sources that Geta, Severus, and Caracalla
were all buried in the Mausoleum Hadriani (q.v.). It
is not clear what has caused the confusion in the
biographers mind, or where he thought the tomb
stood.
Sep. Statii Caecilii: the tomb of the comic poet
along the Via Aurelia approaching, or along (iu xta),
the Ianiculum (Suetonius, D e P oet., Statius C aecilius
10). Clearly the location of the tomb depends on in
terpretation of both the words Ianiculum (q.v.) and
iuxta, but the strong suggestion is that the tomb
stood in the vicinity of Porta Aurelia.
Sep. Statiliorum: the columbarium of the slaves
and freedmen of the Statilii, especially M . Statilius
Taurus, cos. a . d . 4 4 and owner of the Horti Tauriani
(q.v.) on the Esquiline. It stood on the north side of
Via Praenestina-Labicana inside Porta Praenestina
(Porta Maggiore) on the southwest side of Via G.
Giolitti. Three chambers of the tomb were excavated
in 18751877, and numerous inscriptions dating
from Augustus to Claudius were recovered (C IL
6 .6 2 1 3 6640). A small adjacent tomb, 2.9 0 m x
1.95 m, was decorated with a very curious frieze of
Augustan date showing subjects relating to Aeneas
and the early history of Latium down to the time of
Romulus. This is of special historical and icono-
graphical interest and was removed to the Museo
Nazionale Romano delle Terme (Helbig4 3.2489).
The decorations of the upper half of the tomb and
the vault are considered of early third century date
and, after being photographed, were reburied. The
whole program is much in need of study. See also
B u llC om 8 (1880): 5 1 -7 5 (R. Lanciani); C IL
6 .3 3 0 8 3 -3 3 1 9 0 .
C apitoliu m 34, no. 5 (1959): 3 -1 0 (M. Borda);
Nash 2 .3 5 9 -6 9 .
Sep. Sullae: the tomb of the dictator L. Cornelius
Sulla in the Campus Martius, erected by senatus con-
sultum (Livy, E pit. 9 0 ; Appian, B ellC iv 1 .1 0 6 ; Plu
tarch, Sulla 38 .4 ). Lucan (2.222) calls it a tumulus
and describes its location as m ed io cam p o , which

may well be correct, and Dio - S . 13. says that
Caracalla instituted a search for it and had it re
stored, which suggests that, as in the case of the
tomb of Lucilius Paetus (see Sep. Lucilii Paeti), the
earth of the tumulus had washed down in the course
of time and hidden the base and the inscription iden
tifying it.
Sep. Ser. Sulpicii Galbae: see Sep. Galbae.
Sep. Q . Sulpicii M axim i: a tomb found in the base
of the east tower of Porta Salaria in 1871, which had
been built over it. Q. Sulpicius Maximus died at the
age of eleven, having won first prize in the competi
tion in extemporaneous verse in Greek at the third
celebration of the Ludi Capitolini in a . d . 94 (C IL
6.3 3 9 7 6 = ILS 5177). The aedicular tomb was
crowned by a massive stele in the form of an altar, in
the front of which is a niche containing a togate fig
ure of Sulpicius Maximus in high relief, the rest of
the face of the stele being covered with his poetry. It
is now in the Museo Nuovo Capitolino (Helbig4
2.1 7 3 4). The remains of the tomb stood in place
from 1871 to 1921, when it became necessary to de
molish Porta Salaria. The tomb was then reerected to
the east of the new aperture.
B d l 1871, 9 8 -1 1 4 (G. Henzen); Nash 2 .3 7 1 -7 3 ;
CAR 3-A, 26 p. 27.
Sep. C. Sulpicii Platorini: the monumental tomb
of a man who may have been the grandson of the
triumvir monetalis of 18 B .C . ( P IR 1 S 728, 729), on
the right bank of the Tiber near the head of the Pons
Agrippae (q.v.) just inside the Aurelian Walls, dis
covered during work on the Tiber embankment in
1880. It was a rectangular structure, 7 .4 4 m x 7.12
m, with the entrance on the west. The base was trav
ertine, the exterior of the walls was revetted with
marble, the rest of fine brick-faced concrete finished
with stucco, with marble ornaments and inscrip
tions. In the interior the pavement is of white mosaic.
In niches alternately curved and rectangular framed
by an engaged order at small scale were set cinerary
urns with inscriptions. These date from the Augustan
period to that of the Flavians (C IL 6 .3 1 7 6 1 -6 8 a ;
ILS 953). Two heroic statues and a fine bust of a
young girl (Minatia Polla?) were also recovered. The
tomb had been covered over in the construction of
the Aurelian Walls and so preserved. In 1911 it was
reconstructed in the Museo Nazionale Romano delle
Terme (Helbig4 3.2168).
BdA 5 (1911): 3 6 5 -7 2 (R. Paribeni and A. Ber-
retti); Lugli 1938, 6 5 4 - 5 7 ; Nash 2 .3 7 4 -7 5 .
Sep. Titi Tatii: the tomb of the Sabine king in the
Loretum (q.v.) on the Aventine near the Armilus-
S E S S O R IU M
trium (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 2 ; Plutarch, R om . 2 3 .3 ; Fes-
tus 496L ). H J (162) thinks Dionysiuss comments on
the Loretum (3.43) show that the grave of the king
was a cult center, but it is difficult to accept the rea
soning here.
Sep. Valeriorum: see Domus, Valerii.
Serapeum: see Isis, Aedes [1].
Serapis, Aedes (Templum, N o t.): a temple in Re-
gio VI, built, according to an inscription with letters
about 30 centimeters high, by Caracalla (C IL 6 .5 7 0 ;
cf. NSc 1909, 80 [F. Barnabei]). This is supported by
the Historia Augusta (S.H.A. C aracalla 9 .1 0 11).
No one tells us more precisely where the temple was
located, nor for what it was remarkable, but finds of
material and inscriptions related to the cult of Sera
pis indicate that it was on the southernmost part of
the Quirinal, the Collis Latiaris (HJ 4 2 3 ; B u llC om
42 [1914]: 374 [M. M archetti]). It does not seem to
have been of great importance.
Sessorium (Fig. 7 8 ): a vast palatial complex of villa
character of unknown origins at the southeast ex
tremity of Regio V adjacent to the Amphitheatrum
Castrense and Circus Varianus (qq.v.). It antedated
the Aurelian Walls, which cut through it, but it is not
mentioned by name before then (unless we admit the
conjecture Sessorion in Plutarch, G alb a 2 8 .3 , which
is not attractive). From the beginning of the sixth
century it appears as Sessorium (M G H C hron. Min.
1.324 [Excerpt. Valens. 6 9]; Acron a d Hor. Sat.
1 .8 .1 4 ; pseudo-Acron a d Hor. E p o d . 5.100). It prob
ably became an imperial residence by the time of Ela-
gabalus (cf. Circus Varianus and S.H.A. H eliog ab.
13.5, 1 4 .5 -6 ), and at the beginning of the fourth
century it was the residence of Helena, the mother of
Constantine (LPD 1.179 [Silvester 22] and 196n .75;
V Z 2.2 3 1 ). Hence it was called Palatium Sesso-
rianum. By that time the parts of the complex be
yond the Aurelian Walls had been razed, but a very
extensive portion inside remained. The Thermae
Helenae (q.v.), probably restored by Helena (C IL
6 .1 1 3 6 ), seem to have been a public bath, not part
of the Sessorium.
Under Constantine or his sons, one of the large
halls of the palace (the atrium grande) was converted
into the basilica of S. Croce in Gerusalemme as a
repository for the fragment of the cross that Helena
brought from Jerusalem. This hall was 3 4 .3 5 m long,
2 1 .7 5 m wide, and 2 0 m high, with five open arches
on piers on each side and rectangular windows in a
second storey above. Constantine probably left the
arches open, converted corridors along the sides into
side aisles, and added an apse at the east end. Two
361
 S E T T E SA LE
Figure 78 transverse screen walls with arches supported on
Sessorium , paired columns divided the main nave crosswise into
CasTrense^Circus t^lree secr' ons> a curious architectural innovation. In
V arianus twelfth century the church underwent a radical
and T h erm ae transformation, being then divided into three naves
H elenae, Plan by longitudinal walls with arches supported on col
umns in the more usual fashion. At this time the
arches and windows along the sides were closed.
North of the church are remains of another hall of
this palace, a vast apse, supported by big external
buttresses added immediately after the construction,
and the start of a nave, all in brick-faced concrete,
probably of the time of Maxentius. This survived
down to the sixteenth century and became known as
the Templum Veneris et Cupidinis. In 1887 further
remains of a building of about a . d . 100 were found
in this location (N Sc 1887, 70, 108 [G. Fiorelli];
B u llC om 15 [1887]: 100 [G. Gatti]). The whole
complex is much in need of careful study.
H J 2 4 9 - 5 1 ; Lugli 1938, 4 8 6 - 9 0 ; R. Krautheimer,
C orpus B asilicaru m C hristianarum R om a e (Rome
1937), 1 .1 7 1 -7 7 ; M em PontA cc, ser. 3.8 (1955):
1 3 7 -4 0 , 1 5 4 - 6 8 , 1 7 0 -7 7 (A .M . Colini); Nash
2 .3 8 4 -8 6 .
Sette Sale: see Therm ae Traiani.
Sicilia: a place in, or part of, the Palatine palace
(S.H.A. Pert. 11.6). Here soldiers, entering the palace
through its porticoes, penetrated as far as the place
called Sicilia and the Cenatio Iovis. The latter can
hardly be anything but the great banquet hall at the
362
southwest corner of the Flavian part of the palace,
and the unimpeded progress of the soldiers entering
from the Area Palatina can be well understood, if
this is correct. But the Sicilia remains a mystery, and
there is nothing that by use or design suggests the
Sicininum: a place designation, perhaps for a site
on the Cispian now occupied by the basilica of S.
Maria Maggiore. It occurs in a single ancient inscrip
tion from the Forum Romanum (C IL 6 .3 7 1 1 1 ), a
fragment of the edict of the praefectus urbi Tarracius
Bassus against fraudulent merchants and shopkeep
ers issued shortly after a . d . 368. It then occurs in a
number of Christian sources, beginning with the
L ib er Pontificalis (LPD 1.171 [Silvester 3] and 233
[Xystus III, 3]; V Z 2 .2 3 0 , 23 7 ). In Ammianus
(27.3.13) we find an account of the contention of
factions of Christians for power with mention of the
deaths of 2 3 7 of them in the struggle in B asilica Si-
cinini in a . d . 3 6 7 . Because there is now general
agreement that Pope Liberius (a . d . 3 5 2 366) built
the church of S. M aria Maggiore, this may be what
is meant. Others maintain that it is the basilica of
Bishop Julius (now S. M aria in Trastevere) that was
the site of the struggle, and there is as yet no agree
ment. For the controversy over the location, see Am
mianus Marcellinus, ed. A. -M . Morle (Paris 1984)
(Edition Bude), 5 .2 4 1 n .l8 2 .
R. Krautheimer et al., C orpu s B asilicarum C hris
tianarum R o m a e (Rome 1971), 3.160, especially
5 4 -5 9 .

Sigillaria: a district in Rome where luxuries such as
would make suitable presents on the Sigillaria (the
final days of the Saturnalia) were offered for sale
(Suetonius, C laud. 16.4, N ero 2 8 .2 ; Dig. 32 .1 0 2 .1 ).
For Aulus Gellius it was especially a district of anti
quarian booksellers (2.3.5, 5.4 .1 ). We do not know
precisely where to locate it, but it might be a general
term to describe the district around and including the
Saepta Iulia, where most such markets seem to have
been concentrated. There seems to be no ground for
the popular notion that this was a district where
small images were manufactured.
Signum: see Statua, Signum, Equus, Colossus.
Signum Aesculapii: see Aesculapius, Aedes.
Signum Yortumni: a statue of the Etruscan divinity
that stood in the Vicus Tuscus behind the Temple
of Castor on the border between the Forum Roma-
num and the Velabrum and was regarded as very
ancient (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 6 ; Cicero, Verr. 2 .1 .1 5 4
and pseudo-Asconius ad loc. [Stangl 2 5 5 ]; Livy
4 4 .1 6 .1 0 ; Propertius 4 .2 .1 -1 0 ; Horace, Epist.
1.20.1 and Porphyrion ad loc.). For the more precise
location of this on the northwest corner of the cross
roads behind the Basilica Sempronia, see A]A 71
(1967): 1 7 7 -7 9 (M. C. J. Putnam). Propertius gives
the best description of this statue, which may have
had an aedicula, but no more than that. Like the Ia-
nus, it seems to have been much venerated. An in
scription on a base found in 1549 (C/L 6 .8 0 4 = IL S
3588) may record a restoration of it in the time of
Diocletian. Cf. also C IL 6.939 3 = IL S 7696.
Silvanus, Sacella: shrines of the rustic divinity Sil-
vanus erected by individuals and collegia under the
empire and known from inscriptions. These are ex
tremely common and are for the most part very
simple affairs, lararial in character, with altars
and reliefs of the divinity. None seems to have been
a public place of worship. Cf. C IL 6 .5 7 5 698,
3 0 9 9 9 -3 1 0 2 9 . The following can be located with
some confidence:
1. In Regio III in the Via Merulana (?) near the
Auditorium Maecenatis (C IL 6.3 0 9 3 0).
2. In Regio V near the Lateran (?) (C IL 6.580).
3. In Regio V near the Stazione Termini, found in
the excavation of the Agger of the Servian Walls
there (C IL 6 .3 7 1 6 = 3 1 0 1 3 = IL S 3 5 6 6 ; C IL 6 .3 6 9 7
= 3 0 9 4 0 ).
4. In Regio VI near the southeast corner of the
Thermae Constantinianae on the site of the Banca
Nazionale (C IL 6 .3 1 0 2 0 , 31022).
SO L, TEM PLU M
5. In Regio VI near the hemicycle of the Thermae
Diocletiani (C IL 6 .3 7 1 4 = 3 1 0 0 7 ).
6. In Regio VI in the Horti Sallustiani near Porta
Pinciana in Via Ludovisi (C IL 6 .3 1 0 = IL S 3467,
640 = IL S 3 5 5 6 , 3 0 9 8 5 = ILS 5 4 1 4 , 31025).
7. In Regio IX on the site of the basilica di S.
M arco (?) (C IL 6.6 26 ).
8. In Regio X II near the northwest side of the
Thermae Antoninianae (C IL 6.543 = IL S 3 5 4 4 ,
659).
9. In the Transtiberim near the church of S. Cosi-
mato (C IL 6 .6 9 2 = IL S 3542).
10. In the Transtiberim between Ponte Sisto and
Villa Farnesina (C IL 6.3 10 2 4).
11. In the Transtiberim in the vicinity of the Horti
Caesaris (C IL 6 .6 4 2 , 31015).
A good many other inscriptions of uncertain prov
enience refer to aediculae, others to altars and stat
ues, and attest to the high popularity of the cult, but
Silvanus never had a place in the state religion of
Rome, no feast or flamen, and even the shrine near
Porta Pinciana, the best attested in inscriptions,
seems to have been a very modest affair. Cf. Roscher
4 .8 5 4 -5 9 (R. Peter).
PAPS 122 (1987): 2 2 - 4 7 (R. E. A. Palmer) gives a
very full list of local shrines and possible shrines of
this divinity.
Sol, Templum (Fanum, Aur. Viet., Caes. 3 5 .7 ): a
temple that Aurelian built after his triumph over the
East in a.d . 2 7 3 , famous for its magnificence
(S. H. A. Aurel. 3 5 .3 ; Aur. Viet., C aes. 35.7). It was
in Regio VII according to the regionary catalogues,
in C am p o A grippae (Chron. 148). Connected with it
were porticoes in which was stored wine of the privy
purse, vina fiscalia (S. H. A. Aurel. 48.4). R. E. A.
Palmer (MAAR 36 [1980]: 2 1 7 -3 3 ) has proposed
the attractive theory that vina fiscalia were duty in
kind. Because it would have been collected at every
customs station around the periphery of the city, this
would not help us to locate the temple, but might
help with the location of the Ad Ciconias. Because
Aurelian proposed to make public distributions of
wine in addition to the distributions of oil, bread,
and pork (S. H. A. Aurel. 35 .2 , 48.1 ), the temple
may well have stood in close conjunction with Au-
relians Castra (Urbana) (q.v.) and the Forum Suar-
ium (q.v.). A tribune of the urban cohorts was over
seer of the Forum Suarium.
No one remarks on the size or form of the temple.
The Sol worshiped there seems to have been the Baal
of Palmyra combined with other Oriental sun gods
(Roscher 4 .1 1 4 7 -4 8 [F. Richter]). The dedications
that excited particular admiration were Oriental
363
SO L ELA GA BA LU S
robes encrusted with jewels (S. H. A. Aurel. 28.5), a
statue of Aureli an in silver, set up posthumously
(S. H. A. Tac. 9.2), and a picture of Aurelian and a
certain Ulpius Crinitus (S. H. A. Aurel. 10.2). Aure
lian also proposed to make a throne for this temple
from two magnificent elephant tusks, but for some
unknown reason did not (S. H. A. Firm . 3.4). But the
whole was remarkable for the Oriental richness of its
appointments (S. H. A. Aurel. 3 9 .6 ; Eutropius
9.15.1). The last mention of it in antiquity tells of
the removal of eight of its porphyry columns, sent
to Constantinople for the church of S. Sophia (T.
Preger, ed., Scriptores Originum C on stan tin opoli-
tanarum [Leipzig 1901], 1.76).
Discovery of an inscription (C IL 6 .1 7 8 5 = 31931)
in a building belonging to the convent of S. Silves
tro in Capite that alludes to the transportation of
wine from the Ad Ciconias to a templum (sc. Solis)
would be useful, if we could locate its provenience,
even approximately, but the wording indicates that
the building was only a dependency of the convent
somewhere east of the church of S. Silvestro. Re
mains of a great complex extending from Piazza S.
Claudio to Via Frattina, east of the Via del Corso,
but west of S. Silvestro, were seen by Palladio, who
has left a sketch plan of it and an elevation of one
part (B u llC om 22 [1894]: pi. 1214 [R. Lanciani];
Zorzi fig. 68). This Hiilsen proposed should be Au-
relians temple. It consisted of a long court with
semicircular ends to the south, colonnaded, the col
umns being addorsed to the interior wall with deep
rounded niches between them along the sides and
rectangular niches in alternate bays in the rounded
ends. Four great doors at the points where the
rounded ends join the sides were emphasized with
larger columns. The elevation seems to show the
northwest entrance and shows that the sides at least
were in two storeys, both with Corinthian orders,
the lower order raised on a continuous plinth, with
round-headed niches in the lower storey, square
headed ones in the upper, and the cornice broken out
over the columns of the upper storey and sur
mounted by reversing broken pediments.
From this courtyard one passed to a small square
intermediate court by a door in the center of the
northern apse that seems strangely underempha
sized. Whether there was a responding door at the
southern end is not clear, because the drawing is cut
and shows only the beginning of this apse. The inter
mediate court seems curiously plain.
The northern court was much larger than the
southern one, but plainer, with three large exedras in
each wall, except the entrance wall, and all but the
central exedras in the side walls with pairs of col
umns in the openings. The entrance wall was enliv
ened with a series of twelve shallow niches, possibly
364
for statues, and on its exterior were twelve rounded
niches. In the center of this court was a tholus raised
on a base of three steps with sixteen columns around
a cella with doors to the north and south. In the in
terior of the cella were four shallow niches in the
wall and something circular in the center.
Although they are connected, these two courts are
very dissimilar in architectural approach, and one
would suppose that they must have been built for
very different purposes and at different times. The
larger northern court is the older and has many of
the characteristics of a macellum, and the tholus
with its two axial doors and central circular feature
like a fountain emplacement does not seem apt to
have been a temple, but something more like a ma
cellum tholus. Probably a portico should be restored
on all four sides of the court. If the Forum Suarium
was the central meat market of Rome, it may well
have been this building.
The architecture of the southern court, to which
this is connected, reminds one strongly of the Se-
veran basilica at Leptis Magna in its play with
double orders of Corinthian columns combined with
single soaring columns, multiple niches, lateral ap
proaches, and rounded ends. Column shafts of gran
ite, cipollino, and africano have been found in the
area (B u llC om 22 [1894]: 2 9 9 -3 0 0 [R. Lanciani]).
Therefore, a date in the third century seems very
likely. If the temple were at the center of the south
apse, there might be room for it, although it could
not have been a very large building. Otherwise it
could have been driven through the south apse, so
that only the faade projected into the court. But it
is hard to think that this courtyard would ever have
been described as a porticu s. Possibly there were por
ticoes around it, or adjacent. The case for the iden
tification is a very weak one.
If the southern court is rejected as unlikely to have
been connected with Aurelians temple, then perhaps
it was the nameless temple discovered to the north of
this complex in 1794. This was an Ionic temple, oc-
tastyle, with column shafts of red granite and bases
and capitals of white marble. The walls were of brick
veneered with colored marbles, and in the interior a
Corinthian order at smaller scale was found (G. A.
Guattani, M em orie en ciclop ed ich e sulle an tichit e
belle arti a R o m a [Rome 1806], 1.4).
B u llC om 2 2 (1894): 2 8 5 -3 1 1 (R. Lanciani);
R endPontA cc, ser. 3.5152 (1 9 7 8 -7 9 ): 3 7 1 -8 7 (F.
Castagnoli); QITA 10 (1988): 15 (E. Tortonci).
Sol Elagabalus: see Elagabalus.
Sol et Luna, Aedes (Templum, N o t.): an ancient
Temple of Sol, probably dating to a time before the
building of the cavea of the Circus Maximus, that

came to be included in the fabric of the cavea. It
stood on the southwest side just before the beginning
of the sphendone and is shown on coins of Trajan
(B. M. C oins, R om . E m p. 3.1 8 0 nos. 8 5 3 -5 6 and pi.
3 2 .2 4) and Caracalla (B . M. Coins, R om . Em p.
5.47778 nos. 25153 and pi. 7 5 .2 -4 ) as tetrastyle,
prostyle, with a very large central acroterion, which
Tertullian (D e S p e d . 8) tells us represented the god
himself, and smaller lateral acroteria. In other re
spects the architecture of the temple seems normal.
It was approached in front by a flight of steps. It is
usually called simply the Temple of Sol; the name of
Luna is added only occasionally (Philocalus, N otitia,
Curiosum ). The day of dedication was 28 August
(Degrassi 503). The obelisk of Ramesses II (see Ob-
eliscus Augusti in Circo Maximo) brought to Rome
from Heliopolis in 10 B .C . and erected on the spina
of the circus may have stood on the axis of this
temple, because it did not stand at the midpoint of
the spina and was dedicated to Sol.
Sol Malachbelus (Belus): a shrine of the patron
divinity of the city of Palmyra, established by the Pal
myrene community in Rome before the introduction
of the cult of Sol by Aurelian, and certainly before
a . d . 102 (C IL 6 .3 1034). The evidence is almost en
tirely epigraphical (C IL 6.50 = IL S 4 3 3 4 , 51,
52 = IL S 4 3 3 5 , 7 0 9 = IL S 4 3 3 6 , 710 = 3 0 8 1 7 = ILS
4 3 3 7 , 3 1 0 3 4 , 3 1 0 36 = IL S 4 3 3 8 ; IG 14.971, 972;
cf. Zosimus 1.61.12) and strongly indicates a loca
tion in the Transtiberim on Via Portuensis, near the
limits of the city, if not beyond them.
H J 6 4 5 - 4 6 ; Roscher 4 .1 1 4 7 , 1150 (F. Richter);
PAPS 125 (1 9 8 1 ):3 7 2 81 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Spes, Aedes (Fig. 3 8 ): in the Forum Holitorium,
built and dedicated by A. Atilius Calatinus in the
First Punic War (Cicero, Leg. 2 .2 8 ; Tacitus, Ann.
2.49). It was struck by lightning in 218 B .C . (Livy
21 .6 2 .4) and burned in the great fire of 2 1 3 , but was
restored the next year (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 16, 25 .7 .6 ). It
burned again in 31 B .C ., believed to be deliberate ar
son (Cass. Dio 5 0 .1 0 .3 6) and was apparently not
restored until a . d . 17, although it seems strange that
Tacitus (Ann. 2.49) should state that Augustus had
undertaken the work of restoration. In 179 B .C . M .
Fulvius Nobilior let the contract for a Porticus Post
Spei ad Tiberim (see Porticus Post Spem). This was
probably a relatively simple building, most likely
utilitarian, and perhaps intended rather to serve
commerce along the riverbank than as a frame for
the temple. The day of dedication of the temple was
1 August (Degrassi 489).
It is almost certainly the middle temple of the three
built into the fabric of the church of S. Nicola in Car-
cere, in large part belonging to the late republican
S P IN O
period, a restoration intended to bring it into line
with the restoration of the Temple of Iuno Sospita to
the north of it undertaken by L. Iulius Caesar, cos.
90 B .C . The restoration of Spes is not recorded in our
sources. It was Ionic, hexastyle, peripteral, with
eleven columns along the flank and with a pronaos
three bays deep. It was approached by a stair across
the whole faade that divided on approaching the
top of the platform to accommodate a platform for
the altar. The material is travertine on the faade,
peperino along the flanks. Much of the structure, in
cluding several of the fluted columns, is built into the
church. Along the flanks and back of the temple po
dium were loculi arranged in the intercolumniations,
small chambers that must have been closed by metal
doors for the deposit of valuables.
R. Delbrck, D ie d rei T em pel an F oru m H o lito
rium in R om (Rome 19 0 3 ); Lugli 1946, 5 4 5 5 3 ;
Lugli 1975, 2879 2 ; M em PontA cc, ser. 3.13 (1981):
7 -1 3 6 (L. Crozzoli Aite).
Spes, Templum N ovum : listed in Regio VII by the
N otitia (om . Cur.), otherwise unknown.
Spes Vetus: a shrine of Spes, mentioned only to lo
cate a battle of the consul Horatius against the Etrus
cans in 4774 7 6 b . c . (Livy 2 .5 1 .2 ; Dion. Hal.
9 .2 4 .4 ), on the Esquiline, near Porta Praenestina
(Porta Maggiore). The temple itself seems to have
disappeared early, but it gave its name to a district
that incidentally identified one of the imperial resi
dences, the Horti ad Spem Veterem (or Horti Vari-
ani) of Elagabalus (S.H.A. H eliog ab. 13.5), which
must subsequently have become the Sessorium or
Palatium Sessorianum (see Sessorium). Because this
was the highest point on the east side of the city,
most of the aqueducts of Rome entered here, and the
location figures frequently in Frontinus (Aq. 1.5, 19,
2 0 , 2 1 , 65, 76, 87). However, the only mention of
topographical value is the first, where the juncture of
the Aqua Appia and Aqua Augusta a d Spem Veterem
is said to be in con fin io H ortoru m T orquatianorum
et (E p ap brod itia)n oru m (the conjecture E p ap h rod i-
tianorum is Lancianis to fill a gap in the manu
script), but, because the Horti Torquatiani are oth
erwise completely unknown, it is of no real help.
Cf. C IL 1 5 .5 9 2 9 = IL S 7543 of a su tor from Spes
Vetus.
Spino: one of the watercourses of Rome, mentioned
by Cicero (Nat. D. 3.52) and associated with the T i
ber, the Almo, and the Nodinus. It was included in
the augural prayer, and in such association it must
have been of some importance, but it cannot be iden
tified. It should be in the immediate vicinity of Rome
and not culverted in Ciceros day. Cf. Nodinus.
365
S P L E N IS , A R A
Splenis, A ra: listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio I after the Area Apollinis and confirmed by a
medieval legend in which robbers who were taking a
miraculous picture of the Virgin from the ancient
church of S. Sisto Vecchio on the Via Appia to the
Lateran were stopped by supernatural manifesta
tions a d locu m q u i dicitur Spleni. It is hardly con
ceivable that there would have been a shrine of any
sort to Splen as a divinity, so there may be some rea
son for connecting the church of SS. Nereo ed
Achille, titulus fa sciola e, across the Via Appia from
S. Sisto Vecchio, with splenium meaning plaster or
bandage. In that case the Area Splenis must be
sought in the immediate environs of S. Sisto.
B u llC om 5 4 (1926): 4 9 - 5 3 (C. Hlsen).
Spoliarium: the morgue for gladiators who were
killed in the arena (S.H.A. C o m m o d . 18.3, 5, 19.1,
3) and where the cou p d e g race was administered
(Seneca, Epist. a d Luc. 93 .1 2 ). To judge from the
name, it was probably their dressing room as well. It
is listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio II, and
if there was, as it appears, one common dressing
room for the amphitheater, it must have been situ
ated on the Colosseum square, just inside the bound
ary of Regio II. Cf. Armamentarium and Samiarium.
Stabula Factionis Prasinae: see Stabula IIII
Factionum.
Stabula IIII Factionum : the stables of the four
companies that owned and trained the horses for the
races in the circus (Tacitus, Hist. 2.94). The four
were distinguished by their colors: Albata, Russea,
Prasina, and Veneta. To these Domitian added two:
Purpurea and Aurata. By the beginning of the fourth
century, the Albata and Russea had merged with the
Veneta and Prasina, so there were again four. In the
N otitia, in Regio IX , we find stabu la nu m ero IIII
faction u m V III; in the C uriosum , stabu la I I II fa c
tionum VI. The stabu la were all in the lower Campus
Martius in the vicinity of the Trigarium (q.v.), where
they probably could take advantage of exercise
grounds and training tracks. They were probably all
close to one another but carefully separated. In the
inscriptions commemorating victories and those of
various functionaries connected with chariot racing
(C IL 6 .1 0 0 4 4 -8 2 ; IL S 5 2 8 1 -5 3 1 4 ), we find all four
factions mentioned very frequently and learn that the
charioteers passed from one faction to another, ap
parently with ease, but the Factio Prasina is the only
one whose stabula can be located at all precisely.
This became the most important company in the
course of the first century after Christ and was fa
vored by the emperors, especially Caligula (Sueto
nius, Calig. 5 5 .2 - 3 ; Cass. Dio 5 9 .1 4 .6 -7 ), who fre
366
quently dined and slept there, and presented his
favorite horse, Incitatus, with a marble stall and an
ivory manger. It is located especially by the church
of S. Lorenzo in Damaso connected with Palazzo
della Cancelleria, on whose font is an ancient in
scription saying that the church also went by the
name of S. Laurentii in Prasino (HCh 284). An in
scribed lead pipe, not in situ, was found not far away
(C IL 15.7254).
M EFRA 89 (1977): 7 2 3 -8 0 3 (H. Broise et al.), 96
(1984): 8479 0 6 , especially 8 9 9 -9 0 2 (M. Royo).
Stabulum: one of the parts of the Palatine palace,
mentioned only once (S.H.A. Carinus 19.1), as the
location of paintings showing the extraordinary cir
cus games given under Carinus; these were circa por-
ticum stabuli. It cannot be located.
Stadium Augusti: a wooden stadium that Augustus
erected in 28 B .C . somewhere in the Campus M ar
tius, in which gymnastic contests were held as part
of the first celebration of the Ludi Actiaci (Cass. Dio
53 .1 .5 ).
Stadium Caesaris: a temporary stadium in the
Campus Martius that Julius Caesar erected and in
which he exhibited athletic contests lasting three
days as part of one of his entertainments (Suetonius,
Iul. 39.3).
Stadium Domitiani (Fig. 7 9 ): the stadium that
Domitian built in the Campus Martius for athletic
contests (Suetonius, D om . 5 ; Eutropius 7 .2 3 .5 ;
Chron. 146; Hieron. a. Abr. 21 0 5 ). It is listed in the
regionary catalogues in Regio IX . After the Colos
seum was severely damaged by fire in a . d . 2 1 7 , the
stadium was used for a number of years for gladia
torial shows (Cass. Dio 7 8 [7 9 J.2 5 .2 3). Like those
of the Circus Maximus, its arcades came to ac
commodate numerous brothels (S.H.A. H eliog ab.
26.3) and probably shops and workshops as well.
Alexander Severus restored it (S.H.A. A lex. Sev.
24 .3 ), and it was one of the buildings that most ex
cited the admiration of Constantius during his visit
to the city in the fourth century. According to the
regionary catalogues, it had thirty thousand loca, or
seating for about twenty thousand spectators. Ac
cording to tradition, Saint Agnes found a martyr s
death in the brothels here, and a church was built in
her honor on the west side of the stadium, S. Agnese
in Agone (HCh 168). Another church there is S. Ni
colai in Agone (HCh 389).
It is now Piazza Navona, one of the largest piazze
in Rome, and the arena preserves its original shape
with remarkable fidelity, the surrounding buildings
being constructed on the ruins of the cavea. The

wsff-p-o'"B"B=g-^31cpd cr-'o-arr
arena is about 2 5 0 m long. Considerable remains of
the cavea have been discovered at various points, es
pecially under the church of S. Agnese and at the
north end (sphendone), where it has been possible to
preserve these in view, albeit under the encumbering
mass of modern buildings. The construction is of
brick-faced concrete with an exterior face of traver
tine throughout, construction strongly resembling
that of the Colosseum. For the obelisk of Domitian
erected as part of the fountain in the center of the
piazza in 1651, see Obeliscus Pamphilius.
Lugli 1938, 2 1 8 - 2 3 ; C apitoliu m 16 (1941): 2 0 9 -
23 (A. M . Colini); A. M . Colini, Stadium D om itian i
(Rome 1943); Nash 2 .3 8 7 9 0 ; S. Bosticco et al., Pi
azza N av on a (Rome 1970), 3 17 (A. M. Colini).
Stadium Palatinum: see Domus Augustiana.
Stagnum: see Piscina, Stagnum, Naumachia.
Stagnum Agrippae: an artificial water that
Agrippa constructed, almost certainly in connection
with his Thermae (q.v.). It was large enough to ac
commodate a raft on which Nero gave a banquet
(Tacitus, Ann. 15.37). The raft was kept in motion
by smaller vessels manned by oarsmen. The stagnum
was set in a park, presumably the Horti or Nemus
Agrippae, which Nero stocked with exotic birds and
animals, while on the margins of the stagnum were
constructed pavilions. A park of considerable size
seems implied, which must have lain west of the
Thermae, where the Marble Plan indicates open
space. Strabo (13.1.19 [590]) says there was a grove
between the stagnum and the Euripus, and, because
no substantial construction has been found between
the remains of the baths and the Via deSediari on
the line of an ancient street, we may see the park as
bounded by that street on the west and the Hecato-
ST A G N U M N E R O N IS
Figure 7 9
Stadium D om itian i,
Restored Plan
(1 cm = 18.4m )
stylon along the Theater of Pompey on the south.
The northern limit is difficult to set, but after the
construction of the Thermae Neronis, the southern
faade of this complex, roughly on a line with the
faade of the Pantheon, was as far as it could have
run. The stagnum will presumably have lain in the
western reaches of this park, for there was a grove of
plane trees near the Hecatostylon (Martial 3 .1 9 .1
2), and at least five granite fountain basins have
come to light in the neighborhood of Piazza S. Eus-
tachio (LR 50 1 ), so it could not have lain near either
end. Lugli (Lugli 1938, 1 5 8 -5 9 ) reports that one
side of the stagnum came to light in excavations for
the new buildings of Corso del Rinascimento, a por
tico of large granite columns (diameter 1.50 m) on a
platform of travertine with a walk 3 m wide in front
of it, and along this a basin for water more than 60
m long. This Lugli identifies as a late imperial re
building of Agrippas basin. He gives no documen
tation for these discoveries. The water supplying the
stagnum was probably the overflow of the Aqua
Virgo (cf. Ovid, E x P. 1 .8 .3 7 -3 8 ); it seems to have
drained into an ornamental canal running through
the Campus Martius following approximately the
line of Corso Vittorio Emanuele and emptying into
the Tiber just above the Pons Neronianus.
M EFRA 89 (1970): 8 2 6 -3 0 (F. Coarelli).
Stagnum Neronis: the artificial lake in the basin
where the Colosseum was later built (M artial, D e
Spect. 2 .5 -6 ) , constructed by Nero as one of the
chief features of the Domus Aurea (q.v.). Suetonius
(N ero 31.1) compares it to a sea surrounded by
buildings that seemed a city; but he could hardly
have seen it himself, and his source was clearly ex
aggerating. It was fed by the Aqua Claudia, brought
in a cascade down the slope of the Caelian, and
probably by a stream already existing in the valley
367
ST A T A M A T E R , S IM U L A C R U M
between the Oppius and the Caelian. It was appar
ently the first part of the Domus Aurea to be de
stroyed (Suetonius, Vesp. 9.1), perhaps especially to
reclaim the water for public use and to permit circu
lation of traffic through that part of the city.
Stata M ater, Simulacrum: Festus (416L) says that
after Cotta paved the Forum Romanum a simula
crum of Stata M ater was set up and worshiped in the
hope of protecting the pavement from damage by
fire. Stata M ater was a divinity credited with the
power to prevent or stop fire; Peter included her
among the Indigites (Roscher 2 .2 2 3 34). Presum
ably this simulacrum was a statue, but we have no
indication of where it might have stood (possibly on
or near the Volcanal?), and Festus uses the past tense.
After the cult was introduced in the Forum R o
manum, it spread to the rest of the city, presumably
as part of the compital worship. We have evidence
for a Vicus Statae M atris in Regio II, Caelimontana,
and a Vicus Statae Siccianae in Regio XIV, Transti-
berim (qq.v.).
Statio Annonae (Fig. 3 7 .2 0 ): the modern name, on
the analogy of Statio Aquarum, for the headquarters
of the praefectus annonae in charge of the food sup
ply of the city. In the fourth century a large portico
was built in the area now occupied by the front half
of the church of S. M aria in Cosmedin and its ad
juncts to the southwest. This was a hall with three
colonnaded faades some 30 m long and 15 m wide,
raised on a high platform approached by broad stairs
on the three colonnaded fronts. There were piers at
the corners, seven columns on the long front, and
three on each of the short ones. The back wall was
faced with brick, unbroken, and separated the hall
from an important building behind, possibly the
Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera (see Ceres, Liber
Liberaque, Aedes), because it stands on the edge of
what might well be the remains of a temple platform.
The roof of the Statio must have been supported on
timber trusses, but these were in turn supported by
fluted columns with composite capitals that carried
arches. The capitals show variations and are pre
sumed to have been reused. The columns of the
northeast and northwest fronts have been built into
the fabric of the church. It must have been a tower
ing building, but very open, resembling a Renais
sance loggia.
The identification of this building depends on the
discovery of inscriptions in honor of, or giving the
names of, praefecti annonae (C IL 6.1151 = IL S 707,
3 1 8 56 = IL S 1327) and lead seals from shipping
(C IL 1 5 .7 9 4 0 -5 1 ). The case is hardly a strong one.
The distance of the Statio from the Porticus Minucia
Frumentaria on Via Lata, if the identification of that
368
building is correct (and it was certainly in Regio IX ),
and from other centers for the distribution of food is
puzzling, but, because the location is near the origi
nal Emporium of Rome, it may have been tradi
tional. One may note the presence of the Columna
Minucia (q.v.) in the immediate vicinity.
Into the Statio was built the Diaconia, founded be
fore the sixth century. This was enlarged and en
riched by Hadrian I in the eighth century and given
to the Greek refugee community, hence the names De
Schola Graeca, commonly used in the Middle Ages,
and Cosmedin.
HCh 3272 8 ; G. B. Giovenale, L a basilica d i S.
M aria in C osm ed in (Rome 1927), especially 3 3 4 -
5 0 ; Lugli 1946, 5 8 5 - 8 7 ; Nash 2 .3 9 1 -9 4 .
Statio Aquarum: see Lacus Iuturnae.
Stationes M unicipiorum : mentioned only by Pliny
(HN 16.236) in connection with the remarkable ex
tent of the spread of the roots of a lotus tree, but
evidently the headquarters of towns doing business
with the Roman senate. They must be especially
some of the ta bern ae along the southwest side of the
Forum Iulium, probably both those opening on the
forum itself and those above them opening on
the Clivus Argentarius. Because we now know that
the Forum Iulium was intended to accommodate the
expanded business of the senate, these tabernae were
probably intended for this purpose from the begin
ning, but whether they were assigned for extended
periods or only on short term is not known. Sueton
ius (N ero 37.1) suggests that such space was very
limited and its assignment, vigorously competed for
and jealously guarded, was the prerogative of the
central government. Later the station es seem to have
multiplied in number and to have been installed
wherever adequate space could be found around the
forum. These stationes were then more or less per
manent, and inscriptions have been found identify
ing, among others, those of Claudiopolis (Tiberias)
(.B u llC om 2 7 [1899]: 2 4 2 - 4 3 [L. Cantarelli], 28
[1900]: 1 2 4 -3 4 [G. Gatti]; R m M itt 17 [1902]: 11
[C. Hlsen], 2 0 [1905]: 9 -1 0 [C. Hlsen]; IG U R
82); Tarsus (IG 1 4 .1 0 6 4 , 1 0 6 6 ; IG U R 79), Sar
dis {IG 1 4 .1 0 0 8 ; IG U R 8 5 -8 7 ), Sabratha (AE
1 9 3 4 .1 4 6 ); and Noricum (C IL 6 .2 5 0 = IL S 3675).
Whereas all of Noricum seems to have been able to
make do with a single statio, Tarsus, which required
a separate statio of its own, seems to have found
space on the Sacra Via across from the Tempio del
Divo Romolo and embellished its faade with a
handsome marble lintel properly inscribed in the
Greek alphabet.
Lugli 1946, 1 6 4 ; A then aeu m 36 (1958): 1 0 6 -1 6
(L. M oretti); Nash 2 .3 9 8 ; Anderson 5 2 -5 4 .

Stationes Vigilum: see Cohones Vigilum,
Stationes.
Statua, Signum, Equus, Colossus: The various
terms for statuary overlap in usage and could be ex
tended by the addition of others, such as effigies and
sim ulacrum . Statua, however, is used by Pliny and
our other sources especially for honorary statues
erected to men and women either in their lifetime or
after death. Here the Statua Marsyae and Statua
Tiberis are exceptional. The Marsyas of Rome is
simply called Marsyas in our earliest literary sources,
but it is called statua by Acron (ad Hor. Sat.
1.6.120), and those in other cities are sometimes
called statua in inscriptions (C IL 8 .4 2 1 9, 16417).
That in Rome is only once called signum (Porphyrion
a d Hor. Sat. 1 .6 .120); it is therefore called statua
here. The statue of the Tiber is called simply Tiberis
in the Einsiedeln itinerary and probably should be
called signum, but here I have thought it best to fol
low tradition.
Signum is used for statuary generally, including
equestrian, heroic, and colossal figures. It is used of
pedimental sculpture and the effigies of divinities.
Here, therefore, it is used of cult figures.
E quus is used for most equestrian statues, but the
statue of Cloelia seems always to have been called
statua equestris; I have therefore accepred this ter
minology.
A colossu s is any statue of a human being of more
than one and one-half times life size. These were very
rare in antiquity. The Equus Domitiani is often de
scribed as a colossus, but seems to have been only
heroic in scale. Had it been colossal, one would have
seen little but the horse.
Statua Antonii M usae: a statue of the physician
credited with curing Augustus of dangerous illness,
erected by public subscription next to the statue of
Aesculapius on the Tiber island (Suetonius, Aug. 59).
Statua Atti Navii: the statue of Attus Navius
erected on the place in the Comitium where he had
cut the whetstone with a razor to prove the validity
of augury to Tarquinius Priscus (Livy 1 .3 6 .3 5;
Dion. Hal. 3.71). This was to the left of the Curia on
the steps of the Comitium near the Ficus Ruminalis.
The razor and whetstone were believed to be buried
under a puteal close by. The statue was of bronze,
somewhat smaller than life size, and showed the au
gur capite velato. Dionysius says the statue was still
standing in his time, but after the beginning of con
struction of the Curia Iulia (q.v.) in 4 4 B .C . the cavea
of the Comitium must have been largely dismantled
and the monuments of the Comitium removed for
safekeeping. Livy speaks of the statue in the past
ST A T U A C L O E L IA E
tense, although he seems to have precise knowledge
of it, and Pliny (H N 34.21) says that the base of the
statue burned in the burning of the Curia at the fu
neral of P. Clodius, which seems not unlikely. Be
cause Pliny mentions only the base, we may presume
the statue had been removed earlier, perhaps in 80
B .C ., when Sulla enlarged the Curia and removed the
statues of Pythagoras and Alcibiades (Pliny, H N
3 4 .2 6 ). These cannot have been wantonly destroyed,
because they were sacred dedications in a templum,
but we do not know what was done with them.
Statua L. Bruti: a statue of the liberator of Rome
from monarchy and first consul that stood on the
Capitoline in company with the statues of the seven
kings (Pliny, H N 3 3 .9 ; Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 5 .3 4). Later
a statue of Julius Caesar was added to the line in 45
B .C . The date of the erection of this group is very
uncertain, but is probably early; Pliny (H N 34.29)
believed the kings themselves set up the statues. See
Statuae Regum Romanorum.
Statua Cloeliae: an equestrian statue of Cloelia, the
Roman hostage who escaped from the camp of Lars
Porsenna by swimming the Tiber and who, when re
stored to Porsenna on his demanding it, was
awarded singular honors for bravery, including a
share of the other hostages (Livy 2 .1 3 .6 -1 1 ; Servius
a d Aen. 8.646). The statue is variously said to have
been erected by the state (Livy, 2 .1 3 .6 -1 1 ; Servius
a d Aen. 8.646), by the hostages (Piso ap. Plin. H N
3 4 .2 9 ), and by the parents of the hostages (Dion.
Hal. 5.3 5 .2 ). It stood in su m m a Sacra Via opposite
the Temple of Iuppiter Stator in vestibu lo Superbi
d om u s (Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 9 ); the last is probably a
simple confusion of Tarquinius Superbus, whose
house was on the Oppius, with Tarquinius Priscus,
whose house was at Porta Mugonia (Livy 1 .4 1 .4 ; So-
linus 1.24). This would place the statue on the north
east side of the Clivus Palatinus. According to Dio
nysius (5.35.2), the statue no longer existed in his
time, being said to have been destroyed in a fire, but
Seneca (Marc. 16.2) and Servius (ad Aen. 8.646) are
explicit that the statue was still in existence in their
day, so it must have been restored or replaced early
in the first century. Pliny preserves the information
that a certain Annius Fetialis, otherwise unknown,
asserted that this statue was not of Cloelia, but of
Valeria, the daughter of the consul Publicola, and
that she was the only one of the hostages to escape.
The honor of an equestrian statue was extraordi
nary, and Servius explained it as the Romans re
sponse to the request of Porsenna that she should be
awarded something virile in recognition of her cour
age. The suggestion is that she was shown mounted
astride, like an Amazon, rather than riding side
369
ST A T U A H E R M O D O R I
saddle, like the Nereids, but our sources are not ex
plicit on this point.
Statua H erm odori: a statue of Hermodorus of
Ephesus in the Comitium, erected at public expense.
He was credited with being the interpreter of the
Laws of the Twelve Tables (Pliny, H N 34.21) or the
assistant of the decemvirs in the framing of the Laws
of the Twelve Tables, presumably as an authority on
the laws of Greek cities on which these were modeled
(Dig. 1 .2 .2 .4 [Pomponius]). Because the law was
posted on the rostra of the Comitium, and it was
here that the praetor urbanus established his tribu
nal, the location was an appropriate one. Although
our sources are not more precise about the location
of the statue, the rostra would have accommodated
such a statue most easily, as the Rostra Augusti did
later.
Statua H oratii Coclitis: a statue of the hero of the
defense of the Pons Sublicius against the army of
Lars Porsenna, originally set up in the Comitium.
After the statue was struck by lightning, Etruscan ha-
ruspices called in to advise on proper expiation of
the prodigy duplicitously recommended that it be
moved to a lower place where surrounding buildings
would cut it off from ever being illuminated by the
sun. When they were exposed and punished for their
treachery, an opposite course was indicated, and the
statue was moved to a higher position on the Area
Volcani (A. Gellius 4.5). The probability is that the
statue originally stood at the top of the cavea of the
Comitium, either on the rostra or, more likely, in
the space in the corners behind the ring of steps on
the south side, where it would be most exposed, and
that it was first moved to the floor of the Comitium
on the south side, simply down from the top of the
cavea to the bottom, kept within the templum where
it had been dedicated. When it became known that
the statue must be moved to a higher position, the
Romans chose the nearest templum higher than its
original location. According to Pliny (H N 34.22),
the statue was still in existence in his day.
Statua (Loricata) Divi Iulii: a statue of Julius Cae
sar in the vicinity of which (conceivably to its base,
but more likely to a nearby column) was ordered af
fixed a bronze tablet listing the honors that the sen
ate voted to Pallas, the freedman of Claudius (Pliny,
Epist. 8.6.13). This is almost certainly the statue that
Caesar allowed to be dedicated to him in his forum
during his lifetime (Pliny, H N 3 4 .1 8 ), presumably
somewhere in the open square. Because the Forum
Iulium served especially the purposes of the senate,
in many ways an extension of the curia, this would
have been a fitting location.
370
Statua M am uri: listed by the regionary catalogues
in Regio VI, in the N otitia between the Capitolium
Antiquum and Templum Dei Quirini, in the Cu-
riosum between the Thermae Constantinianae and
Templum Dei Quirini; both lists suggest that it stood
somewhere along Alta Semita not far from the
Temple of Quirinus, possibly in conjunction with the
Curia Saliorum Collinorum. The location of this
curia is unknown, but, because the Salii were priests
of M ars, they might well be associated with Quiri
nus. A Clivus Mamuri (q.v.) mentioned in medieval
documents almost certainly took its name from this
statue, which is indication that it stood fairly inde
pendent of other buildings. Because Mamurius Ve-
turius was a legendary bronze smith of the time of
Numa, before the use of statuary of any sort in
Rome, his statue must have been the dedication of
someone, or some company like the Salii, especially
devoted to him in later times. It is impossible to as
sign it a date, but it is probably late, possibly very
late.
Statua M arci Aurelii: see Equus M arci Aurelii.
Statua Q. M arcii Regis: see Basis Q. M arcii
Regis.
Statua Q. M arcii Tremuli: see Equus Tremuli.
Statua M arsyae: a statue of the Phrygian satyr that
stood in close conjunction with the Rostra Caesaris
(Horace, Sat. 1 .6 .1 2 0 and schol. ad loc.) and Rostra
Augusti (Seneca, Ben. 6 .3 2 .1 ), possibly at one time
even on the Rostra Caesaris (pseudo-Acron a d Hor.
E p o d . 5 .1 0 0 ), and was intimately associated with the
Tribunal Praetoris Urbani. It is shown on coins of L.
Marcius Censorinus of ca. 82 B .C . (B. M. Coins,
R om . R ep. 1.338 nos. 2 6 5 7 -5 9 and pi. 4 0 nos. 3 - 4 ;
Crawford 363) and on the Plutei Traiani (q.v.). It
was a somewhat grotesque figure, a little smaller
than life size, nude except for slippers, carrying a full
wineskin on the left shoulder, the neck of which he
squeezed with his left hand. The legs were slightly
bent, the bearded head was thrown back, and the
right arm and hand were lifted high in a gesture of
uncertain import. On the coins he stands in front of
a slender column that carries a draped figure vari
ously thought to be Minerva or Victoria, possibly
Libertas. On the Plutei he stands on a plinth in front
of an artificial (bronze?) fig tree mounted on a plinth
of its own. The location of these in the Forum Ro-
manum depends on our reading of the other build
ings shown on the Plutei, but it is clear that they are
not in close association with any rostra; a place in,
or near, the Lacus Curtius (q.v.) seems likeliest. The
tree has generally been identified as the Ficus Rumi-

nalis (q.v.) of the Comitium, or the fig of the Ficus,
Olea, Vitis group (q.v.), but is unlikely to be either,
because it is clearly artificial.
The statue of Marsyas came to be the symbol of
libertas, and in the civitates liberae of the empire a
statue of Marsyas was regularly set up in the forum
in witness of this (Servius a d Aen, 3 .2 0 , 4 .5 8 ; C IL
8.4219 = IL S 6849, 16417, 27 7 7 1 ). Such a Marsyas
has been found at Paestum, unfortunately out of
context, a bronze figure about half life size, similar
to, but probably not a close copy of, the Roman
Marsyas. On the basis of this evidence, M . Torelli
has persuasively argued that the Marsyas in Rome
was originally set up by C. Marcius Rutilus Censo-
rinus, the first plebeian to become pontifex and au
gur (300 B .C .) , and, with his father or grandfather,
one of the first plebeians to become censor (294 and
265 B .C .) . Because C. and Q. Ogulnius, curule ae-
diles of plebeian origin, had put a group of the she-
wolf nursing Romulus and Remus under the Ficus
Ruminalis in 296 B .C . (Livy 10 .2 3 .1 2 ), the first cen
sorship of Censorinus seems an appropriate time for
the dedication of the Marsyas, probably in the Com
itium, along with other statues dedicated there, and
close to the Tribunal Praetoris. Thereafter, the
Marsyas moved with the tribunal from rostra to ros
tra until sometime late in the first century, when it
found a place somewhere in the middle of the forum.
The Marsyas was apparently regularly garlanded
with flowers. On one occasion a certain P. Munatius
was jailed for stealing these to crown himself (Pliny,
H N 2 1 .8 -9 ) , so the statue must have been regarded
as sacred, and Augustus publicly deplored that his
daughter Julia crowned the satyr during her noctur
nal revels, so the gesture must have had ulterior sig
nificance.
Nash 2 .3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; M . Torelli, T ypology an d Struc
ture o f R om an H istorical R eliefs (Ann Arbor, Mich.
1982), 89118, especially 98106; F. Coarelli 1985,
9 1 -1 1 9 .
Statua M inucii: see Columna Minucia.
Statua O ctaviani: an equestrian statue on the ros
tra voted to Octavian by the senate in 43 B .C . and
still to be seen there in Velleiuss day (2.61.3). This
may be the same statue that Tacitus speaks of ellip-
tically (Ann. 4.67) as celeb errim o fori.
Statua Planci: a statue mentioned in two inscrip
tions (C IL 6.9673 = IL S 760 5 , 10023), almost cer
tainly in Vicus Longus. See Diana Planciana, Aedes.
Statua Pompeii (1): an equestrian statue of Pompey
on the rostra smashed, together with that of Sulla,
by the plebs in 49 B .C . and later restored by Julius
ST A T U A T IB E R I S
Caesar (Suetonius, Iul. 7 5 .4 ; Cass. Dio 4 2 .1 8 .2 ,
43 .4 9 .1 ).
Statua Pompeii (2): a statue of Pompey in the curia
that was part of the complex of the Theatrum and
Porticus Pompeii, at the foot of which Caesar was
murdered (Plutarch, C aes. 66.7).
Statua Salonini Gallieni: a statue of the younger
Gallienus that stood in p e d e M ontis R om ulei, h o c est
ante Sacram Viam inter Tem plum Faustinae \adven-
tam f a d A rcum F abian u m (S. H. A. G allien. 19.4).
For adven tam Jordan suggested a c Vestam, but
something else seems necessary. The description sug
gests that the Velia came for a time to be called Mons
Romuleius from the Tempio del Divo Romolo (see
Romulus, Divus, Templum) on its slope, but more
likely it is the Palatine that is meant.
Statua Semonis Sanci: see Semo Sancus, Statua.
Statua Sullae: an equestrian statue of Sulla shown
on coins of ca. 80 B .C . (B . M. C oins, R om . Rep.
2.463 no. 16 = Crawford 381). It was gilded (Cicero,
Phil. 9 .1 3 ; Appian, B ellC iv 1.97) and stood in rostris
(Suetonius, Iul. 7 5 .4 ; Cass. Dio 4 2 .1 8 .2 , 4 3 .4 9 .1 ),
although Appian puts it in front of the rostra. The
plebs smashed the statue following the downfall of
Pompey, of whom there was a counterpart statue,
but Caesar later restored it when he moved the rostra
to the northwest end of the forum (Suetonius, Iul.
7 5 .4 ; Cass. Dio 4 2 .1 8 .2 , 4 3 .4 9 .1 ). As shown
on coins, the statue wore a laurel crown and sagum
and lifted its right hand in a gesture of salutation.
Another statue of Sulla with an inscription like
the legend of the coins was erected in the Vicus
Laci Fundani (C IL l 2.721 = 6 .1 2 9 7 = IL S 872 =
IL L R P 352).
Statua Taraciae Gaiae: a statue voted to a Vestal
Virgin of Numas day, to be erected in a place of her
choosing, in return for her present of the Campus
Tiberinus (q.v.) to the Roman people. We do not
know where the statue stood; Pliny (H N 34.25),
who is our only source for the statue, lists it after
those on the rostra and among those in the Forum
Romanum and Comitium, but it may even have been
on the island, where the cult of Tiberinus (q.v.) had
its center. See also Gaia.
Statua Tiberis: mentioned in the Einsiedeln itiner
ary (1.6, 7 .9 ; Jordan 2 .6 4 7 , 655) between the Forum
of Trajan and the Arch of Septimius Severus and gen
erally believed to be the river god known as M arforio
that stood near the church of S. M artina and is now
in the Museo Capitolino (Helbig4 2.1 19 3 ).
371
ST A T U A V A L E R IA N A
Statua Valeriana: mentioned in the regionary cat
alogues, listed in Regio XIV. It gave its name to the
Vicus Statuae Valerianae (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073,
31893 = IL S 6072). Granted the great number of
Valerii known in Rome (the original articles on the
gens in PW run to 4 1 1 ), this is not likely to have been
simply a portrait. A bronze equestrian statue that
most people claimed represented Cloelia, but Annius
Fetialis asserted to be Valeria, daughter of Valerius
Poplicola, stood in su m m a Sacra Via near the Temple
of Iuppiter Stator (Dion. Hal. 5 .3 5 .2 ; Livy 2 .1 3 .1 1 ;
Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 9 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 1 8 .2 -1 9 .5 , D e
Mul. Vir. 14). Dionysius says that this statue had
been destroyed by a fire before his time, but it seems
possible that the Statua Valeriana was a replacement
for it erected by members of the Gens Valeria at the
point in the Transtiberim from which Cloelia/Valeria
was supposed to have begun her flight to freedom. If
so, it was probably on the right bank of the Tiber a
little below the island.
Statua Valerii Corvi: a statue of M . Valerius Cor-
vus, one of the triumphators in the Forum Augus-
tum, with the raven on his head (A. Gellius 9.11.10).
Statuae Cinciae: see Sepulcrum Cinciorum.
Statuae in Rostris: honorary statues erected in
honor of those who had perished while on missions
on behalf of the state. Pliny (HN 3 4 .2 3 24) lists the
following: Tullius Cloelius, L. Roscius, Sp. Nautius,
and C. Fulcinius, the four ambassadors murdered by
the Fidenates in 438 B .C .; P. Iunius and Ti. Corun-
canius, killed by Teuta, queen of the Illyrians, in 230
B .C .; and Cn. Octavius, killed while on an embassy
to Antiochus IV in 162 B .C . All these were three-foot,
or half-life-size, statues, and Pliny speaks of them as
still existing in his day. To these should be added the
equestrian statues of Sulla, Pompey, Julius Caesar,
and Octavian, voted by the senate for other reasons
(Veil. Pat. 2 .6 1 .2 -3 ), and that of Ser. Sulpicius Ru
fus, who died while on a mission to Antony in 43
B .C . (Cicero, Phil. 9 .7 ; Dig. 1.2.2.43 [Pomponius]),
the last still on view in the time of Hadrian.
Statuae Regum Rom anorum : statues of the seven
kings of Rome, including Titus Tatius and presum
ably excluding Tarquinius Superbus, plus an eighth
of L. Brutus, the founder of the republic, and even
tually a ninth of Julius Caesar (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 5 .3 -
4), set up in the Area Capitolina. The statues of
Romulus and Titus Tatius showed them wearing the
toga sin e tunica, while the only ones wearing rings
were those of Numa Pompilius and Servius Tullius
(Asconius in Cic. Scaur. 25 [Stangl 2 9]; Pliny, H N
3 3 .9 -1 0 and 2 4 , 3 4 .2 2 -2 3 ). These stood by one of
372
the entrances to the Area Capitolina (Appian,
B ellC iv 1.16), probably near the top of the Centum
Gradus (q.v.) at the southwest corner of the hill.
Pliny (HN 34.22) thought some of these might be
older than the time of Tarquinius Priscus, but prob
ably they belonged at the earliest to the last years of
the monarchy and first years of the republic, while
Rome was still under Etruscan influence. They were
probably all of the three-foot or half-life size Pliny
says (HN 34.24) was used for early honorific statues,
but they evidently stood on individual bases, because
a military diploma (C IL 16.24) specifies that it is dis
played in basi Pom pil(i).
Statuae Romuli et Titi Tatii: statues of Romulus
and Titus Tatius performing the sacrifice of a pig to
seal the treaty between them at the conclusion of the
war over the Sabine women (Servius a d Aen. 8.641)
that stood on the Sacra Via. Romulus was to the
southeast (a p arte Palatii), and Titus Tatius was to
the northwest (venientibus a rostris). This suggests
that they stood on the southwest side of the Sacra
Via, somewhere between the Regia and the Basilica
Constantini. This is to some extent confirmed by
Dionysius (2.4 6 .3 ), who says Romulus and Titus Ta
tius erected altars to confirm their treaty and oaths
midway along the Sacra Via (and cf. Festus 372L ),
whereas Plutarch (R om . 19.7) says the treaty was
struck in the Comitium.
Statuae Stilichonis: Numerous statues were voted
to this immensely brilliant and successful com
mander under Honorius, Arcadius, and Theodosius,
including one on the Rostra Augusti. Parts of the
bases of three of these have come to light in the
Forum Romanum, beginning with one found in
1539 near the Arch of Septimius Severus, but only
one still remains there today, a block of marble that
was originally the base of an equestrian statue, but
upended and recut with an inscription recording the
honors awarded Stilicho, especially for his victory
over the Goths in northern Italy in a . d . 4 0 3 . His
name was erased from the inscription after his dis
grace and murder in 4 0 8 . See C IL 6 .1 7 3 0 = /L5
1277, 1731 = IL S 1278, 3 1 9 8 8 .
Lugli 1946, 1 7 1 ; Nash 2 .4 0 1 .
Statuae Trium Fatorum : see Tria Fata.
Stimula: see Lucus Stimulae.
Strenia, Sacellum: a shrine on the Carinae at the
point where the Sacra Via originated (Varro, Ling.
5.47). From it sacra were carried every month on the
Ides to the arx (Festus 372L ), and Symmachus (Ep-
ist. 10.15 [28, 35]) says that at the new year ver-

benae from an a r b o r felix were taken from the Lucus
Streniae to the new consuls (earlier the king) as aus
pices for the new year. Lydus (Mens. 4.4) specifies
that these were laurel. These were called strenae, a
term that later came to mean a new years present of
any sort, but especially money (Suetonius, Aug. 57.1,
Tib. 34.2, Calig. 42). Augustine (D e civ. D. 4.16)
says Strenia was a goddess who made one strenuus,
but she must have had a more extensive province.
Roscher (2.227 [R. Peter]) lists her among the Indi-
gites. If the sacellum and the lucus were identical or
adjacent, as seems probable, the shrine may still have
been of very small physical extent.
Sub N ovis: see Tabernae Circum Forum.
Sub Veteribus: see Tabernae Circum Forum.
Subager: see Campus Viminalis.
Subura (1): an area below the Murus Terreus (q.v.)
of the Carinae (Varro, Ling. 5.48) and possibly the
whole valley between the Oppius and the Caelian. It
gave its name to one of the four urban tribes, the
Suburana, so it must have been of some importance
in the early city and relatively populous at that time.
Antiquarians connected the name of the tribe with
the Pagus Succusanus, but this was probably because
the name of the tribe was abbreviated SVC. The ab
breviation seems to have been simply a convention,
like COS, because SVB would be apt to be mistaken
for the preposition. The Pagus Succusanus (q.v.)
seems to have been a village (or a military outpost)
of uncertain location, but beyond the limits of the
ancient city. Because it is said to have come to the aid
of the residents on the Esquiline whenever the Ga-
bines threatened (Verrius Flaccus ap. Fest. 402L ), we
are encouraged to put it in the neighborhood of the
Amphitheatrum Castrense and Sessorium, but there
is no proof. For the emendation of Subura to
Suc(c)usa there are no grounds at all. This designa
tion seems to have fallen into desuetude before the
ascendancy of Subura (2).
TAPA 108 (1978): 1 4 7 -5 4 (J. P. Poe); O p R om 15
(1985): 5 5 - 6 5 (H. Erkell); E ran os 85 (1987): 115
22 (A. Fridh).
Subura (2): the valley between the southern end of
the Viminal and the western slope of the Esquiline,
and perhaps also, or especially, the artery through it
connected to the Forum Romanum by the Argiletum,
regarded as the heart of Rome (cf. Martial 12.21.5).
Between the Oppius and the Cispian this artery ran
east as the Clivus Suburanus to the Porta Esquilina
(Arcus Gallieni). For M artial early in his career
(1 .2 .7 -8 , 1.3.1, 1 .1 1 7 .8 -1 1 , 2.1 7 ), the Argiletum
SU M M A N U S, A ED ES
still existed, despite the construction of the Forum
Nervae (Transitorium), but he is the last to mention
it. Presumably the part of it that was not absorbed
into the Forum Nervae, perhaps the stretch west of
its juncture with the Vicus Cuprius, was small and
soon identified with the Subura. Ancient explana
tions of the name Subura are clearly fanciful, if not
preposterous, and we have no knowledge of its true
derivation.
This was one of the most populous and active dis
tricts of Rome, busy, noisy, dirty, and wet (Juvenal
1 1 .5 1 ; M artial 5 .2 2 .5 -9 , 12.18.2). Every sort of
provisioning and small artisans workshop seems to
have found a place here (Martial 7 .3 1 , 9.37,
1 0 .9 4 .5 6; Juvenal 1 1 .1 4 1 ; C IL 6 .1 9 5 3 , 9 2 8 4 = ILS
7 5 4 7 , 9 3 9 9 , 9 4 9 1 = IL S 7 5 5 6 , 95 2 6 = IL S 7565,
33 8 6 2 ). It was well provided with brothels (Persius
5 .3 2 ; Martial 2 .1 7 , 6 .6 6 .1 -2 , 1 1 .6 1 .3 , 1 1 .7 8 .1 1 ;
P riapea 40 .1 ). It was also the location of the houses
of many important men, notably Julius Caesar (Sue
tonius, Iul. 4 6 ; cf. M artial 1 2 .3 .9 10, 12.21.5).
There was also a synagogue here (N Sc 1920, 1 4 7 -5 1
[R. Paribeni]; B u llC om 5 0 [1922]: 2 0 9 -1 2 [B.
M anna]).
For Martial (2.17.1) there were p rim ae fau ces
Suburae, and in medieval times there was a caput
Suburae (S. Lucia in Orfea, in Silice, was also in ca-
pite Suburae; see HCh 3 0 6 , 595). The latter might
refer to the head of the valley; the former might refer
to the main street through the valley, which seems
sometimes to have been divided into a Subura M aior
(CIL 6 .9 5 2 6 = IL S 7565) and a Subura Minor. These
might be the valley between the Oppius and Viminal
(Maior) and the valley between the Oppius and Cis
pian (Minor). See Lanciani, LFUR sheet 22.
Suc(c)usa: see Subura (1) and Pagus
Succusanus.
Suggestus: see R ostra, Suggestus, Tribunal.
Summanus, Aedes (Templum, Ovid): a temple ad
Circum M axim u m built during the war with Pyrrhus
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 3 1 -3 2 ), possibly put on the Aventine
slope beyond the pomerium because of the nature of
the divinity, whose province was the night lightning
(Vitruvius 1.7.1). It was very probably built because
the terracotta statue of Summanus in the pediment
of the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capi-
tolinus was struck by lightning and its head thrown
into the Tiber (Cicero, Div. 1.16; Livy, Epit. 14). The
Temple of Summanus was also struck by lightning in
197 B .C . (Livy 3 2 .2 9 .1 ). The day of dedication was
20 June (Ovid, Fast. 6 .7 3 1 -3 2 ; Fast. Esquil., Venus.,
Amit.; Degrassi 47 2 ). It may have been still standing
in the fourth century and by misunderstanding of the
373
SU M M U M C H O R A G IU M
name have been listed in the regionary catalogues as
a Temple of Dis Pater (see Dis Pater, Aedes). No re
mains of it are known.
Sum m um C h o ra g iu m : the storehouse for machin
ery, costumes, and apparatus for public shows and
spectacles (Paulus ex Fest. 45L : choragiu m , instru-
m entum scaen aru m ; cf. Plautus, ('.apt. 61). It is listed
by the regionary catalogues in Regio III and, thanks
to the find of an inscribed altar (C IL 6 .7 7 6 = 1LS
3 7 2 7 ; cf. 3 0 8 2 9 ), located between the Baths of Tra
jan and the church of S. Clemente. A fragment of the
Marble Plan originally showed a vicus] summi
c h [ o r a g i , a street flanked on one side by a colon
naded courtyard surrounded by rooms turned in
ward and on the other by an arcade lined with rooms
also turned away from the street (FUR pis. 10.1 and
15.3; Rodriguez pi. 1.3). Neither looks very appro
priate for the Summum Choragium. This vicus was
presumably a spur of the Via Labicana leading up
toward the Oppius, but everything connected with
the Summum Choragium is fraught with problems.
It ought to have been an important building, because
there are numerous inscriptions attesting to the im
portance of the operation and its administration, es
pecially the procurator (C IL 6 .2 9 7 = IL S 1767,
8950 = IL S 1771, 10083 = IL S 1768, 1 0084, 10085
= IL S 1770, 1 0 0 8 6 = IL S 1769, 10087). These in
374
scriptions show that imperial freedmen and slaves
ran it. Apollodorus of Damascus is said to have crit
icized the plans for the Temple of Venus et Roma on
the grounds that Hadrian should have set it in a
higher position and lifted it up on vaults, so that its
base might be used for the storage and construction
of machines for the amphitheater, which having been
built in secret could then be produced to the great
astonishment of the crowd (Cass. Dio 69 .4 .4 ). It
does not follow that the Summum Choragium did
not exist before the time of Hadrian; it surely must
have been necessary as soon as the Colosseum was
dedicated, if not considerably earlier. So perhaps we
may take Apollodoruss criticism as evidence that it
stood farther from the Colosseum than the Temple
of Venus et Roma did. A position north of Via La
bicana under the lee of the Baths of Trajan is indi
cated.
Syracusae et Technyphion: a secluded place in an
upper storey of the house of Augustus to which he
was accustomed to withdraw when he had work that
he wished to pursue in private or without interrup
tion (Suetonius, Aug. 72.2). This he called Syracusae
et techn yphion . The second term means little work
shop, and the first probably refers to the isolation
of the island of Ortygia, which made it easy to de
fend. This was a private joke, not a toponym.
Tabernae Argentariae: see Tabernae Circum
Forum.
Tabernae Circum Forum : at first the shops built
around the periphery of the open square of the
Forum Romanum, when it became a marketplace,
ascribed by tradition to Tarquinius Priscus. These
were apparently thought of as built in rows of units
of more or less uniform size fronting on porticoes
that sheltered the shoppers (Livy 1 .3 5 .1 0 ; Dion. Hal.
3.6 7.4). They were on public ground and belonged
to the state, but could be leased (Dig. 18.1.32 [Ul-
pian]). At first they housed merchants of any sort,
apparently especially butchers, and came to be called
tabern ae lanienae, but before 3 1 0 B .C . the butchers
had been confined to the southwest side and its vicin
ity, while the northeast side was taken over largely
by bankers and brokers (Varro ap. N on . 853L ; Livy
9 .4 0.16). In 310 gilded shields were distributed
among the d om in i argentarioru m to ornament their
shops during a triumph. In 2 1 0 the shops known as
the Septem and the Argentariae burned (Livy
2 6 .27.2). The next year the Septem were rebuilt as
the Quinque (Livy 2 7 .1 1 .1 6 ). The Argentariae were
eventually replaced by the Novae, which were appar
ently also occasionally called Plebeiae, having been
built by the plebeian aediles M . Iunius Brutus and L.
Oppius Salinator in 193 B .C . (Festus 2 58L ; cf.
Broughton, M R R 1.347). Usually they are called Ar
gentariae Novae (Livy 4 0 .5 1 .5 ) or Novae (Livy
3.4 8.5). The earliest reference to Veteres is in Plautus
(Cure. 480), and thereafter N o v a e or su b N ovis
(Varro, Ling. 6 .5 9 ; Cicero, D e Or. 2.2 6 6 ) came to be
regularly used to designate the northeast side of the
forum in front of the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia (cf.
Livy 3 .4 8 .5 , 4 0 .5 1 .5 ), and Veteres or sub Veteribus
to designate the southwest side between the Cloaca
and the Vicus Iugarius (Livy 4 4 .1 6 .1 0 ; Cicero, A cad.
2 .7 0 ; Pliny, H N 3 5 .2 5 and 113). Although the con
struction of the Macellum antedates the fire of 210
(Livy 2 7 .1 1 .1 6 ), some of the shops on the southwest
side of the forum were still called lan ien ae in 169.
The Veteres survived as late as the time of Cicero
(Acad. 2 .7 0 ), but in the construction of the Basilica
Iulia their removal to a place on the southwest side
of that building effectually eliminated them as a
separate entity. The Novae continued to exist in
front of the Basilica Paulli, but so splendidly trans
formed by the portico in front of them as to be
hardly recognizable.
The Tabernae Septem that burned in 2 1 0 and were
rebuilt the following year as Tabernae Quinque are
distinguished by Livy from the Tabernae Novae.
W hat burned in the fire of 2 1 0 was the northeast side
of the forum from the Lautumiae (q.v.) on the slope
of the Capitoline to the Atrium Regium ( = Regia?),
the Temple of Vesta barely escaping (Livy 2 6 .2 7 .1 -
5), and the area to the northeast, including the
Forum Piscarium. No mention is made of the Comi-
tium and Curia, which clearly escaped. We can lo
cate the Tabernae Septem on one of the streets lead
ing into the forum, the Argiletum and Corneta, at the
east end of the forum, or as a continuation of the
Argentariae northwest of the Cloaca, but separated
from them by it. Because they were the first to be
rebuilt, they must have had considerable importance.
Lugli (Lugli 1946, 7 4 -7 5 ) would put them along the
southeast side of the Argiletum along the flank of the
Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia, but Carettonis excavation
of the basilica (NSc 1948, 1 1 1 -2 8 ) shows insuffi
cient room for them between the northwest columns
of the basilica and the street, and they must have sur
vived until late republican times. It seems more likely
that they continued the line of the Argentariae.
Above the tabernae were cantilevered galleries
from which spectators could view the ceremonies
and games staged in the forum. These were called
m aen ian a after a certain Maenius, who is credited
TABERN A E D ECEM
with having built the first one (Festus 120L). This is
unlikely to be C. Maenius, the victorious consul of
the Battle of Antium in 338 B .C ., because such so
phisticated engineering seems unlikely to have been
understood in the fourth century, or indeed before
the second. However, maeniana became a standard
feature of Italian towns (Vitruvius 5 .1 .2 ; Isidore,
Orig. 15.3.11) and were regarded as one of the
amenities for those seeking shelter from the summer
sun, as well as for spectators (Cicero, A cad. 2.70).
Pliny (H N 35 .1 1 3 ) quotes Varro about a painting by
Serapio, an artist famous for his stage designs, that
covered om n ia m aen ian a on the southwest side of
the Forum Romanum. We should probably think of
this as a long panorama on the faade of the building
behind the maeniana proper (a second storey of
shops, perhaps?).
Tabernae Decem: see Decem Tabernae.
Tabernae Quinque, Septem: see Tabernae
Circum Forum.
Tabula Sestia (Sextia): a place in, or near, the
Forum Romanum where litigants and their support
ers gathered to settle debts owing from the termina
tion of partnerships (Cicero, Q uinct. 25), therefore
either the tribunal of the praetor urbanus in the
Comitium or an office of the praetor urbanus where
the preliminaries to a trial were handled. Because a
large part of the Licinio-Sextian laws of the fourth
century dealt with debt and its regulation, it may be
that a tabu la with their provisions was an important
part of the Edictum Perpetuum of the praetor and
regularly consulted, and that this is what is meant.
However, it cannot be excluded that the tabula in
question was a picture, because we know that there
were pictures on display in the forum, in which case
it is likely to have been displayed on the faade of the
Curia behind the tribunal of the praetor urbanus and
to have shown the exploits of a Sextius, possibly L.
Sextius Calvinus, founder of Aquae Sextiae in 122
b . c . (so Pocock on Cicero, In Vatin. 18082). But if
a picture is meant, it must have hung on the Curia a
comparatively short time, only in the years around
81, when Cicero delivered the Pro Q uinctio, and it is
impossible to find a suitable Sextius or Sestius with
whom to connect it.
Tabula Valeria: a picture representing the battle in
which M . Valerius Maximus Messala defeated the
Carthaginians and Hiero, which was hung on the
flank of the Curia Hostilia in 2 6 4 b . c . (Pliny, H N
35.22). This was the first such picture to be displayed
in Rome. It is twice mentioned in Cicero, once in a
376
letter to Terentia during his exile in 58 (F a m . 14.2.2)
in which he laments that she has been subjected to
the humiliation of being escorted from the Temple of
Vesta to the Tabula Valeria, and once in his attack
on Vatinius (In Vatin. 21) when he uses it as a met
aphor for the headquarters of the tribuni plebis. Plu
tarch (C ato Min. 5.1) tells us that the tribunes were
accustomed to transact their business in the Basilica
Porcia. Because the Basilica Porcia (q.v.) stood just
west of the Curia Hostilia and was evidently a com
paratively small building, we may presume either
that when it was built the Tabula Valeria was moved
into it, because otherwise it would have been to all
intents and purposes hidden by the new building, or
that Plutarch means that the tribunes had their head
quarters adjacent to the basilica, in an ell, as it were,
between the two buildings. Plutarch (C ato Min. 5.1)
says that they wanted to move, or remove, one of the
pillars of the basilica that they regarded as in the way
of their seats and that Cato prevented them from
doing this. This is not apt to have been one of the
central supports of the nave, as those could not have
been tampered with without jeopardizing the stabil
ity of the building, so it was probably one of the pil
lars of an outer aisle. One can imagine a tribunal
fitted into a forward corner here, where the tribunes
could enjoy access to both the Curia and the basilica,
the two having their major axes perpendicular to
each other.
Tabularium (Fig. 19): the record office in which
were filed the official archives of Rome, built, as the
inscription (C IL l 2.736, 73 7 = 6 .1 3 1 3 , 1314 = ILS
35, 35a; IL L R P 3 6 7 , 368) informs us, by Q. Luta-
tius Catulus in his consulship in 78 B .C . The architect
seems to have been an unknown Lucius Cornelius
(R endLinc. ser. 8 .2 6 [1971]: 4149 [G. Molisani]).
It was restored by Claudius in a . d . 46 (C IL 6.916
= 3 1 2 0 1 ), and though it is not mentioned in our lit
erary sources, to it were affixed military diplomata
(C IL 16.35, 159; A E 1 9 7 4 .6 5 5 ). It consists of a
number of distinct parts but served especially to pro
vide a dramatic backdrop to the northwest end of the
Forum Romanum, having a substructure of Gabine
stone (sperone) that runs across the saddle between
the two crests of the Capitoline from the Clivus Cap-
itolinus to the Gradus Monetae and rises in a solid
mass with perceptible batter, broken only by small
windows, from the slope of the hill behind the
Temple of Concordia to the floor of the saddle.
Above this an arcade framed in a Doric engaged or
der connected the two heights of the Capitoline with
a corridor 5 m wide and twice as high, which pro
vided a place from which to view the activity of the
forum. A second storey above this has been generally

assumed, although very few fragments of its archi
tecture survive, and those that exist seem to be Fla
vian in date. Some have even suggested a third storey,
which would make it not unlike the earliest theaters
with freestanding cavea. The faade on the opposite
side has completely disappeared, while those of the
short ends continued the architectural forms of the
forum front. In plan it is essentially trapezoidal, with
a piece taken out of the western corner to accom
modate the Temple of Vediovis.
The interior is very complicated. A long narrow
stair of sixty-six steps carried foot traffic from the
forum to the Capitoline saddle directly, in a single
flight, without communicating with any other part
of the complex in its lower levels. In continuation of
this a second flight beside it seems to have commu
nicated with the second storey of arcading on the
forum side. It is roofed with a barrel vault in a series
of steps, rather than a ramp, a point of great archi
tectural interest. The lowest storey of chambers is
reached by a similarly narrow stair down from the
northeast, but this is in part ramped and roofed with
a ramped segmental vault. It leads to a long corridor
parallel to the forum front and backed by the rock
of the hill, off which open six small chambers, each
lit by a single small window. These are presumed to
have been the archives proper or, better, a small part
thereof. Three larger chambers communicating with
one another in sequence on the floor above along the
northeast side seem to be other archives.
The arcaded walk is another completely indepen
dent part. It has a few small exedras opening behind
it for the convenience of people who might like
to loiter and converse, but it is especially simply a
walk, divided into lofty bays. Behind it was abun
dant space for more archives, but of the develop
ment of this we know virtually nothing. Strangely
enough, our literary sources do not mention the Ta-
bularium.
The construction throughout is concrete faced
with opus quadratum of Gabine stone on the exte
rior and Anio tufa on the interior. Travertine is intro
duced decoratively and at points needing extra
strength. There is some rustication of the base. Seg
mental vaults and flat arches are used tentatively.
The building was used as a storehouse for salt, and
as a result the inner walls have suffered severely from
erosion. Under Pope Boniface IX , the existing tower
and buttresses were added to the southwest side (ca.
1400); under Pope M artin V, the tower at the north
corner (ca. 1427 ); and under Pope Nicholas V, the
tower at the east corner (1453). In the middle of the
sixteenth century Michelangelo destroyed the upper
parts and built the present Palazzo del Senatore on
the ancient foundations.
T A R P E IA R U P E S
Jordan 1 .2 .1 3 5 -5 4 ; Delbriick, H ellen istische Bau-
ten, 1 .2 3 -4 6 ; Lugli 1946, 4 2 - 4 6 ; Nash 2 .4 0 2 -8 .
T aren tu m : a place in the Campus Martius (in ex-
trem o C a m p o M artio, Festus 440L ) close to the T i
ber, where a small volcanic fissure formerly emitted
vapor. The story is told of a Sabine, Valesius, whose
servants discovered here, 2 0 feet below the surface,
an altar inscribed to Dis and Proserpina (Val. M ax.
2 .4 .5 ; Festus 4 7 8 79L ; cf. Ovid, Fast. 1.501). This
led to the belief that it was a point of communication
with the underworld. It is usually mentioned only in
connection with the Ludi Saeculares, when sacrifices
of dark victims were made to Dis and Proserpina
(Censorinus 1 7 .8 ; Livy, E pit. 4 9 ; M artial 4 .1 .8 ,
1 0 .6 3 .3 ; Statius, Silv. 1 .4 .1 8 , 4 .1 .3 8 ; Ausonius
16.34).
Certain coins of Domitian that commemorate the
celebration of the Ludi Saeculares (Mazzini pi. 88
nos. 919 2 ; A n alR om . suppl. 10 [1983]: 48 figs. 1
4) show a libation poured on an altar in front of a
building of curious architecture, seeming to consist
of twin colonnaded loggias surmounted by triangu
lar pediments above an open, but featureless, lower
storey. These are joined by an arch, possibly to be
read as appearing at a greater distance, but it seems
not unlikely that this represents a scaenae frons. A
bearded recumbent figure in the left foreground
probably represents the Tiber. Fragments of inscrip
tions recording celebrations of the Ludi Saeculares
from the time of Augustus to that of Septimius Se-
verus place the Tarentum in a paved square on the
riverbank just northeast of Corso Vittorio Emanuele.
The usual form of the name is Tarentum, but Ter-
entum also occurs, sometimes with a rationalizing et
ymology (Festus 4 7 9 L ; Servius a d Aen. 8.63). No
satisfactory explanation of the name is known. Val
erius Maximus (2.4.5) says that, after three days of
games celebrated for the recovery of his children
from a sickness, Valesius reburied the altar, and re
burial is implicit in some of the explanations of the
name offered (cf., e.g., Ursinuss supplements of Fes
tus 478L ).
QITA 5 (1968): 3 3 - 3 7 (F. Coarelli); La Rocca
1984, 3 5 5 ; A n alR om . suppl. 10 (1983): 4 7 -5 7 (S.
Quilici Gigli).
T a rp eia , A rx : a name found in Augustan poetry
(Vergil, Aen. 8 .6 5 2 ; Propertius 4.4 .2 9 ) for the forti
fied summit of the Capitoline; cf. Tarpeius, Mons.
T arp eia R u p es: From the precipitous cliffs of the
Capitoline, criminals convicted of capital crimes
were thrown to their death (A. Gellius 2 0 .1 .5 3 ; Sen
eca, C ontrov. 1.3 passim; Livy 6 .2 0 .1 2 ; Festus 458L ;
377
T A R P E IU S , M O N S
Tacitus, Ann. 6 .1 9 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 24.6,
66.8). There has been a great deal of dispute as to
precisely where this point, called the Tarpeia Rupes
or Tarpeium Saxum, was, our sources being some
what vague and contradictory, but Livys story of
Manlius Capitolinus and his execution by the trib
unes on the very spot where he had won his greatest
glory (Livy 6.20.12) makes it clear that he believed
this was the cliff above the shrine of Carmenta (cf.
Livy 5 .4 7 .1 -5 ), which would put it at the southwest
corner of the hill. The Saxum itself should then be a
particular outcrop of rock and lie outside the Area
Capitolina. However, the term R u pes T arpeia (al
though Varro, Ling. 5 .4 1 , explains that the Tar
peium Saxum is, in fact, a rupes) is elsewhere re
served for the Area Capitolina, especially as the
precinct of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (Livy 6 .1 7 .4 ;
Propertius 4 .1 .7 ; Lucan 3 .1 5 4 ; Silius Italicus 3 .6 2 3 ,
10.360; Tacitus, Hist. 3 .7 1 ; Claudian, Panegyr. de
sext. cons. H on . 4 5 ; Firm. Mater. 1.10.14). Attempts
to put the Saxum on the northeast crest of the hill,
where it would be in full view of the Forum Ro-
manum and in close conjunction with the Career and
Scalae Gemoniae, seem mistaken. They are based on
such evidence as Dion. Hal. 7 .3 5 .4 and 8.7 8 .5 ,
which are ambiguous, and the Gradus Monetae, the
predecessors of the Scalae Gemoniae, are never men
tioned in connection with the exposure of corpses,
so they cannot be used as supporting evidence.
Tarpeius, M ons: the early name of the Capitoline,
according to Varro (Ling. 5.4 1 ), named for the Ves
tal Virgin Tarpeia, who was killed by being crushed
under the shields of the Sabine army and buried there
(Propertius 4 .4 .9 3 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .6 9 .4 ; Plutarch,
R om . 18.1). It was commonly used as an alternate
name for the whole hill, even after the name Capi
tolinus came into general use, perhaps because,
strictly speaking, the Capitoline was only a part
thereof (Livy 1 .5 5 .1 ; Dion. Hal. 4 .6 0 .3 61.1,
7.3 5 .4 ; Suetonius, Iul. 4 4 .1 ; Plutarch, N um a 7.2-,
Cass. Dio 2 [Zonaras 7 .1 1 .5 ]; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir.
III. 2 .7 ; N ot. addenda s.v. M ontes ).
The tradition that the Capitoline was originally
called Mons Tarpeius is probably correct, although
the story of Tarpeia and her betrayal of the citadel
seems a patent aetiological invention. Like so many
of the hills of Rome, it took its name from a family,
the Gens Tarpeia, some member or members of
which must have had an important claim to it. The
notion that the Capitoline height was originally
called Saturnius Mons (see Capitolinus Mons) is not
a contradiction of this, nor an obstacle, as the sum
mit of the hill could, and evidently did, accommo
date a number of sacred precincts by the time Tar-
quinius Priscus decided to build the Temple of
378
Iuppiter Optimus Maximus there. The name Mons
Tarpeius persisted late, and in learned circles it was
probably regarded as the correct designation of the
hill as a whole (Propertius 4 .4 .9 3 -9 4 ; C IL
6 .3 7 1 7 0 = IL S 4 4 3 8 ; regionary catalogues, addenda
s.v. M ontes ). The notion that it was used only of
the southwestern crest is clearly wrong.
Lugli 1946, 1 8 -1 9 ; Nash 2 .4 0 9 -1 0 .
Tascogenses: those living in an area otherwise un
known listed in the edict of Tarracius Bassus of the
late fourth century (C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 b5 = IL S 6072).
De Teglatu: an unknown locality listed in two in
scriptions of the fourth century, one of them the edict
of Tarracius Bassus (C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 b2 = IL S 6 0 7 2 ;
C IL 6 .1 0 0 9 9 = 3 1 8 9 9 ), presumed to be a place
where tiles were manufactured or sold.
Tellurenses: those living in the vicinity of the
Temple of Tellus on the Carinae, listed in the late
fourth century edict of Tarracius Bassus (C IL
6 .3 1 8 9 3 e l l ) .
Tellus, Aedes: a temple vowed by P. Sempronius
Sophus during a battle with the Picenes in 268 B .C .,
when there was an earthquake (Florus 1 .14.2), and
presumably built by him. But others (Val. M ax.
6.3 .1 b ; Dion. Hal. 8.79.3) say that the Roman
people built it. It was on the Carinae (Suetonius, D e
G ram m . 15; Servius a d Aen. 8.361) on a part of the
land of Sp. Cassius, who was condemned of aspiring
to monarchy and put to death in 485 B .C ., after
which his house was pulled down (Cicero, D om .
101; Livy 2 .4 1 .1 1 ; Dion. Hal. 8 .7 9 .3 ; Val. M ax.
6.3.1b ). It is hard to believe that a large plot in an
excellent location would have been deliberately left
vacant for more than two centuries, and therefore
tempting to suppose that Sophuss work was rather
a rebuilding of a temple that had already been in ex
istence for some time. The temple was near the Do-
mus Rostrata of Pompey, which Caesar gave to An
tony after Pompeys death (Suetonius, D e G ram m .
15; Appian, B ellC iv 2 .1 2 6 ), and near the house of
Quintus Cicero, inherited from his father, where he
and his brother Marcus had grown up (Plutarch, Cic.
8.3; Cicero, QFr. 2 .3 .7 ). The proximity of Ciceros
house to the temple was such that Marcus Cicero
was able to claim that there were Romans who as
serted that he had responsibility for the safeguarding
of it (Har. R esp. 31). The day of dedication was 13
December, at which time there was a lectisternium,
the only annual one recorded in the fasti (Degrassi
5 3 7 -3 8 ).
There were many interesting features to this
temple. On its wall was a map, or allegorical repre

sentation, of Italy (Varro, Rust. 1.2.1:. In it was a
m agm entarium , a reliquary of some sort regarded as
both an object of great sanctity and possibly an o b jet
d art. This was removed and displayed in the house
of Appius Claudius, perhaps as a lararium (Cicero,
Har. R esp. 31, Fam . 8 .1 2 .3 ; cf. Varro, Ling. 5.112).
On the day following the assassination of Julius Cae
sar, the senate was summoned to this temple by An
tony, probably because of its proximity to his house
and its distance from the conspirators encamped on
the Capitoline, and held a meeting there (Cicero,
Phil. 1.31, Att. 1 6 .1 4 .1 ; Appian, B ellC iv 2 .1 2 6 ; Plu
tarch, Brut. 19.1; Cass. Dio 4 4 .2 2 .3 ). So far as we
know, this was the only occasion when the senate
ever met there. In front of the temple was a statue of
Ceres paid for from the property of Sp. Cassius
(Pliny, H N 34.15) and another of Cassius himself
that the censors ordered melted down (Pliny, H N
34 .30). The contradictions and difficulties implicit in
the latter statement lead one to suppose that the
temple must have been very old. Later Cicero saw to
the dedication of a statue on behalf of his brother
Quintus there (Cicero, QFr. 3.1 .1 4 ).
The site of the tribunalia and scrinia of the prae-
fectus urbi was the Secretarium Tellurense, and sev
eral Christian sources speak of trials at a vicus in
Tellude, or Tellure, and of a foru m ante tem plum .
The buildings of the praefecture must have bordered
on the precinct of the Temple of Tellus, lying be
tween it and the Baths of Trajan, but the temple itself
was not absorbed into the complex (A. Chastagnol,
L a P refecture urbain e a R o m e sou s le bas-em p ire
[Paris 1960], 2 4 7 -5 1 ).
Q ITA 10 (1988): 1 1 0 -1 2 (F. Castagnoli).
Tempestates, Aedes: a temple vowed by L. Corne
lius Scipio when caught in a storm off Corsica in 259
b : c . (C/L l 2.9 = 6 .1 2 8 9 7 = JL S 3 ; IL L R P 3 1 0 ; Ovid,
Fast. 6 .1 9 3 94), listed in the N otitia in Regio I, per
haps not far from the tomb of the Scipios (see Sep.
Scipionum). The day of dedication is given by Ovid
as 1 June, but by the Fasti Antiates Maiores as 23
December. Because of the irregular order of the Fasti
Antiates, Degrassi (463) accepts the former and
thinks the latter refers to a restoration.
Tempio di Siepe: an octagonal building roofed
with a dome, the northern half of which existed on
the north side of Piazza Capranica in the Campus
Martius down to the seventeenth century and was
drawn by Aid Giovannoli. Its function is uncertain,
as is its date of construction. The octagon had mas
sive columns, monoliths of cipollino, at the corners,
and between these opened arched niches, alternately
deep and rounded and shallow and flat, except for
that on the north, which was an elongated throat
T E R M IN U S , FA N U M
terminating in an apse. The columns were sur
mounted by an exaggeratedly deep entablature bro
ken out over them individually, above which rose the
dome constructed in concave sections, springing
from pendentive points over the columns between
semicircular lunettes and rising to a collared oculus.
As shown by Giovannoli, the dome was at least in
part concealed under a gable roof supported on ex
tensions of the octagon walls. However, bulls-eye
windows in alternate sections of the dome must orig
inally have been functional, so probably the gable
was a later addition. The architecture is strongly
reminiscent of that of the Tempio di Minerva Med-
ica (see Nymphaeum) and the Tor deSchiavi, and
this suggests a date around the middle of the third
century or later. It has been suggested that this might
have been either a nymphaeum or a tomb, but nei
ther seems very likely in this location at this date.
The area is dominated by monuments of Hadrian
and the Antonine emperors. It might have been a late
annex to the Basilica of Matidia and M arciana (see
Basilica Matidiae et Marcianae).
Lugli 1938, 2 3 1 -3 3 .
Templum: see Aedes, Aedicula, Templum, etc.
Tensarium: see Aedes Tensarum.
Terbentinum (or Tiburtinum) N eronis: men
tioned only in the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 2 7 ; VZ
3 .4 5 -4 6 ) and located close to the M eta Romuli,
mentioned after it and before the Mausoleum Had-
riani. It was round, in two storeys, sheathed in splen
did stone (marble?), and originally supposed to have
been as high as the Mausoleum Hadriani. Evidently
this was a tomb, but it seems to have disappeared
completely. Its stone was used in the paving of the
Paradise and steps of the basilica of S. Pietro. The
origin of the name is mysterious; it has been sug
gested to be a corruption of Terebinthus, but that
scarcely improves matters.
CAR 1-H, 20 p. 72.
Terminus, Fanum: a stone in the Celia Iovis of the
Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus
near the cult statue, regarded as a shrine of Termi
nus, probably an ancient boundary stone (Dion. Hal.
3 .6 9 .4 - 5 ; Servius a d Aen. 9.4 4 6 ). Above it was an
opening in the roof of the temple, a foram en , with
the explanation that Terminus must be able to see
the heavens, or must not be covered (Festus 505L ;
Ovid, Fast. 2 .6 7 1 7 2 ; Servius a d Aen. 9.446). It was
recounted that when the Capitoline temple came to
be built, the augurs conducted ceremonies of exau-
guration for the various divinities already occupying
the area, all of whom accepted the terms of resettle
379
TERRA M A TER
ment, except Terminus, who could then not be dis
possessed. However, this was taken as a good omen,
assuring the permanence of the cult and of Rome
(Cato ap. Fest. 160L ; Livy 1 .5 5 .3 4 ; Ovid, Fast.
2 .6 6 7 -7 6 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .6 9 .4 -5 ) . Later Iuventas was
added as another divinity who refused exauguration
(Livy 5 .5 4 .7 ; Dion. Hal. 3 .6 9 .4 - 5 ; Florus 1.1.7.8),
and later still Mars (Augustine, D e civ. D. 4.23).
Probably Numas curse on anyone who moved a
boundary stone had something to do with the origi
nal decision to respect the location of Terminus (Fes-
tus 505L ), and a similar injunction against conceal
ing a boundary stone was responsible for the
foramen.
Terra M ater: a shrine attested in three inscriptions
(C IL 6 .7 7 0 -7 2 ; cf. 3 0 8 2 8 ; ILS 1522). Two of these
were found in the vineyards behind the church of S.
Cesreo and indicate a location to the southeast of
the Baths of Caracalla. Nothing further is known
about the shrine.
Testaceus M ons (Fig. 14): M onte Testaccio, the
modern name given to the irregularly pear-shaped
mound of broken potsherds just inside the Aurelian
Walls southwest of the Aventine and behind the Em
porium and the horrea along the river in Regio X III.
It is about 35 m high, 850 m in circumference, and
composed entirely of sherds of the storage and ship
ping jars in which most products, especially food
stuffs, came to Rome. Many were stamped by the
manufacturers on the handle or the neck; others are
inscribed with scratched and painted inscriptions;
and these provide a rich documentation of the
sources from which Rome was supplied, the com
merce, and the quantities. Commodities tended to be
shipped in jars of characteristic shapes (wine, oil,
grain, fruit), often with local variations reflecting
their origin. A corpus of the stamps has been com
piled (C IL 15 pp. 4 9 1 -6 5 7 ) with supplements ap
pearing from time to time. The stamps date from
a . d . 140 to 2 5 1 , but dumping here is as early as Au
gustus, and at different periods particular zones were
used. Under the east slope of the mound was found
the Sepulcrum Rusticeliorum (q.v.).
Nash 2 .4 1 1 -1 3 ; E. Rodriguez Almeida, II M onte
T estaccio (Rome 1984).
Theatrum : A form of building for assemblies and
the presentation of spectacles borrowed from the
Greeks and then adapted and improved to meet the
exigencies of Roman entertainments and the Roman
terrain. At first plays were given on simple stages run
up for the occasion, and the spectators stood in a
crowd before these. This, one gathers, must have
been the way the Etruscan dancers were presented
380
when their art was first introduced in Rome (Livy
7 .2 .3 -7 ) and the way Atellan farces were tradition
ally performed. But since all drama was a form
of religious observance, it must soon have become
customary to build the stage in front of the temple
steps and use these to permit the spectators to get a
better view of the proceedings. The steps in front
of the Temple of the Magna M ater seem to have
been designed with this in mind; the Megalensia
included ludi scaenici from the time of their insti
tution.
With the increasing popularity of drama and the
multiplication of occasions allowing for ludi scaeni
ci, those responsible for putting on plays built ever
finer theaters, but at first these were always dis
mantled at the end of a set of games, and the senate
was so alarmed when the censors of 151 B .C . under
took to build a permanent theater that on motion of
P. Cornelius Nasica they decreed not only that the
theater should be dismantled, but that the Roman
people must watch their plays standing, lest they de
cline into Greek effeminacy (Livy, Epit. 4 8 ; Val.
M ax. 2 .4 .1 -2 ; Tacitus, Ann. 14.20). This stricture
cannot have lasted very long, however, for we begin
hearing of the sumptuousness of theater construction
by the time of L. Licinius Crassus, the orator, who
as aedile, sometime before 100 B .C ., brought col
umns of Hymettus marble to adorn the theater that
he built, and by the time of Aemilius Scauruss ae-
dileship in 58 B .C . not only was his theater of extrav
agant luxury and rich adornment, but there was no
question of dismantling it, and it stood for a number
of years.
Once the prohibition on a permanent theater had
been breached, the way was clear for Pompey to
build his theater of 5 5 -5 2 B .C ., one of the greatest of
all Roman buildings, said to have been patterned on
the theater of Mitylene on Lesbos, although archae
ological excavation has been unable to find any real
similarity, for Pompeys was a true Roman theater
with a cavea of a perfect half-circle and built up from
the plain of the Campus Martius in storeys, while the
theater of Mitylene was cut into the slope of a hill
with a cavea of more than a half-circle. But in some
sense Pompeys theater set the pattern that all subse
quent Roman theaters followed. Pompey was fol
lowed by Julius Caesar, who began work on the the
ater that was to become the Theater of Marcellus,
dedicated in 13 B .C . but used already for the Ludi
Saeculares in 17. And Caesar was followed by Bal-
bus, whose theater was also dedicated in 13. This
rapid succession, after which no further theater was
built until Domitian built the Odeum more than a
century later, suggests that each was to serve for a
different range of spectacles, but on this point our
information is entirely inadequate.

T heatra Curionis: two large theaters of wood built
by C. Scribonius Curio, the tribune of 50 B .C ., close
together, each revolving on a pivot, so that in the
morning they were turned back to back so that the
plays performed should not produce confusion, and
in the afternoon the caveae were wheeled about and
brought together to make an amphitheater in which
gladiatorial combats were exhibited. Pliny (HN
36 .11720) says that after a few days some of the
spectators even remained seated while the caveae re
volved, a nonchalance he regarded as foolhardy. On
the final day of the games, when the pivots were
worn and unreliable, Curio kept the caveae in am-
phitheatral position but had stages back to back
across the middle of the arena on which there were
athletic exhibitions. Then these stages were with
drawn to either side, and the gladiators victorious in
the earlier combats were brought on (Pliny, H N
3 6 .11720). Because the original games were offered
as funeral games for Curios father in 53 B .C ., the
theaters were probably built in the Campus Martius,
but one cannot be more precise. They were still
standing in June 51 B .C . (Cicero, Fam . 8.2.1).
Theatrum Balbi (Fig. 80): the stone theater built
by the Spanish-born L. Cornelius Balbus the
Younger, following his triumph over the Garamantes
when he was proconsul of Africa in 19 B .C . It was
TH EA TRU M BA LBI
Figure 8 0
T h eatru m B a lb i,
C rypta B a lb i, and
A d jacen cies, Plan,
as Know n
dedicated in 13 (Suetonius, Aug. 2 9 .5 ; Cass. Dio
5 4 .2 5 .2 ) with lavish games; four columns of onyx of
only moderate size used in its decoration were re
garded as especially sensational at the time (Pliny,
H N 36 .6 0 ). It was damaged in the fire of Titus in
a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio 66.24) and restored, probably by
Domitian. It is listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio IX , where it is said to have 11,510 loca, cal
culated to be space for about 7 ,7 0 0 spectators, the
smallest of the three stone theaters of Rome.
G attis discovery of the true location of the Circus
Flaminius between the Tiber and the Porticus Octa-
viae led to the identification of the remains beneath
Palazzo Mattel di Paganica and nearby buildings
along the Via delle Botteghe Oscure, long thought to
belong to the seating in the sphendone of the Circus
Flaminius, as belonging to the Theatrum Balbi. This
was then confirmed by moving the fragments of the
Marble Plan bearing the inscription t h e a t r u m
b a l b i to a new location in this vicinity and by the
discovery that they fit perfectly with their surround
ings. The theater lay just south of the Porticus Min-
ucia (Minicia), between it and the Aedes Herculis
Musarum, oriented east/west. It was built of con
crete faced with reticulate, except on the exterior,
where the construction is in large blocks of traver
tine, but the design is otherwise unknown. Immedi
ately to the east of it was a large square with arcades,
381
 TH EA TRU M M A RCELLI
Figure 81
T heatru m M arce lli,
R estored Plan
or windowed walks, on three sides, presumed to be
the Crypta Balbi mentioned separately in the region-
ary catalogues. At the center of its east side opens a
curved exedra shown on the Marble Plan with a co
lonnade of six columns following the curve. The
southern half of this still appears, used as the foun
dation of a garden front in a modern palazzo. Here
the construction is of brick-faced concrete with
arched and flat-arched windows, probably of Domi-
tianic date. Soundings carried out in 1 9 6 1 -1 9 6 2
confirmed the correctness of G attis identification
and reasoning.
Nash 2 .4 1 4 -1 7 ; M EFRA 91 (1979): 1 .2 3 7 -3 1 3
(G. Gatti); D. Manacorda, II p ro g etto della C rypta
B albi (Florence 1982), 1 4 - 4 4 ; J d l 99 (1984): 2 1 5 -
55 (M. Fuchs); CEFR 98 (1987): 5 9 7 -6 1 0 (D. M an
acorda).
Theatrum Marcelli (Figs. 17, 8 1 ): a stone theater,
the second to be built in Rome, coming almost im
mediately after the Theater of Pompey, begun by Ju
lius Caesar, who cleared the area for its construction
at the expense of the Temple of Pietas (see Pietas,
Aedes), for which he was criticized, and numer
ous other shrines and buildings. It was believed he
burned the statue of Pietas and appropriated large
hoards of money which he had found in the demoli
tion (Cass. Dio 4 3 .4 9 .3 ). Suetonius (lu l. 44) speaks
of the project as calling for a theater of vast size,
T arpeio M on ti accu ban s, but the theater as eventu
ally built stood free and was only a little larger than
the Theater of Pompey. The regionary catalogues
give its capacity as 2 0 ,5 0 0 loca, estimated to be
space for about 1 3 ,0 0 0 spectators, as opposed to
17,580 loca for the Theater of Pompey.
Caesar is credited with having laid the foundations
for the theater, but Augustus (R G 21) implies that
the area Caesar had obtained was insufficient and he
382
was obliged to buy up considerably more land from
private owners. Augustus was certainly mainly re
sponsible for the building, which was long in con
struction. Whether actual building was begun before
the death of Marcellus in 23 seems doubtful; cer
tainly at his death it was taken up as a memorial to
him and never carried any other name (Cass. Dio
4 3 .4 9 .2 -3 , 5 3 .3 0 .5 -6 ; Pliny, H N 7 .1 2 1 ; Livy, Epit.
140; Suetonius, Aug. 2 9 .4 ; Plutarch, M arcel. 30.6).
By the time of the celebration of the Ludi Saeculares
in 17 B .C ., it was far enough advanced to have part
of the ceremonies staged there (C IL 6 .3 2 3 2 3 .1 5 7 =
IL S 50 5 0 ), but the dedication was delayed until 13
B .C . (Cass. Dio 5 4 .2 6 .1 ) or 11 (Pliny, H N 8.65). For
the dedication Augustus offered splendid games, in
cluding the Lusus Troiae and a venatio in the circus
(Cass. Dio 5 3 .3 0 .6 , 5 4 .2 6 .1 ; Suetonius, Aug. 43.5).
Four marble columns of remarkable size which Scau-
rus had used in the decoration of the theater that he
built as aedile and then used to adorn the atrium of
his house on the Palatine were used in the regia of
the new theater (Asconius in Cic. Scaur. 45 [Stangl
28]). Whether they flanked the p o rta regia, the cen
tral entrance of the scaen a, as seems most likely, or
rather were in one of the dependencies, has been dis
puted. The common name was always Theatrum
Marcelli, but we also find this called Theatrum Mar-
cellianum (Suetonius, Vesp. 1 9 .1 ; M artial 2 .2 9 .5 ;
C IL 6 .3 3 8 3 8 a = IL S 7505).
We know next to nothing about the shows that
were put on there. Vespasian restored the theater
(Suetonius, Vesp. 19.1), and Alexander Severus is re
ported to have intended to restore it again (S.H.A.
A lex. Sev. 44.7). It was used for part of the celebra
tion of the Ludi Saeculares under Septimius Severus
(C IL 6 .3 2 3 2 8 .3 3 ). It is frequently mentioned as a
place designation (cf., e.g., Ianus ad Theatrum M ar
celli).
Although Avianus Symmachus robbed some stone
from the theater for the repair of the Pons Cestius in
a . d . 37 0 (NSc 1886, 159), the theater continued in
use, and Petronius Maximus, praefectus urbi, erected
statues in it in 421 (C IL 6.1 6 6 0 ). The compiler of
the Einsiedeln itinerary visited its ruins in the eighth
century. In the twelfth century it passed into the
hands of the Fabii or Faffi, was transformed into a
fortress, and became known as Monte Faffo (HCh
22 6 ). It then became a possession of the important
Savelli family in 1368 and is still widely known as
M onte Savello. In the early sixteenth century the
Savelli had the great architect Baldassare Peruzzi
build a magnificent palazzo upon the ruins as foun
dations. In 1712 this passed to the Orsini, who con
tinued its embellishment. However, the lower ar
cades, a warren of squalid shops and dwellings going
back to the Middle Ages, continued to house a con

siderable population until 1926, when the Governo-
rato undertook the isolation and restoration of the
arcades of the cavea as part of the grandiose scheme
of the Via del M are. At that time these arcades were
found to be buried under 4 m of debris, especially
mud and sand from repeated flooding of the Tiber.
At this time exploration of the interior could be only
very limited, and the scaena and parts beyond it were
scarcely touched.
Substantial parts of the cavea appear on fragments
of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 2 9 ; Rodriguez pi. 23),
showing its location between the Forum Holitorium
and the Pons Fabricius, but these are more tantaliz
ing than informative. The substructures of the cavea
follow a pattern of radial corridors and stairs to take
spectators to their seats efficiently, with an annular
corridor on the exterior on each of the two lowest
levels and responding annular corridors at mid
storey just behind the seating and between the baltei.
The lowest level of the arcading is embellished with
an engaged order with Tuscan columns and a Doric
frieze under a cornice with dentils, and the level
above this with an unfluted Ionic order. Presumably
the next storey was blind with Corinthian columns
and square windows in alternate bays. O f this only
some Corinthian capitals remain, but a blind storey
is necessary to support the masts on which the awn
ings were rigged. The design of what survives is very
close to that of the Colosseum, and it is clear that the
architects of the Colosseum must have studied the
Theatrum Marcelli closely. The seating is recon
structed as divided into three principal zones, with
an extra zone of broader steps for the senators along
the orchestra and a colonnade containing seating for
the less privileged at the top.
The greatest uncertainty surrounds the design of
the scaena and its dependencies. As it appears on the
Marble Plan, the scaena consists of a narrow, fea
tureless stage and a scene building of apparently the
same depth, but extending to either side, addorsed to
which runs a colonnade giving on a court between
symmetrical halls to either side shown as basilical in
concept, with three aisles separated by lines of col
umns, but opening wide into spacious lobbies off the
stage building and rounded at the opposite end.
These are very puzzling and difficult to roof satisfac
torily. Equally puzzling is a pair of small square fea
tures, rather like sacella, in the courtyard flanking
the main axis of the complex, each with a smaller
square, like an altar, in front of it, apparently en
closed behind by a great hemicycle, which may be
simply a terrace overlooking the river. Because the
proximity of the Temple of Apollo Sosianus seems to
make any additional theater temple unnecessary, and
the Porticus Octaviae could serve admirably the
function of a theater portico, the interpretation of
T H E A T R U M P O M P E II
this very extensive complex, nearly the size of the
cavea in its full extent, is especially difficult and im
portant. Architects who have worked on the prob
lem invariably have decided that the stage building
must have been more elaborate and have furnished it
with niches and columns like other stage buildings.
For these there is no evidence, while the scaena of
the Theatrum Pompeii is also shown on the Marble
Plan as very elaborate and with a wealth of detail.
We should probably ask rather what sorts of shows
were put on in the Theatrum Marcelli. We are told
that, on the death of Marcellus, Augustus gave or
ders that at the Ludi Romani a golden image of M ar
cellus and a crown of gold and curule chair should
be brought into the Theatrum Marcelli and set
among the magistrates in charge of the games (Cass.
Dio 5 3 .3 0 .6 ). And at the dedication of the finished
theater the special events included a performance of
the Lusus Troiae and a venatio with six hundred wild
animals imported from Africa. Whereas ludi scaenici
were from a very early period an established part of
the Ludi Romani, ludi circenses were the major in
terest and emphasis. Some of these, the various races
and shows, like the Lusus Troiae, could only be put
on in a circus or stadium, but others, such as vena-
tiones, could be staged in a variety of places and
probably to better advantage than in the circus. The
first amphitheater in Rome was built in 53 B .C .,
about the same time as the Theater of Pompey, and
was contrived by rotating two theaters to face each
other (Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 1 6 -2 0 ), a contrivance in which
the athletic events were performed on stages that
stood back to back. Then these were drawn away to
either side to make an arena for gladiatorial com
bats. We might well imagine that many of the events
of the Ludi Romani besides the plays not only might
well be given in a theater but also had traditionally
been given in a theater, and that for these a particular
sort of scaena was required, one in which the archi
tecture was minimal and as simple as possible, a
frame for spectacles rather than plays.
The main axis of the complex lies north northeast/
south southwest, the scaena toward the river. It is
built entirely of travertine on the exterior, and of
large tufa blocks and concrete vaults on the interior,
with partitions faced with reticulate. In the parts im
mediately around the orchestra some walls are faced
with brick, evidently a precaution against the damp.
The recent work of restoration has also brought to
light some fine stuccowork in the vaults.
Lugli 1946, 5 6 8 - 7 2 ; Nash 2 .4 1 8 -2 2 ; P. Fiden-
zoni, II teatro d i M arcello (Rome 1970); B u llC om 88
(1 9 8 2 -8 3 ): 7 -4 9 (P. Ciancio Rossetto).
Theatrum Pompeii (Fig. 8 2): the first stone theater
in Rome, built by Pompey and, according to the
383
 T H E A T R U M P O M P E II
Figure 82
T heatru m Pom peii and
Porticus Pom peii,
Represen tation on
the M a rb le Plan
common version, dedicated in 55 B .C ., the year of his
second consulship (Asconius in Cic. Pis. 1 [Stangl
11]; Tacitus, Ann. 1 4 .2 0 ; Cass. Dio 3 9 .3 8 .1 6). At
the dedication lavish games were staged, including a
venatio employing five hundred lions, an elephant
fight, and other marvels (Cicero, Pis. 6 5 ; Plutarch,
Pom p. 52.4). Besides Theatrum Pompeii, it was
called Theatrum Pompeianum (see, e.g., Pliny, H N
3 6 .1 1 5 ; Suetonius, Tib. 4 7 ), Theatrum Marmoreum
(Fast. Amit. 12 August; see Degrassi 1 9 0 -9 1 ), and
occasionally simply Theatrum (Suetonius, N ero
13.2; cf. Pliny, H N 33 .5 4 ). It was always the most
important theater in Rome.
The design was supposed to have been copied
from the theater of Mitylene but made larger and
more splendid (Plutarch, P om p. 42 .4 ). Because the
theater of Mitylene was built in traditional fashion
on a hillside and would not have had a scaena in the
style implied by Plinys description of the Theater of
Scaurus (see Theatrum Scauri), it is likely that this is
mistaken. Either the project of Pompey proved un
adaptable to the geographical conditions in Rome,
or his architect persuaded him that a wholly new de
sign would be preferable. As built, it was remarkable
for the program of statuary, included in which were
representations of marvels of history, such as a
woman of Tralles who had borne thirty children
(Pliny, H N 7.34). Another set of fourteen figures by
Coponius represented the fourteen nations subdued
by Pompey; these were set circa P om peium , probably
384
not crowning the cavea, but rather against the piers
of the exterior arcade (Pliny, H N 3 6 .4 1 ; Suetonius,
N ero 46 .1 ). At the top of the cavea was a series of
four, or more likely five, temples or shrines, the most
important, presumably on the main axis, to Venus
Victrix, the others to Honos, Virtus, Felicitas, and
V icto ria?) (Fast. Amit., Allif., 13 August; Degrassi
4 9 3 - 9 4 ; cf. Suetonius, Claud. 21.1 ). For the dedica
tion of the complex, Pompey invited the people of
Rome to the dedication of the Temple of Venus Vic
trix, explaining the theater as simply a stair for
shows subjoined to the temple (Tertullian, D e Spect.
10). By so doing, Tertullian says, Pompey avoided
censure for having built a theater, a form of building
condemned by the stricter Romans. But by this time
that was hardly necessary, and we should regard the
invitation as at least half-joking. Gellius (10.1.7)
says that when Pompey came to dedicate the temple
he was uncertain whether to write con su l tertio or
con su l tertium, and on the advice of Cicero he wrote
simply con su l tert. This would place the dedication
of the temple three years after that of the theater, in
52 B .C . Gellius goes on to say that on the scaena,
which had been restored, the inscription settled the
question by using the numeral III, so it appears that
theater, scaena, and temple were parts of a single
project, the completion of the complex in all its com
ponent parts, and this is supported by Velleius Pater
culus (2.48.2).
Augustus restored the building at great expense,
but without the addition of his own name, in 32 B .C .
(R G 20) and moved the statue of Pompey from the
Curia Pompeii (q.v.), where Caesar had been mur
dered at its feet, to a place opposite the regia of the
theater, m a rm o reo ian o su p erp osu it (Suetonius, Aug.
31.5). This seems to mean that the statue now stood
on a marble arch on the main axis of the complex.
Because an arch in the theater proper would interfere
intolerably with the sight lines of the audience, even
if it were of modest size, we may see this as the arch
shown on the Marble Plan in the Porticus Pompeii
behind the porta regia of the scaena and on axis with
it. The theater burned in a.d . 21 (Hieron. a. Abr.
20 3 7 ), and Tiberius undertook its restoration (Veil.
Pat. 2 .1 3 0 .1 ; Tacitus, Ann. 3.72). At this time the
senate decreed that a bronze statue of Sejanus should
be set up in the theater (Seneca, M arc. 2 2 4 ; Cass.
Dio 5 7 .2 1 .3 ). Tiberius did not complete the restora
tion (Suetonius, Tib. 4 7 ); Caligula completed it (Sue
tonius, Calig. 21), and Claudius dedicated it (Sueton
ius, Claud. 2 1 .1 ; Cass. Dio 60.6.8). Claudius
inscribed his name and that of Tiberius on the scaena
and restored the name of Pompey (Cass. Dio 60.6.8).
Claudius also completed a marble arch to Tiberius
near the theater that had been voted by the senate
but left unfinished. This sounds like a countermea

sure to the statue of Sejanus, but there is no indica
tion of where it was located, except that it was evi
dently not part of the theater proper. It may be the
arch shown in the Porticus Pompeii at the opposite
end from that behind the porta regia of the scaena.
In a . d . 66 when Tiridates, king of Armenia, paid
a state visit to Rome, Nero had the whole interior of
the theater gilded and purple awnings stretched over
it (Pliny, H N 3 3 .5 4 ; Cass. Dio 6 2 .6 .1 -2 ). In the great
fire of 80 the scaena burned (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 4 .2 ), and
Domitian must have restored it. Under Septimius
Severus there was further restoration by Q. Acilius
Fuscus, procurator operis Theatri Pompeiani (C IL
8 .1 439 = IL S 1430, 1 4 .1 5 4 = /LS 1431). In 2 4 7 the
theater burned again (Hieron. a. Abr. 2263). Other
restorations are recorded under Diocletian and M ax-
imian (Chron. 148), Honorius and Arcadius (C IL
6.1191 = IL S 7 9 3 ; cf. 1193), and finally by Symma-
chus (Cassiodorus, Var. 4 .5 1 .3 - 4 ; cf. Symmachus,
Rel. 8.3). Throughout its history it was one of the
showplaces of Rome, as the Theatrum Marcelli was
not (Cass. Dio 3 9 .3 8 .1 ).
It was in the Campus Martius, listed by the region-
ary catalogues in Regio IX , almost isolated at the
time of its construction, the Porticus Pompeii that
served to shelter spectators in the event of rain and a
popular promenade at other times abutting on the
Area Sacra di Largo Argentina (q.v.) on the east, but
the other three sides free. It appears on fragments
of the Marble Plan (FUR pi. 3 2 ; Rodriguez pis. 28,
32) that show the ground plan in clear detail, espe
cially that of the scaena, and an aerial photograph
shows that the buildings in the area bounded by Via
di Grotta Pinta, Via dei Giubbonari, Piazza Campo
deFiori, Piazza del Biscione, Piazza Paradiso, and
Via and Largo deChiavari are to a large extent built
on its ruins as foundations and show its outlines. The
cellars of buildings in this area preserve much of
the vaulted substructures in excellent condition, the
walls of concrete, about 1.50 m thick, faced with
quasi-reticulate and quoined with small blocks, on
bases of large blocks of tufa and peperino, the vaults
segmental and of unfaced concrete. The exterior was
arcaded, in forty-four arches of peperino. Columns
of red granite seem to have been added in front of
these in one of the restorations. The engineering of
the exits and entrances cannot be made out com
pletely, but seems to have used a system of outer and
inner annular corridors in the substructures similar
to that of the Theatrum Marcelli. The diameter of
the cavea is estimated at 150 160 m, and the length
of the scaena at about 95 m. The capacity, given by
the regionary catalogues as 1 7 ,5 0 0 loca, is estimated
at about 11,00 0 people. The scaena is shown on the
Marble Plan as very deep, the back wall baroque in
its development, a series of three deep niches, the
T H E R M A E , B A L IN E U M , LA V A C R U M
outer pair semicircular, the broad central one with
the porta regia rectangular, with multiple colon
nades in front of them, the lowest storey of an archi
tecture that probably not only piled up colonnades
but also broke back to reveal statuary in the upper
tiers. It opened behind to the Porticus Pompeii with
out an intermediate space, taking the portico as its
backstage. On axis behind the cavea, a broad avenue
lined with trees led off at a slight angle to the south,
probably connecting it with the splendid house Pom-
pey built in connection with his theater, said to be
like a tender towed behind a great ship.
Lugli 1938, 7 0 - 7 8 ; Nash 2 .4 2 3 -2 8 ; Rend-
PontA cc 4 4 (1 9 7 1 -7 2 ): 9 9 -1 2 2 (F. Coarelli); R dA 3
(1979): 7 2 -8 5 (A. M . Capoferro Cencetti); A]A 91
(1987): 1 2 3 -2 6 (L. Richardson); CEFR 98 (1987):
4 5 7 -7 3 (G. Sauron).
Theatrum Scauri: a theater erected by M . Aemilius
Scaurus as curule aedile in 58 B .C . It was exception
ally large; Pliny (H N 3 6 .1 1 3 15) puts the capacity
at eighty thousand people, but then estimates the ca
pacity of the Theatrum Pompeii as forty thousand,
so it is more likely to have been twenty thousand at
most. The scaena excited special admiration. It was
of marble, and the scaenae frons employed 3 6 0 col
umns in three storeys, the lowest of marble, the next
of glass (mosaic), and the topmost of gilded wood.
The columns of the lowest storey were 38 Roman
feet high. Three thousand bronze statues were used
in its decoration (Pliny, H N 34 .3 6 ). No one tells us
where it was located, but we presume it was in the
Campus Martius.
Theatrum Traiani: a theater built by Trajan in the
Campus Martius that Hadrian destroyed, using the
excuse that this was done on Trajans instructions
(S.H.A. H adr. 9 .1 -2 ). Hadrians real motive is diffi
cult to fathom. The circular theater of Trajan men
tioned by Pausanias (5.12.6) was more probably the
Naumachia Traiani (q.v.) than this theater.
The(n)sarium Vetus in Capitolio: see Aedes
Tensarum.
Therm ae, Balineum, Lavacrum : The term th er
m ae, which is always used for the big imperial bath
ing establishments from the time of Titus on, was
arrived at only slowly. Cicero, Sallust, and Livy never
use the word. Dio, writing about the Baths of
Agrippa, calls them first, when writing of their con
struction in 25 B .C ., lacon icu m (53.27.1), which is
probably the term he found in his source, for the
Aqua Virgo was not completed until 19 B .C . When
writing about Agrippas will and bequeathing of his
baths to the Roman people, he calls them a bala-
385
T H E R M A E A G R IP P A E
neion (54.29.4). The Baths of Nero were at first
building called his gym nasium (Cass. Dio 61 .2 1 .1 ),
although the complex seems to have consisted of
both a sports complex and baths in fairly close con
junction (Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .2 2 ; Suetonius, N ero 12).
The first to use the word th erm ae is Seneca Rhetor
(C ontrov. 9 .4 .1 8 ), but since he uses it in a context in
which the witticism he is reporting depends on being
related in Greek, he is probably emphasizing the
Greek character of the baths that are the object of
the sally, and the use is not significant. Seneca the
Younger uses the word th erm ae only twice, as
against ten occurrences of balin eu m in his works.
Thermae seems to have begun as a Neronian affec
tation, part of his fondness for Greek touches, and
then, perhaps because of the splendor of his baths, it
caught on. We hear of the Thermae Tigillini and at
Pompeii of the Thermae Crassi Frugi (C/L 10.1063).
In Rome the term seems to have been reserved for
the big complexes that were imperial donations to
the people until relatively late; even the sumptuous
Baths of Claudius Etruscus admired by Martial
(6.42) and Statius (Silv. 1.5) are called only therm u-
lae, while the relatively modest baths of Septimius
Severus, which have vanished without leaving a
trace, and the baths that Maxentius added to the Do-
mus Augustiana are called thermae. This distinction,
which was never very strong or meaningful, breaks
down after the time of Constantine.
Balineum (and a number of variants appear in the
spelling of this loan word from Greek) is the word
used for baths built or owned by a private individual.
The regionary catalogues offer a count of the number
of these for each regio of the city, the total amount
ing to the astonishing figure of 856. M ost of these
must have been very modest, but some, like that of
Claudius Etruscus, seem to have rivaled the imperial
complexes. Those known to us are all identified by a
personal name, usually in the genitive but occasion
ally adjectival, except for the Balneum Diones, the
Balineum Gratiarum, and the Balneum Mercurii,
which undoubtedly took their names from the rep
resentation in a picture or statue. M ost puzzling of
all is the Balneum Caesaris known from a fragment
of the Marble Plan (FU R pi. 33) that has been bro
ken and part of it lost and in its complete form is
known only from a drawing, but which appears to
have been not a bath at all, but a large fountain in
some part of the city where buildings of horreum or
castrum plan appear next to large open spaces.
The high number of balinea in Rome is in contrast
to Pompeii, where there were three large public bath
complexes, thermae, but only four balinea, all rather
luxurious. It is also in contrast to Ostia, where there
are again three large complexes and so far fourteen
balinea. The fee for admission was always modest
386
for balinea; a quadrans seems to have been standard
in Ciceros day, but it probably varied somewhat
with the range of amenities and the services offered.
In the average balineum there was probably no pa
laestra, and probably very little exercise was pos
sible. The sequence of bath rooms: frigidarium, tepi-
darium, and caldarium would be standard for a large
balineum, with occasionally a laconicum provided as
well. Dressing rooms and rooms for massage might
fill out the complement of public rooms, while a fur
nace room behind the caldarium and storage for fuel
would be all that was needed in annexes. The smaller
bathing establishments could make do with only a
couple of rooms, a cold plunge, if there was one,
tucked into a corner of a lobby that also served as
dressing room, and a single hot room. There must
have been a good many that offered no more. Run
ning a bath was a profession generally despised,
hard, hot work, and the bath attendants shown in
mosaics are an ill-favored lot.
L avacru m is a term that seems to have been used
very occasionally for a bath complex as an alterna
tive for balineum, but because none survives in any
form, we cannot say what, if anything, was their dis
tinguishing characteristic.
Therm ae Agrippae (Fig. 8 3 ): the first of the great
bath complexes of Rome, probably begun in 25 B .C .,
when Cassius Dio (53.27.1) says Agrippa built a la
con icu m (dry sweat bath) in connection with the
Pantheon. Because the Aqua Virgo, which supplied
the baths with water, was not completed until 19
B .C . (Frontinus, A q. 1.10), the full complex must be
long later. Dio further says that Agrippa willed the
baths to the Roman people for their free use at his
death in 12 B .C . and endowed the gift by presenting
real estate to support it to Augustus (Cass. Dio
5 4 .2 9 .4 ). The baths were adorned with works of art,
the Apoxyomenos of Lysippus being set up before
them (Pliny, H N 3 4 .6 2 ), and pictures being let into
the walls of even the hottest rooms (Pliny, FIN
35 .2 6 ). The terracotta parts were painted with en
caustic, while the vaults and walls were decorated
with stuccoes (Pliny, H N 3 6 .1 8 9 ). These baths had
to be restored shortly before Pliny wrote (HN 35.36)
and burned in the fire of Titus in a . d . 80 (Cass. Dio
6 6 .2 4 .2 ). In M artials day they were again in use
(3 .2 0 .1 5 , 36 .6 ), and they were restored again by
Hadrian (S.H.A. H adr. 19.10) and possibly in 3 4 4 -
345 by Constantius and Constans (C1L 6.1165).
They are listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio
IX , mentioned by Sidonius (C arm . 2 3 .4 9 6 ), and
noted in the Einsiedeln itinerary, where they are
called Thermae Commodianae. The calcaria of the
lime burners were early established in the area, and
the name calcariu m came to be applied to the whole

district (M irabilia: Jordan 2 .6 3 1 : VZ 3.5 0 ); these
continued in intermittent use through the sixteenth
century (LS 1:25).
The location of the baths is provided by their list
ing in Regio IX in the regionarv catalogues and the
Agrippan buildings adjacent to them, and confirmed
by a fragment of the Marble Plan labeled ] e r m a e /
] p a e (FU R pi. 3 2 ; Rodriguez pi. 3 1 ; N Sc 1900, 6 3 3 -
34 [G. Gatti]; B u llC om 29 [1901]: 3 -1 9 [R. Lanci-
ani]), which can be identified as showing the existing
ruin known as the Ciambella (ring). The best ac
count of what we know about these baths is that of
C. Hlsen (D ie T herm en d es A grippa [Rome 1910]).
We are aided in a reconstruction of the plan by a
drawing of B. Peruzzi (Uffizi Arch. 4 5 6 = Hlsen, D ie
T herm en des A grippa pi. 1 and fig. 7), one by Palla
dio (Chatsworth port. 9 f. 14 = Hlsen, D ie T herm en
des A grippa pi. 2 ; Zorzi figs. 1 3 6 -4 0 ) , and a rough
sketch by S. Peruzzi (Uffizi Arch. 6 4 2 = Hlsen, D ie
T herm en des A grippa fig. 6) made when more of the
building survived. All of these confirm one another
in showing the rotunda of which substantial parts
remain, about 25 m in diameter, as the central ele
ment, with the main mass of the building lying north
of it in only roughly symmetrical blocks, and the
main axis probably east/west, with the main en
trance on the east, toward the Saepta Iulia but not
connecting with it. So the drawings show it, al
though the evidence of the Marble Plan is less clear
on this point. It probably filled the space from the
great hall (probably the Basilica Neptuni) south of
the Pantheon to the southern limit of the Diribito-
rium, relatively long and narrow, from Largo Argen
tina nearly to Via della Palombella. West of it opened
a great unencumbered space, where the inscription is
inserted on the Marble Plan, presumably the place of
the Horti and Stagnum Agrippae. The reading of the
plan is uncertain on almost every point of impor
tance, and the uses and roofing of all, except those
shown as vaulted in the sixteenth-century drawing of
Palladio, remain uncertain. The hot rooms probably
lay to the west of the rotunda (Hlsen, D ie T herm en
des A grippa, 2 0 24).
The existing ruins of the rotunda are of brick
faced concrete, and the dome was engineered with
radial ribs of brick at regular intervals (Choisy 8 1 -
82 and pi. 10); it must date from the fourth-century
rebuilding of the complex. But the lack of symmetry
in the plan and the maintenance of axes in harmony
with those of the other Agrippan buildings in the vi
cinity, rather than reorientation to the southwest ex
posure that came to be understood as optimum for
baths, may indicate that Agrippas plan was main
tained largely unchanged.
Lugli 1938, 1 5 1 -5 7 ; Nash 2 .4 2 9 - 3 3 ; Lugli 1975,
4 4 5 -4 6 .
T H E R M A E A N T O N IN IA N A E (C A R A C A L L A E )
Figure 83
T h erm ae Agrippae,
Plan by C. H iilsen
based on a Plan by
A. Palladio and a
Fragm ent o f the
M a rb le Plan
Therm ae Alexandrinae: see Therm ae
Neronianae.
Therm ae Antoninianae (Caracallae) (Fig. 84):
more commonly called the Baths of Caracalla, lo
cated southwest of the Via Appia just outside Porta
Capena in Regio X II. These were the first great pub
lic baths built in more than a hundred years, their
immediate antecedent having been the Baths of Tra
jan. The date of their dedication is given by Jerome
(Hieron. a. Abr. 2 2 3 1 ; cf. Aur. Viet., C aes. 21) as
a . d . 2 1 6 , but they had presumably been many years
in planning and building and may well have been a
project of Septimius Severus, who took a special in
terest in this sector of Rome. The earliest brick-
stamps seem to be those of February 211-February
2 1 2 , and the central block is entirely work of the
years 2 1 2 -2 1 6 , whereas the rectangle of the peri-
bolus is an addition of Elagabalus and Alexander
Severus (Bloch 2 8 3 -3 0 3 ). The work of Elagabalus
and Alexander Severus is also attested in the Historia
Augusta (S.H.A. F ieliog ab. 17.8, A lex. Sev. 25.6).
For two very fragmentary papyri in Geneva that
seem to preserve parts of lists of works of art on view
in these baths, see J. Nicole, Un C atalogu e d oeuvres
d art con serv es R om e l p o q u e im p eriale (Ge
neva 1906), and G. Nicole in M langes H olleau x
(Paris 1913), 1 4 5 -5 2 . M ost, if not all, of these
would have formed part of the original appoint
ments.
The history of the building in antiquity is meager.
387
 T H E R M A E A N T O N IN IA N A E (C A R A C A L L A E )
Figure 84
T h erm ae
A n to n inian ae, Plan
by A. Palladio
The praefectus urbi set up bases for statues of Val-
entinian and Valens toward the end of the fourth
century (C IL 6 .7 9 4 , 1 1 7 0 73). In the fifth century it
is listed among the marvels of Rome (Polemius Sil-
vius 5 4 5 ; Olympiodorus ap. P hotiu m p. 63a [Bek-
ker]). Brick-stamps attest to repairs in the time of
Theodoric (C IL 1 5 .1 6 6 5 .3 , 4 ; 1669.7). The useful
ness of the baths must have come to an end with the
cutting of the aqueducts during the siege of Genseric
in A .D . 5 3 7 . The baths are mentioned in the Einsie-
deln itinerary and kept their proper name, often
somewhat distorted, through the Middle Ages. Be
ginning in the time of Pope Paul III, they were plun
dered for antiquities, the Farnese Bull, the Farnese
Hercules, and the Farnese Flora (all now in the M u
seo Nazionale Archeologico in Naples) having come
from them. So did the Belvedere Torso in the Vatican
(Helbig4 1.265) and numerous other sculptures. Pal
ladio made reasonably accurate plans of the com
plex, together with reconstructions of the elevations
and sections, and drawings of cornices, moldings,
and capitals (Zorzi figs. 1 1 0 -2 4 ), as did a number of
other architects of the sixteenth century. In the nine
teenth century Ivanoff studied the parts above
ground in great detail, 1 8 4 7 -1 8 4 9 , and made careful
drawings and experiments in restoration of the dec
oration (S. A. Ivanoff and C. Hlsen, A rch itekton
ische Studien, vol. 3 [Berlin 1898]). Since then explo
ration of the underground parts, heating system,
drainage, service corridors, and so forth has proved
illuminating and rewarding. There have been numer
ous studies of the complex, but no comprehensive
treatment of the whole.
The plan follows in general the lines laid down in
the Baths of Trajan, but introduces many refinements
and variations. The main block, 2 1 4 m wide 110 m
388
deep, is set well forward on a nearly square terrace
to give maximum sun to the caldarium in winter. The
plan is rigidly symmetrical in all its parts. The three
big rooms on the central axis are: (1) an unroofed
natatio with deep niches on the southwest side only,
(2) a central hall adorned with eight granite columns
that appeared to carry cross vaulting in three bays,
off which open niches containing other niches, some
separated from the main hall by screens of columns,
others not, and (3) a circular caldarium about four-
fifths the size of the Pantheon, domed and multi
windowed, with a small chamber in each pier be
tween the windows, two of which are used to house
stairs to the roof and two for passages to other
rooms. The only column of the central hall remain
ing was taken to Florence by Cosimo I between 1561
and 1565 and now stands in Piazza della Trinita. To
either side of the main axis, rooms are grouped
around a court or palaestra. The apartments on the
southwest, which face outward and are, for the most
part, raised on suspensurae, were the bathrooms
proper, symmetrical suites of large rooms, very dif
ferent from one another, including a nearly oval
room with a cross-vaulted roof. The rooms clustered
about the palaestras seem to have been for dressing,
exercise, massage, and so on; about half of them are
vaulted. The palaestras are colonnaded around three
sides, and the portico is raised a step above the open
area. On the fourth side is a series of three rooms
separated from the court and one another only by
screens of columns. On axis opposite them is a great
semicircular bay lined with a row of niches separated
from the portico by a row of columns. This feature,
copied from the Baths of Trajan and ultimately the
Forum Augustum, is strongly emphasized; it was
here that the famous mosaic pavements representing
athletes were found in 1824. These are now in the
Lateran collection in the Vatican and probably date
only from the fourth century (Helbig4 1.1028).
Any discussion of the identity of the cella solearis
mentioned in the Historia Augusta (S.H.A. Carac.
9 .4 5) is probably futile. The word solearis should
mean provided with basins for individual bathing
(cf. C IL 8 .8 9 7 , 14700), but possibly it came to be
applied, at first only jokingly, to the great central
halls of imperial baths where there were fountains in
the form of great tubs of colored marble. If there was
a room with a roof such as the author describes, nam
ex aere vel cypro can celli su p erp ositi esse dicuntur,
quibus cam eratio tota con cred ita est, it would have
to have a false vault hung under another roof. Yet
none of great size, such as he requires, could be
found here. Probably he, or his source, misunder
stood the function of tie rods used in the palaestra
porticoes and concocted a myth about the roofing of

the great hall. The meticulous attention that the
engineers gave to statics in their choice of mate
rials, especially in their choice of caementa for the
vaults and in their distributing weight and buttress
ing thrusts, may have promoted the invention of
myths.
The terrace surrounding the central block is
largely artificial, dug out to the southwest and built
up on the northeast, where the approaches are
found, especially that from the Via Nova. Along this
front and around each end to about one-third of the
depth of the sides was an arcade in two storeys, be
hind which opened a row of deep rooms, among
which the stairs for taking one up to the upper level
are arranged. These rooms served as shops, housing
for the personnel of the baths, and service areas. At
the back of the terrace was a stadium, evidently for
athletic events, the seating carried only around the
southwest half and helping to buttress the double
row of cisterns in two storeys dug into the hill behind
it, sixty-four in all. It was at this point, on the prin
cipal axis of the complex, that the aqueduct, a
branch of the Aqua M arcia, entered. Flanking the
stadium are two large rectangular halls, each with a
large niche on the principal axis and rows of smaller
niches; these have been identified as libraries, the
niches being for wooden cases in which the scrinia
were kept. The identification is very doubtful, be
cause the library of Hadrian in Athens measures only
about 23 m wide x 17.50 m deep overall, while each
of these measures about 42 m x 25 m. Moreover,
there are reservoirs for water behind the southwest
wall of each; these would be deleterious to books, as
Vitruvius (6.4.1) knew. On the sides of the complex,
facing the greatest expanse of the gardens, are sym
metrical bowed bays, each containing an octagonal
nymphaeum roofed with a highly experimental
dome offering the earliest example of windows in the
drum of the dome, half-domed niches under these
windows, and curved pendentives. There is also a
large rectangular room open to the garden along one
front through a screen of columns, and a somewhat
smaller room with provision for heating. These we
must think of as assembly rooms for use in summer
and winter. Behind them runs a bowed portico, pre
sumably for strollers. The planning of these bays is
extremely ingenious and highly successful, but they
are not imitated in subsequent baths.
The subterranean installations of the baths have
been explored only in small part, but it is enough to
show that great corridors, large enough for vehicular
traffic, ran to all parts of the complex. Into these
opened manholes, so that loading and unloading of
fuel, linen, and various supplies could be brisk and
efficient, and from them stairs led up inside the great
T H E R M A E A N T O N IN IA N A E (C A R A C A L L A E )
piers of the buildings that continued up to the roofs.
Thus service could circulate with maximum freedom
to all parts and without contact with the public ex
cept at the end. The roofs, perhaps even the plumb
ing, could be repaired while the baths continued in
use, and at the end of the day much of the work of
cleaning and supplying would already have been ac
complished. Into one of these corridors along the
northwest side of the complex was built a Mith-
raeum (see Mithraeum : 5. Mithraeum Thermarum
Antoninianarum), the largest so far known in Rome,
dating from the third century. This was accessible
from a side street, rather than from the bath itself,
and consisted of masonry bases for dining couches,
four on each side, flanking a central nave. The nave
is roofed with a barrel vault; the aisles in which the
couches were recessed have vaults intersecting with
this. There is a baptismal basin, a pit accessible from
a chamber to one side for the sacrifice of the bull,
and a triangular base for the cult image, behind
which the relief of Mithras Tauroctonos was set into
a niche. The nave is paved with black-and-white mo
saic, and the impression one has is of a prosperous
cult center. The rooms flanking the Mithraeum
proper also belonged to the cult; one was a sacristy,
and one was a stall for the bulls required for sacri
fice. Close to this in the subterranean parts a mill was
established at a late date (O p R om 14 [1983]: 4764
[T. Scioler and O. Wikander]). No doubt a variety of
small workshops remains to be discovered.
Below this level runs the level of the drains, an
elaborate network. The main drain runs along the
whole northeast side of the complex and empties out
of the northwest side. The rationale of this is easy to
see, because the Circus Maximus brook must have
been used to take off the wastes to the Tiber.
Because we know nothing at all about the archi
tecture, planting, or statuary of the gardens, little,
except for the many sculptures known to have come
from the baths, about the decoration and its pro
gram, and almost nothing about rooms and terraces
in a second storey, we must admit that our knowl
edge of the Baths of Caracalla is woefully deficient,
but we know this complex better than we know any
other bath complex in Rome, and its sophistication
and the subtlety of the planning are impressive even
in its ruined state.
Nash 2 .4 3 4 - 4 1 ; Lugli 1975, 5 6 7 -7 5 ; H. Munder-
scheid, D ie Skulpturenausstattung d er kaiserzeit-
lichen T herm en an lagen (Berlin 1981), 7 3 -7 6 (cata
logue of sculptures found in these baths); AJA 87
(1983): 34784 (M. M arvin); R om a, a rch eo lo g ia nel
cen tro (1985), 2 .5 7 8 -6 2 2 (I. Iacopi et al.); ArtB 68
(1986): 3 7 9 - 9 7 (D. Kinney); PBSR 55 (1987): 1 4 7 -
56 (J. Delaine).
389
 TH ERM A E CLEA N D RI
Figure 85
T h erm ae
C o n stan tin ian ae,
Plan by A. Palladio
Therm ae Cleandri: see Therm ae
Commodianae.
Therm ae Comm odianae: baths that Cleander, a
favorite of Commodus, built in Regio I (N ot.). They
are recorded in our sources (S.H.A. C om m od . 17.5;
Chron. 147; Herodian 1.12.4) and dated by Jerome
to a . d . 183 (Hieron. a. Abr. 21 9 9 ). Herodian says
that they were very large, but they seem to have dis
appeared without leaving a trace. The Thermae
Commodianae of the Einsiedeln itinerary are really
the Thermae Agrippae.
T h e rm a e C o n sta n tin ia n a e (Figs. 72, 8 5 ): the last
great imperial baths, a comparatively small complex
built by Constantine (Aur. Viet., C aes. 40 .2 7 .5 ) at an
unknown date in Regio VI (N ot.). They may have
replaced the Balineum Claudianum (q.v.) and served
a populous district in the heart of Rome earlier de
pendent on private baths. The baths suffered greatly
in the course of the next century and were restored
in a . d . 443 by Petronius Perpenna Magnus Quadra-
tianus, praefectus urbi, who recorded his restoration
in a colorful inscription (C IL 6 .1 7 5 0 = IL S 5703).
They are referred to only by Ammianus (27.3.8) to
locate a house, but figure in the Einsiedeln itinerary
(1.10, 3.6 , 6 .1 1 ; Jordan 2 :6 4 6 , 6 4 8 , 652). They were
situated in an area between Alta Semita and Vicus
Longus toward the south end of the Quirinal, the
Collis Mucialis, where the ground was uneven and
extensive terracing was necessary along the south
390
side. They seem to have been flanked by streets on
both sides. So the north/south orientation they took
was more or less forced upon the architect, who had
also to work in a comparatively narrow area. Con
siderable remains of the main building survived at
the beginning of the sixteenth century, and a number
of Renaissance artists made plans and drawings;
these, especially Palladios, are our chief source of
knowledge of the complex (S. Serlio, D e architec-
tura, 3.88 or 9 2 ; A. Palladio, L e term e pi. 14 = Zorzi
figs. 8 4 - 8 8 ; E. Du Perac, Vestigt pi. 3 2 ; A. van der
Wyngaerde in B u llC om 23 [1895]: pis. 6 -1 3 [R.
Lanciani]). The remains were almost totally de
stroyed in the building of Palazzo Rospigliosi, 1 6 0 5 -
1621, but occasional bits of no great significance
have been recovered from time to time (NSc 1876,
5 5 , 99 [G. Fiorelli]; 1877, 2 0 4 , 2 6 7 [G. Fiorelli];
1 8 7 8 ,2 3 3 ,3 4 0 [G. Fiorelli]).
Palladios plan shows a large semicircular entrance
court in the area now occupied by Palazzo della Con-
sulta giving to a square court with addorsed columns
along the sides between openings to two large
vaulted loggias, an arrangement suggestive of a na-
tatio, though none is shown. From this one passed
into a cruciform central hall on which opened to
either side a long exedra with apsidal end and four
smaller rooms with niched walls and lateral apses,
all with columnar doorways. This must have been
the chief showplace of the complex. South of this
were the bathing facilities proper, which opened off
a long rectangular court. These were symmetrical
wings with rooms with bathing tanks and niches to
either side, a quadrilobate tepidarium, almost an
oval in plan, and a very large round caldarium with
three rounded apses for fenestration swelling out on
the cross axes. Considerably south of this, on axis
but evidently not connected with the rest, was a large
hemicyclical stair, apparently descending the slope of
the hill. The general impression one has is of a great
conglomeration of curvilinear rooms and curved ele
ments and forms at every scale, and the closest rela
tion in architecture seems to be with the Imperial
Baths of Trier, but there is nothing very revolution
ary in the design nor any signal change from that of
the Baths of Diocletian.
The area of the Thermae Constantinianae had ear
lier been covered with private houses and insulae
with tabernae in the ground storey (B ullC om 4
[1876]: 1 0 2 -2 0 [V. Vespignani]), important parts of
which were preserved in the terracing for the baths.
These seem to have been buildings of the second
to fourth centuries after Christ. See, e.g., Domus, T.
Avidius Quietus (1).
Important works of sculpture were recovered from
these baths. They include the bronze boxer
(Borghese) and Hellenistic ruler now in the Museo

Nazionale Romano delle Terme ;Helbig4 3 .2 2 7 2 ,
22 7 3), and two marble statues of Constantine, one
now in the porch of S. Giovanni in Laterano, the
other on the balustrade of Piazza del Campidoglio.
There was also a marble statue of Constantines son
Constans (Helbig4 2 .1 1 6 6 , 1167). The horse tamers
of Montecavallo may have come from these baths, if
they did not belong in the precinct of the Temple of
Salus.
LS 3 .1 9 6 -9 8 ; Nash 2 .4 4 2 -4 7 .
Therm ae Decianae: built by Emperor Decius in
A.D. 252 on the Aventine (M G H C hron. Min. 2 .1 4 7
[Cassiodorus]; Eutropius 9.4 ; Chron. 147 [Com-
modianae]; C IL 15.7181). A partial plan of the
complex was made in rough form by Palladio (Zorzi
fig. 145); he measured the extent of the southeast
front as 32 pertiche, 5 p ied i = 9 6 .0 7 m.
Although the complex is similar to other imperial
baths with an axial series of rooms and symmetrical
wings to either side, it faced southeast, having a se
ries of large rooms with large openings containing
columns so oriented. The caldarium is omitted, but
Lanciani (LFUR sheet 34) suggests that it may have
been multilobate, something like that in the Thermae
Constantinianae. The central hall seems unusually
simple in its cruciform plan. No peribolus is shown,
but the measurements of Palladio show that he con
sidered the main building to stand on a prepared ter
race, so presumably one originally existed.
The baths were located in the middle of the Aven
tine plateau, and walls still existing in the early part
of this century could be identified as represented on
Palladios plan (PA 327). Numerous explorations
have been conducted since the seventeenth century
and have produced fragments of mosaic pavement,
painted and stucco decoration, and marble statue
bases erected by praefecti urbi in the fourth century
(C IL 6 .1 1 5 9 , 1160, 1167, 1192?; IL S 796, 1651?,
1672). The most famous pieces recovered from these
baths are the infant Hercules in basalt and the relief
of Endymion sleeping now in the Museo Capitolino
(Helbig4 2 .1 3 3 1 , 1399).
Q A rchE tr 11 (1985): 1 3 9 - 4 4 (L. La Follette).
Therm ae Diocletiani (Figs. 72, 8 6 ): the great bath
complex that Diocletian built at the northeast end of
the Viminal and Quirinal just inside the Agger of the
Servian Walls. The dedicatory inscription (C IL
6 .1 1 3 0 = 31 2 4 2 = /LS 646), known in at least four
copies, puts the date of dedication between 1 May
305 and 25 July 306 and makes the baths especially
the work of Maximianus after his return from Africa
in 2 98, but dedicated by both the Augusti who had
abdicated and the reigning tetrarchs. Maximianus
takes special credit for the buying up of the land on
T H E R M A E D IO C L E T IA N I
300m
Figure 8 6
T h erm ae D iocletian i,
Plan by A. Palladio
which they were built. Jerom es date (Hieron. a. Abr.
2 3 1 7 = a . d . 302) is incorrect. The bricks recovered
from the fabric belong entirely to the period of Dio
cletian, no other material being employed, and the
evidence strongly indicates that for the enormous
project of the Thermae the brick industry was com
pletely reorganized and concentrated in the hands of
the emperor (Bloch 3 0 3 -1 6 ). Among the buildings
that were removed or destroyed to make a place for
the baths, we can list only the Quadrigae Pisonis
(S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 2 1 .6 -7 ) , a monument of the sec
ond century decorated with reliefs, including one
probably showing the Temple of Quirinus (R om M itt
19 [1904]: 2 3 - 3 7 [P. Hartwig]), and the house of
Cornelia L. f. Volusi Saturnini. Probably the area
was largely residential, as its choice for this sort of
complex also suggests. In laying it out a number of
changes in the streets were necessary, a section of the
Vicus Longus having to be suppressed and a new
street run southwest of the baths to connect Alta
Semita (Vicus Portae Collinae) and Vicus Portae Vi-
minalis (see LFUR sheets 10, 17).
The statement in the life of Probus in the Historia
Augusta (2.1) that the Bibliotheca Ulpia was in the
fourth century housed in the Thermae Diocletiani
has been challenged as an invention. However, be
cause we hear of two sets of libraries in connection
with the Forum Traiani, the Bibliotheca Templi
Traiani (A. Gellius 11.17) and the Bibliotheca Ulpia,
and because libraries seem to have been among the
amenities offered those frequenting the baths (cf.
Thermae Antoninianae, Thermae Traiani), it seems
not unlikely that the Ulpian library might have been
transferred here. Olympiodorus (ap. P botiu m 80 p.
63 Bekker) asserted that three thousand people could
be accommodated here at once, almost double the
number that could be accommodated in the Baths of
391
T H E R M A E D IO C L E T IA N I
Caracalla, but this has been questioned. Although
the bath building proper is significantly larger than
that in the Baths of Caracalla, there is very little dif
ference in the areas covered by the whole complexes.
The baths were restored at some unspecified time
(C IL 6.1 1 3 1 ), and one does not know how exten
sively. The cutting of the aqueducts during the
Gothic War in the sixth century put them out of
commission, and there is no sign that they were ever
in use thereafter. The church of S. Cyriacus in Ther-
mis (HCh 2 4 546) seems to have been established
there prior to a.d . 4 9 9 and continued to exist until
the sixteenth century under that name, whereas in
the M irabilia of the twelfth century we find in palatio
D ioclitian i (Jordan 2 .6 4 0 ; V Z 3.60).
The baths followed the scheme initiated in the
Baths of Trajan of a bath building proper set on axis
in a spacious open area, off the periphery of which
open numerous small dependencies. The main axis
lies northeast/southwest, with the principal hot
rooms along the southwest front to get the benefit of
the afternoon sun, and with a large semicircular ex-
edra in the middle of the southwest side to enhance
this. The rectangular area measures about 3 5 6 m
wide by 3 1 6 m deep, the block of the bath building
2 44 m wide by 144 m deep. Entrance to the bath
building was on the three sides away from the south
west. In the middle of the northeast side was a huge
swimming pool, its southwest side strongly resem
bling a scaenae frons, a baroque front built up in
three storeys and adorned with columns and sculp
tures in niches. This was flanked by cross-vaulted
porticoes leading back to the main hall, its central
cruciform volume extended through broad colon
naded openings into a series of six squarish annexes
to either side, the openness here a radical departure
from tradition, as is also the free use of cross vault
ing. In the sixteenth century Michelangelo converted
the central space, which was exceptionally well pre
served, into the church of S. M aria degli Angeli. To
either side of the central hall opened a colonnaded
court, probably a palaestra, with small dependencies
along the far long side, probably for the adjuncts of
exercise, and access at the southwest to a single cold
room and a series of three rooms on suspensurae,
presumably of increasing heat as one approached the
central axis from either side, culminating in a vast
caldarium thrust out from the rest to the southwest.
This rivaled the great central hall in size and was fur
nished with four apses at the ends of the axes.
The parterre surrounding the bath building was
undoubtedly laid out in part in walks and gardens
and in part in playing fields, but it is unlikely that the
great exedra on the southwest was ever used as a the
ater, as its shape has suggested. The absence of sub
structures for seating and the undesirability of inter
392
fering with the exposure of the southwest front of
the bath block militate against it. It is more likely to
have been a hemicyclical walk. The drawings of Do-
sio show the back wall as windowed, not treated
with a series of aedicular niches. The niches seem to
have been an invention based on Palladios section
(see Zorzi fig. 128), in which the windows were
given aedicular frames, and these were then multi
plied to make a scenographic effect for which there
is no warrant at all. The peribolus wall survived up
until relatively recently; when the Via Nazionale was
created in 1867, it cut through the line of the exedra,
and the modern Piazza dellEsedra follows its curve.
Elsewhere it has disappeared, except for portions of
the dependencies that opened out of it that have been
incorporated into modern structures. These seem to
have been a collection of almost independent pavil
ions, of various sizes and plans, but for the most part
not very large. These might have been libraries, club-
rooms, or schools. Two large domed halls at the ex
tremities of the southwest front are more important
and must have served some special function, but
there is no indication of what that was. One has been
used since 1594 as the church of S. Bernardo, and
the other is built into buildings on Via Viminale.
The brick facing was covered with stucco on the
exterior, worked to simulate white marble in large
drafted blocks. This had been done earlier in the
Thermae Traiani and Thermae Antoninianae. The
interior was revetted with marble; most of the col
umns seem to have been granite. The water for the
baths was supplied by the Aqua M arcia, which Dio
cletian augmented for this purpose. The reservoir for
the baths lay just outside the peribolus toward the
east end of the southeast side in the angle between
Vicus Collis Viminalis and the baths. The reservoir
was of trapezoidal shape, nearly triangular, 91 m
long and 3 1 m wide at the base, divided into aisles,
increasing to five in number, by square pillars of
brickwork supporting cross vaults.
At the time the central hall was remodeled as the
church of S. M aria degli Angeli, Pope Pius IV as
signed large portions of the rest of the complex to
the Carthusian monks of S. Croce in Gerusalemme.
The great cloister of one hundred columns that
bears the date 1565 was constructed for the monks.
As S. M aria degli Angeli was to be the monasterys
church, Michelangelo made the principal axis south
east/northwest, with the entrance at the southeast
end. In 1749 Cardinal Bichi, wishing to enlarge the
church, engaged Vanvitelli for this project, and he
then changed the axis and built a new choir and apse
projecting into the great swimming pool of the baths.
Michelangelos church now became the transepts of
Vanvitellis. In 1575 Pope Gregory X III took the
northwestern parts for the construction of the Hor-

rea Ecclesiae, the church granaries, and these were
then enlarged successively by Pope Paul V in 1609
and Pope Clement X I in 1705. Pope Clement XIII
added storehouses for oil in 1764, and they were not
destroyed until 1936. In 1889 the Museo Nazionale
Romano was established in the cloisters of the mon
astery and, after the main bath building was isolated
in 1 9081911, extended to occupy the surviving
parts of the baths back to the east corner.
A fine series of drawings by Dosio shows the baths
in the middle of the sixteenth century, before the re
modeling as a church and monastery (G. A. Dosio,
R om a antica e i disegn i di architettura agli Uffizi
[Rome 1976], nos. 33, 6 0 62, 70, 7 3 75).
Lugli 1938, 3 5 9 - 7 1 ; CAR 2-1, 1 -1 6 pp. 2 3 9 - 4 1 ;
Nash 2 .4 4 8 -5 3 ; Lugli 1975, 4 9 0 - 9 3 ; NSc 1976,
2 4 6 4 7 (E. Lissi Caronna).
Therm ae Domitii: baths built for Cn. Domitius
Ahenobarbus, the natural father of Nero, on the
Sacra Via (Seneca, C ontrov. 9 .4 .1 2 ), evidently pri
vate and in connection with his house there. See Do-
mus Domitiana.
Therm ae Etrusci: the Baths of Claudius Etruscus y
described in some detail by Martial (6.42) and Sta ' ^ bath complex southwest of the baptistery of S. Gio
tius (Silv. 1.5), who marveled at their luxury. They
especially admired the wealth of colored marbles em
ployed and the variety of accommodations. Because
the baths offered the water of both the Aqua Virgo
and the Aqua M arcia, they must have been in the
Campus Martius or the Transtiberim, these being the
regiones that the Virgo supplied. The former is ob
viously more likely.
Therm ae Gordiani: mentioned once (S.H.A. G ord.
32.7) as a project of Gordion III for the Campus
Martius, a set of summer baths and one of winter
baths in conjunction with his other projects. These
were not even begun.
Therm ae Helenae: baths that the dowager empress
Helena restored in a . d . 3 2 3 3 2 6 after a fire (C IL design.
6 .1 1 36 = 312 4 4 ). They are near the Sessorium and
may have been part of the imperial villa (horti) Ad
Spem Veterem, which we first hear of in the time of
Elagabalus (see Circus Varianus and Sessorium), but
stand somewhat apart and seem too large for the
needs of the villa. They lie a little inside the Porta
Praenestina (Porta Maggiore), southwest of the
branching of the Aqua Claudia and Arcus Neronis.
The plan is very asymmetrical, but the hot rooms
were in a windowed bank facing southwest. Sub
stantial remains survived up to the sixteenth century,
and Palladio produced a plan (Zorzi fig. 144), but
except for the reservoir the ruins have now disap
T H E R M A E N E R O N IA N A E
peared under modern building. Palladio shows the
plan as ell-shaped, the entrance wing consisting of a
handsome vestibule, the side walls lined with niches,
and a large hall cross-vaulted in three bays with col
umns addorsed to the walls to appear to support the
vaulting. It copies the arrangements of the central
halls of the great bath complexes on a reduced scale.
Access to the bathing suite is not clear, but then one
proceeded in series from a cold room at the south
corner through a succession of three or four hot
rooms. The furnaces seem to have been at the west
corner, and there may have been a square palaestra
at the east corner. There seems to have been free use
of cross vaulting and colonnaded openings. The res
ervoir was separate and canted at an angle with re
spect to the rest of the complex, two rows of six uni
form rectangular compartments communicating in
both directions and roofed with cross vaults. It was
supplied by the Aqua Alexandrina, built by Alexan
der Severus, which suggests the original date of the
complex was Severan, like the rest of this villa.
Lugli 1938, 4 9 2 - 9 3 ; M em PontA cc, ser. 3.8
(1955): 1 4 0 - 4 7 (A. M . Colini); Nash 2 .4 5 4 -5 7 .
Therm ae Lateranenses: a modern name given to a
vanni in Laterano at the point where Via Amba Ara-
dam enters Piazza di S. Giovanni. Its northeast front
lay along the ancient Via Tusculana. All that survives
above ground is a large rectangular hall with a cross
vaulted roof, built of concrete faced with brick, 10
m x 12.50 m and 13.50 m high. In 1936 this was
freed from other constructions, its arched doorways
were reopened, and the area around it was explored,
producing a complete plan of the baths. The existing
hall seems to have been the central hall, northwest of
which were two rows of rooms, those to the south
west being the hot rooms. The hall dates from the
beginning of the third century, as brick-stamps
prove. It seems too big for a private bath, and the
situation on a street suggests also that it was public.
But it was not a great bath, nor of very advanced
M em PontA cc, ser. 3 .7 (1944): 3 3 4 - 3 9 (A. M.
Colini); Nash 2 .4 5 8 -5 9 .
Therm ae M axentii: baths Maxentius built as an
addition to the Domus Augustiana (Chron. 148: in
Palatio). See Domus Augustiana.
Therm ae Neronianae (Fig. 8 7 ): the second of the
great bath complexes of Rome, following that of
Agrippa, built by Nero (Suetonius, N ero 12.3; Phi-
lostratus, Vit. A poll. 4 .4 2 ; Aur. Viet., Epit. 5 .3 ; Eu-
tropius 7.1 5 .2 ). According to the chronicles, they
were built in 64 (Hieron. a. Abr. 2 0 7 9 ; M G H Chron.
393
 T H E R M A E N E R O N IA N A E
Figure 8 7
T h erm ae N eron ian ae
(A lexand rin ae), Plan,
as K n ow n, with
R estoration s
Min. 2 .1 3 8 [Cassiodorus]), but Suetonius has dedi-
catisqu e therm is et gym n asio, and Tacitus {Ann.
14.47) says the gymnasium was dedicated in 62,
whereas Dio (61.21.1) puts it in 60, together with
the establishment of the Neronia, an association sup
ported by Suetonius. The gymnasium was struck by
lightning and burned in 62, and a bronze statue of
Nero melted in the fire (Tacitus, Ann. 15.22). Given
this evidence, it seems likely that the baths and gym
nasium were parts of a single complex, perhaps the
first time extensive athletic facilities were attached to
a big bathing establishment, opened in 60 for the
first celebration of the Neronia and finished in 62,
that this was later in 62 struck by lightning and
burned, and that it was rebuilt and rededicated in 64.
Martial (2.48.8, 3 .2 5 .4 , 7 .3 4 .4 5) admired these
baths very much. They are mentioned incidentally on
numerous occasions (cf., e.g., C IL 6 .8 6 7 6 , 9 7 9 7
= IL S 5173).
Beneath the courtyard of Palazzo Madama have
been found brick-stamps of the time of Hadrian (C IL
15.481 ); on the site of S. Salvatore in Thermis (HCh
4 5 5 -5 6 ) have been found brick-stamps of the time
of Hadrian (C IL 15.364) and Septimius Severus (C IL
15.164, 371b , 4 0 4 ; see NSc 1907, 5 2 9 [D. Vagli-
eri]); and on the Salita dei Crescenzi have been found
lead pipes of the time of Nero (C IL 15.7271).
Alexander Severus rebuilt and enlarged these
baths in a . d . 2 2 7 , and they were then called Ther
mae Alexandrinae (S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 2 5 .3 - 4 ; Eutro-
pius 7 .1 5 ; Chron. 147; Hieron. a. Abr. 2 2 4 3 ; M G H
Chron. Min. 2 .1 3 8 , 146 [Cassiodorus]), although
394
the older name survived as well (cf., e.g., Sidonius
Apollinaris, Car. 2 3 .4 9 5 ). In later times they were
sometimes misnamed Templum Alexandrini (HCh
20 0 ), but usually kept their true name with surpris
ingly little corruption (HCh 21 2, 3 2 6 27 , 4 5 5 56).
Alexander Severus is said to have added his baths to
those of Nero, to have built an aqueduct, the Aqua
Alexandrina (q.v.), to supply them, and to have
added a park (nemus), which he created by pulling
down buildings that he had purchased. He also insti
tuted taxes for the maintenance of the public baths,
assigned forests for their fuel, and supplied them
with oil for illumination (S.H.A. A lex. Sev. 2 4 .5 -6 ).
These baths occupied an area extending from the
northwest corner of the Pantheon to the Stadium of
Domitian (Piazza Navona) and north to the straight
street that Nero built connecting the Via Flaminia
with the Pons Neronianus, a line now represented by
Via dei Coronari and Via delle Cappelle; it measures
about 190 m wide by 120 m deep. The baths faced
north, with the principal hot rooms along the south
front. Substantial portions were still visible in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and Palladio
studied them and provided a restored plan, eleva
tions, and sections (Zorzi figs. 9 6 -1 0 5 ). Aid Gio-
vannoli made drawings of some of the more impres
sive ruins (Lugli 1938, 2 1 6 2 7 ; Nash 2 .4 6 4 ), and
large portions are built into later buildings, including
Palazzo Madama and Palazzo Giustiniani, and can
be recognized. They tend to confirm the accuracy of
Palladios plan. Two gray granite columns from the
baths were used to repair the northeast corner of the
porch of the Pantheon (q.v.) in the time of Alexander
VII. Two others came to light in 1934 under Piazza
S. Luigi dei Francesi and were reerected in Via di S.
Eustachio in 1950, together with a chunk of cornice.
The plan seems to have been strictly symmetrical,
with the main entrance from the north. A swimming
pool flanked by arcaded and vaulted walks seems to
have occupied the central position here and to have
been given a theatrical south wall with deep semicir
cular niches, probably for fountains. To either side
was a squarish colonnaded court, probably a palaes
tra, with a great semicircular exedra, which Palladio
reconstructs with a massive half-dome. The great
central hall is vaulted in three bays and flanked by a
succession of niches. There is an extension of this to
either side separated off by a screen of columns. A
complex to either side consisting of a vaulted hall
surrounded by smaller rooms, many of them vaulted,
is probably to be associated with the palaestras. The
bathing rooms seem to have been along the south
front, beginning with a cold room at either end and
progressing then through a series of three hot rooms
to a central caldarium thrust out to the south from

the rest. This was rectangular with a deep apse to the
south flanked by blocks that may have contained
small superheated chambers (laconica...
The plan of these baths is so much more sophisti
cated than that of the Thermae Titi. and so much
closer to that of the Baths of Caracalla, that it must
be presumed that Alexander Severus and his archi
tects completely transformed them. Yet the concrete,
wherever in recent years it has been exposed, seems
Neronian. Because this exposure has been especially
in the northern parts, it is tempting to see the bathing
rooms as a Severan addition, with extensive rehan
dling of the swimming pool and central hall, and to
assign the palaestras and adjacencies to Nero. If
Nero emphasized the gymnasium they included, the
bathing facilities may have been subordinate.
Lugli 1938, 2 1 2 -1 8 ; Nash 2 .4 6 0 - 6 4 ; B. Tamm,
N e ro s G ym nasium in R om e (Stockholm 1970);
REA 74 (1972): 9 4 -1 0 6 (A. Vassileiou); R om a, ar-
cb eo lo g ia nei centro (1985), 2 .3 9 5 -9 9 (G. Ghini).
Therm ae N ovati (or N ovatianae): baths men
tioned only in the Acta Sanctae Praxedis (Acta Sanc
torum M ai. 4.297) in Vico Patricii, said to have been
rededicated by Pope Pius I in the time of Antoninus
Pius as the church of S. Pudenziana. The antiquity of
this life is suspect; the information from it is inserted
in the L ib er Pontificalis only in the eleventh century
(LPD 1.132 [Pius I]; V Z 2.22 3 ). Our earliest men
tion of the church otherwise is in an epitaph of 384
(HCh 4 2 4 -2 5 ) . Conversion of one of the halls of a
bath to use as a church would not be surprising at a
somewhat later date, but conversion of a whole bath
complex, especially conversion described as ex ro-
gatu b. P raxedis, must strike us as unlikely for this
period, even if it were a small private bath. A frag
ment of epistyle in S. Pudenziana carries an inscrip
tion: M axim us has olim therm as (C IL 6 .2 9 7 6 9 ); this
Maximus may be the same as the presbyter Maximus
who in 390 restored the church in company with Ili-
cius and Leopardus.
Exploration under the church of S. Pudenziana be
gun in 19281933 and resumed again in 1961
brought to light much of the history of the site. The
earliest identifiable building was a two-storey house
of the Hadrianic period, dated by a brick-stamp of
123 extracted from its fabric (Bloch 2 4 4 n .l8 2 ). The
principal faade of the house was on Vicus Patricius.
It was destroyed toward the beginning of the reign
of Antoninus Pius to build a bath complex, which
was supported on a terrace in part retained by the
house walls, but principally by a very extensive series
of vaulted galleries running back to the slope of the
Viminal and stretching far to either side of the
church. Some of these are shown in sixteenth-
T H E R M A E SU R A E
century drawings, and they have been rediscovered
in excavation. The church is built into a basilical hall
of this bath in which a high central nave was sur
rounded by single-storey aisles, straight on the long
sides but curved at the ends. The aisles were sepa
rated from the nave by columns of gray marble that
supported arches of brickwork and an upper wall lit
by a large clerestory window over each intercolum-
niation. The nave itself produced a series of tanks of
curvilinear form sunk in its floor, one a large oval,
another with straight sides and rounded annexes.
These are very puzzling, and their purpose has never
been explained. However, they were filled in while
the building was still a bath and covered with a mo
saic pavement of marine subjects.
This hall is all that is known of the Thermae N o
vatianae, and there is no clear evidence of just when
it was converted to use as a church, although it was
probably not before the fourth century. The design
of the hall fits very well with Hadrianic architecture
and the baths of Hadrians villa at Tivoli and may be
taken as representative of the form of the smaller
baths of Rome in this period.
A. Pettignani, L a basilica di S. Pudenziana (Rome
1934), 2 3 - 4 4 ; B u llC om 63 (1935): 1 8 3 -8 6 (A. M.
Colini); R. Krautheimer et al., C orpus B asilicarum
Christianarum R o m a e (Rome 1971), 3 .2 8 9 -9 6 ;
Nash 2 .4 6 5 -6 6 .
Therm ae Septimianae: mentioned once in a dam
aged passage (S.H.A. Sept. Sev. 19.5), where Zange-
meister conjectures S eptim ]ianae. This seems very
probable, as a bath of some sort is clearly meant.
These baths were in the Transtiberim in the vicinity
of Porta Septimiana, an area where Septimius carried
out a number of public works. The additional note
that collapse of their aqueduct put these baths out of
service almost immediately is puzzling, because the
Aqua Traiana was not far distant and could furnish
an abundant supply of water. Cf. Balneae Severi, an
other conjecture to emend this passage that would
give substantially the same meaning. See also Ther
mae Timothei.
Therm ae Severianae: baths built by Septimius Sev-
erus in Regio I that survived in the fourth century
and are listed in the regionary catalogues. They are
mentioned in various sources (S.H.A. Sept. Sev.
19.5; Chron. 1 4 7 ; Hieron. a. Abr. 2 2 1 6 = a . d . 200)
but not located more precisely. Presumably they were
somewhere in the valley beyond Porta Capena, but
no trace of them is known.
Therm ae Surae (rarely Suranae): a bath complex
on the Aventine, listed in the regionary catalogues in
395
T H E R M A E T IM O T H E I
Regio X III, built by Licinius Sura (Cass. Dio
6 8 .15.3 ), or by Trajan and dedicated in the name of
his friend (Aur. Viet., Caes. 13.8, Epit. 13.6). It is
shown on fragments of the Marble Plan labeled b a l
s v r a e (FUR pi. 2 3 ; Rodriguez pi. 15) and can be
located with great precision, thanks to the preserva
tion of finished edges of the slabs of the plan. It stood
just north of the church of S. Prisca, where some re
mains have been found, as well as an inscription
(C IL 6.1 7 0 3 = IL S 5715) recording a restoration of
a cella tepidaria by Caecina Decius Acinatius Albi-
nus, praefectus urbi in a . d . 4 1 4 . An earlier restora
tion by Gordian III is attested by part of a marble
block, probably a lintel (NSc 1920, 1 4 1 -4 2 [R. Pari-
beni]; cf. S.H.A. G ord. 32.5). As shown on the
Marble Plan, the baths are drawn back from the
street behind a row of shops fronting on an arcade.
The baths are not symmetrical, consisting of a large
courtyard with colonnaded porticoes on three sides
and a row of large rooms, evidently the bathing
rooms, on the fourth side facing west on the court
yard, an arrangement similar to that found in the
baths of Pompeii. There may have been more beyond
what is preserved on the plan, but not a great deal.
Licinius Sura evidently had a house near the site of
his baths (Martial 6 .6 4 .1 2 -1 3 ), so it is conceivable
that this was pulled down to make space for the
baths. However, the modesty and utilitarian simplic
ity of the complex make it likely that this was the
work of Sura rather than work in his honor.
Nash 2 .4 6 7 -6 8 .
Therm ae Tim othei: mentioned in the Acta S. Ius-
tinae 3 3 in conjunction with the church of S. Puden-
ziana, either the same as the Thermae Novati (q.v.)
or an adjacent bath complex.
Therm ae Titi (Ttianae) (Figs. 62, 88): the third of
the great public baths of Rome, following the Baths
of Agrippa and the Baths of Nero. These were built
on the Oppius in part of the area of the Domus Au-
rea, just west of the part later built over by the Baths
of Trajan, and faced almost due south. They were in
Regio III and were dedicated in a . d . 80, together
with the Colosseum (Cass. Dio 6 6 .2 5 .1 ; Suetonius,
Tit. 7.3 ; Hieron. a. Abr. 2095). The baths were con
nected with the square of the amphitheater by a stair,
possibly the most magnificent one in Rome. Our
knowledge of the plan is due largely to drawings of
Palladio (Zorzi figs. 8 9 -9 5 ), which show some very
unusual and highly questionable features.
At the foot of the stair of approach, along the
square of the Colosseum but 35 m from its faade,
was a vaulted portico supported on brick-faced piers
decorated with engaged columns echoing the archi
tecture of the Colosseum. Palladio shows this as nine
396
bays wide. In 1895 remains of this portico were ex
cavated, and they are visible today. But it was found
that in late antiquity modifications had been intro
duced, walls run between piers, and new piers built
out into the street bounding the Colosseum square,
perhaps to make a row of shops behind an arcade.
Some of this late work was then removed to free the
space and make the original plan clearer.
The stair was in two flights, the lower divided by
parapet walls into three equal parts corresponding to
bays of the portico. At the landing was a second
vaulted portico, also of nine bays, but with the three
middle bays recessed the depth of the wings to either
side. From this landing an unbroken stair led up be
tween terrace walls to a platform in front of the bath
building proper. This terraced platform is an ex
tremely unusual feature, but then is echoed in the
design of every subsequent bath. It is presumed to
have been largely a garden.
Palladio shows the bath building as completely
symmetrical with a large central hall, cruciform, the
cross axis vaulted in three bays, with the north arm
of the cross developed as an apse, and with four col
onnaded exedras opening on the lateral arms. To
either side of central hall is a court surrounded by
vaulted arcades giving to a large vaulted room with
a bowed rear wall and to a stair of uncertain purpose
in the corner of the bath building.
On the principal axis going south from the central
hall, one passed into a vaulted intermediate space on
which opened large stairways to either side, then to
a broad corridor by which one reached the pair of
caldaria, great cruciform rooms, vaulted, apparently
each with a small laconicum attached, thrusting for
ward from the rest of the building. A row of large
rooms facing south behind the caldaria, all probably
for bathing, completed the complex. Palladio shows,
behind the bath building to the north, a complex of
cisterns cut by the diagonal line of the wall of the
peribolus of the Baths of Trajan.
The innovation that now becomes a standard fea
ture of such complexes is the terraced open area be
hind which the baths proper are developed. The
anomalies are the numerous stairs of mysterious pur
pose, the turning to the exterior of a number of small
niches (possibly simply inventions of Palladio?), and
the cramping of the bath facilities into two banks of
rooms rather than three (as in the Baths of Nero,
which were, however, rebuilt by Alexander Severus
and may present many features that were not origi
nal). An unexplained apse to either side in the area
that would have been used in a third bank of rooms
suggests that Palladio may have misunderstood and
misinterpreted the evidence and that actually there
were three banks. The Baths of Titus were built in
great haste, we are told (M artial, Spect. 2 .7 ; Sueton
 T H E R M A E T R A IA N I

ius, Tit. 7.8). All that remains of them today is the

apse of the central hall, which is decorated with
niches alternately semicircular and rectangular,
rather different from what Palladio shows.
Ifir
Coarelli (Coarelli 1974, 203) has suggested that
the Baths of Titus may be the baths of the Domus
Aurea, rebuilt or adapted, but the relationship to the
adjacent remains of the Domus Aurea is not persua
sive; walls do not really line up, nor are plans and
volumes similar.
Lugli 1946, 3 5 3 - 5 5 ; Nash 2 .4 6 9 -7 1 ; Lugli 1975,
4 0 6 ; Coarelli 1974, 2 0 3 - 4 ; B u llC om 92 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ):
3 1 7 -2 3 (G. Caruso and A. Ceccherelli).

T h e rm a e T ra ia n i (Figs. 62, 8 9): the most impor

Figure 88
tant of the great imperial baths, built on the summit
T h erm ae T iti, Plan
of the Oppius after the fire of a . d . 104 destroyed by A. Palladio
most of this section of the Domus Aurea (Hieron. a.
Abr. 2120). The architect was Apollodorus of D a
mascus (Cass. Dio 69 .4 .1 ), and to obtain suitable
space for his complex he filled the remains of the Do
mus Aurea with earth and threw out from the faade . * - As. ^ I * m m a J .......................... ,

and through the big courtyard a series of parallel ^ ir- - H e % JL -1

I
walls at equal distances, which were then connected
with vaults. On this platform, a huge rectangle fac
I1
,
? 1 !f
ing southwest, 2 5 0 m wide by 2 1 0 m deep, with var
ious extensions, the most notable a huge semicircular jj L ii
apron in the middle of the southwest side, the baths
stood as an independent, almost isolated building M i t F K j i] f t
surrounded on three sides by gardens, in turn framed
by a peribolus developed as a series of dependencies. L* : i
is j Ji, n^
A
4 Jjt Jj
The main entrance was in the middle of the north
west side, but there were several subsidiary en
trances, including stairways at either end of the
Lj ' titi
oi

southwest front. In the bath building proper one

came first to the natado, a swimming pool sur
rounded by colonnades on all sides, giving to colon
naded exedras on the southwest side and rows of
uniform rooms (shops?) northwest and southeast.
Beyond these were more banks of similar rooms. Off
i ID I
the south and west corners of the natatio were large
rotundas with niches filling the corners to make
squares, possibly frigidaria.
Continuing along the principal axis from the na
tatio, one came to a magnificent central hall, cruci
form in concept but baroque in its forms, vaulted in with niches and apses, both rectangular and semicir Figure 89
three bays, and provided with a series of exedras cular. T h erm ae T raian i, Plan
a fter A. Palladio
separated from the hall by screens of columns. Be Around the outer periphery of the complex we
yond this to either side was a rectangular courtyard may note half-domed apsidal exedras provided with
surrounded by colonnades giving to a large hemicy- niches in two zones off the south and west corners,
cle with a half-dome decorated with niches, probably very likely libraries. The central semicircular exedra
not a library, although that has been suggested. A on the main axis provided with a bank of seats fol
third bank of large rooms facing southwest was al lowing the line of the curve was evidently an area for
most certainly the bathing facilities, and the calda watching sporting events, and possibly plays as well.
rium, projecting beyond the mass of the main build Hemicycles off the north and east corners on the
ing at its center, was a series of three vaulted bays northeast side were almost certainly nymphaea, and

397
T IB E R IN U S
rows of symmetrical rooms down the short sides of
the complex were probably clubrooms and meeting
rooms. A rectangular room with an apse at either
end off the northeast side does not follow the orien
tation of the rest of the baths, but rather that of the
Domus Aurea and buildings outside the bath com
plex.
The masonry, where it survives, is of great beauty,
concrete faced with brick of fine quality and precise
disposition, the vaults carefully coffered and the
brick facing set to give purchase to the stucco finish.
Unfortunately only small parts survive, mostly apses,
from both the main building and the enclosing peri-
bolus. Discovery of a large inscribed lead pipe be
longing to the water system shows that at least some
of the water for the baths came from the Aqua
Traiana (Nash 1 .5 3 -5 4 ). The reservoirs for the baths
are the well-preserved complex of nine interconnect
ing chambers known as Sette Sale. These are raised
on a foundation storey to ensure that the water
would arrive under sufficient pressure, and they car
ried on their roof a building of two files of small
rooms, probably originally housing for the personnel
of the baths, although in late antiquity this was re
built into a sumptuous palace with a great basilical
hall with an apsidal end, a multilobate hall, and a
nymphaeum, all richly adorned with colored marble
(R endPontA cc, ser. 3 .4 7 [1 9 7 4 -7 5 ]: 7 9 -1 0 1 [L.
Cozza]; A n alR om , suppl. 10 [1983]: 1 8 6 -2 0 1 [K.
De Fine Licht]).
We are told that in the time of Trajan women used
his baths (Chron. 146). Small presents, perhaps es
pecially little clay images (sigillaria), were sold in the
porticoes of the baths during the Saturnalia (schol.
a d Iuv. 6.1 5 4 ). The baths appear to be mentioned
in inscriptions (C IL 6 .8 6 7 7 = IL S 1628, 8678,
9 7 9 7 = 1LS 5 1 7 3 ); and in late antiquity they were
adorned with statues by Julius Felix Campanianus,
praefectus urbi (C IL 1670 = IL S 5716). In early
Christian writings they are regularly called Thermae
Titianae. Lanciani is chiefly responsible for establish
ing their true identity.
Parts of the baths appear on a fragment of the
Marble Plan (FUR pi. 18; Rodriguez pi. 8), and they
are shown on several drawings of the Renaissance,
notably some by Palladio (Zorzi figs. 1 0 6 9) and the
Anonymous Destailleur (cf. H J 3 1 3 n .7 2 ); from these
and what actual remains survive, it is possible to re
construct a fairly accurate and complete plan of the
complex.
Lugli 1946, 3 5 5 -5 8 , 3 6 9 - 7 4 ; Nash 2 .4 7 2 -7 7 ;
BdA 53 (1968): 7 1 -7 3 (G. Gullini); Coarelli 1974,
2 0 4 - 5 ; K. De Fine Licht, Untersuchungen an den
Trajanstherm en zu R om (A n alR om , suppl. 7
[1974]); B u llC om 84 (1 9 7 4 -7 5 ): 2 4 9 -5 9 (P. R o
398
meo); Lugli 1975, 4 0 2 - 6 ; AJA 89 (1985): 4 9 9 -5 0 9
(J. C. Anderson).
Tiberinus: a shrine, perhaps only an altar, of the
river god on the Tiber island. The anniversary cele
bration was on 8 December (Degrassi 5 3 4 -3 5 ) . No
temple of Tiberinus is known. Other holidays in
honor of the river were the Ludi Piscatorii on 7 June
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 3 5 -4 0 ; Festus 2 7 4 -7 5 L ; Degrassi
466) and the Volturnalia on 2 7 August (Varro, Ling.
6.21, 7 .4 5 ; Festus 5 1 9 L ; Degrassi 50 3 ). Because
there was a Flamen Volturnalis, it has been suggested
that Volturnus was originally a god of all rivers, or
that this was the original name of the Tiber, but nei
ther seems actually to have been the case. The name
Tiberis and its mutations Tibris, Tybris, and Thybris
certainly seemed to need explanation for the Ro
mans, as their explaining it as the name of a king of
Alba who had drowned in the river shows (Varro,
Ling. 5 .2 9 - 3 0 ; Livy 1 .3 .8 ; Ovid, Fast. 2 .3 8 9 -9 0 ).
But the river is seldom called Tiberinus, that name
being usually reserved for the divinity. Probably in
some sense the whole course of the river was sacred
and the abode of the god, which would explain the
absence of a temple, except possibly at its headwa
ters, and the lack of any history of a cult center. But
there must have been at least an altar. The Vicus Ti
berinus listed last in Regio X IV on the Capitoline
Base (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = ILS 6073) seems likely to have
been on the right bank.
J. Le Gall, R ech erch e sur le culte du Tibre (Paris
1953), especially 4 0 - 4 5 .
Tiberis: the river of Rome and the longest river in
central Italy, running from headwaters in the Apen
nines between Umbria and Etruria close to the
sources of the Arno and draining most of central
Etruria, Umbria, and the Sabine territory, as well as
Latium. Important tributaries are the Clanis, the
Nar, and the Anio. Although it is not navigable by
vessels of deep draft above Rome, its use as a high
way for traffic to and from the interior, especially by
those in the mountains coming down to the sea for
salt, gave Rome its raison detre (M AAR 36 [1980]:
354 2 [F. Castagnoli], 4 3 53 [A. M . Colini]). Below
Rome the river swells to such volume that a crossing
is difficult and dangerous, whereas the island at
Rome broke the force of the current temporarily and
created below it a slack water where a ferry could be
maneuvered successfully. The Tiber is a treacherous
river, having much of the character of a mountain
torrent; it can rise with surprising rapidity and in
winter is subject to flooding in the vicinity of Rome,
its flood plain opening up below Prima Porta. Floods
in Rome were frequent and often destructive (cf.

Horace, Car. 1 .2 .1 3 -1 6 ; J. Le Gall, L e Tibre, fleuve
de R om e dans Ian tiqu ite [Paris 1953], 2 9 - 3 5 , where
a list of known floods is included). However,
whether Julius Caesars scheme to cut a new channel
for the Tiber from Pons Mulvius secundum M ontis
Vaticanos (Cicero, Att. 13.33.4) was a scheme for
better flood control if indeed it was not simply a
flight of fancy, as seems likely may be doubted.
The origin of the name Tiberis is uncertain (Varro,
Ling. 5 .3 0 ; Servius a d Aen. 8.330), but it appears in
the augural prayer (Cicero, N at. D. 3.5 2 ), so it must
be of considerable antiquity. Earlier the river is sup
posed to have been called Albula. Servius (ad Aen.
8.332) and Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 4L) believed this
was from its color. It is more commonly character
ized as fulvus (Horace, Car. 1.2.13, 2 .3 .1 8 ), and Ver
gil describes it as caeruleus (Aen. 8.64). The other
adjectives should be understood as emphasizing its
opacity. Because the city of Tibur clearly bears the
same name and until quite recently the Anio, Tiburs
river, was called the Teverone, the name Albula is
probably to be connected with Albunea, the nymph
of the sulfur springs of Tibur (Vergil, Aen. 7 .8 3 -8 4
and Servius ad loc. 8.332), which empty into the
Anio and whiten its water. It may be that the tawny
color of the Tiber at Rome was thought to be simi
larly produced.
The governance of the river was originally in the
hands of the censors, like all similar public works.
Embankment walls were constructed in the Forum
Boarium as early as the second century B .C . and
probably earlier. The earliest of which we have clear
record is the work of P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus and
M. Valerius Messalla Niger, censors in 55 B .C ., who
style themselves curatores riparum. They erected ter
minal cippi, of which nineteen are known, extending
from Pons Mulvius to the mouth of the Almo (C IL
l 2.766 = 6 .3 1 5 4 0 = ILS 5922 ). They would have
traced the boundary between public and private
property and repaired and revetted embankments.
They were followed in 8 B .C . by the consuls C. Asi-
nius Gallus and C. Marcius Censorinus, twenty of
whose cippi survive (C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 1 = IL S 5923),
which were inscribed with the distance in feet to
the next cippus. And these were followed in the
next year by Augustus himself, twenty-two of whose
cippi remain (C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 2 = IL S 59 2 4 ). These also
gave the distances between cippi, which turn
out to be very variable, perhaps depending on the
density of building in the area. It is not clear whether
Augustus took up where the curatores riparum of the
previous year had left off; he seems subsequently to
have made the office of curator annual (Suetonius,
Aug. 37).
In a . d . 15, after a great flood, Tiberius appointed
T IF A T A C U R IA
five special curatores (Tacitus, Ann. 1 .7 6 ; Cass. Dio
5 7 .1 4 .7 -8 ). These replaced a number of cippi or
added their inscription to those already existing.
Their authority extended to Ostia (NSc 1921, 2 5 8 -
62 [G. Calza]). A little later there was a restoration
of the bank near the Pons Cestius (C IL 6.3 1 5 4 3 ) and
elsewhere (C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 4 = IL S 59 2 5 ). Under Clau
dius there was an interesting restoration a Trigario
a d P ontem A grippae, again by five curatores (C IL
6 .3 1 5 4 5 = IL S 5926).
Beginning with Vespasian, there is only a single cu
rator named, and we have cippi for Vespasian, Tra
jan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius,
and Septimius Severus (C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 6 3 1 5 5 5 = ILS
5 9 2 7 -5 9 3 4 ). Thereafter, there is a gap until the time
of Diocletian (C IL 6 .3 1 5 5 6 = IL S 58 9 4 ), although
Aurelian recorded his work on the river otherwise
(S.H.A., Aurel. 47.3).
W hat the work of each successive team of cura
tores amounted to one cannot guess. Obviously spe
cial funds had to be allotted from time to time, and
work along the wharves at the Emporium must have
taken precedence over work along the Campus Mar-
tius. But both banks of the river came under their
care, whether they were densely inhabited or not; the
riverbed would have had to be dredged out regularly,
almost constantly; and bridges and their approaches
would have presented special problems. Since the
building of the modern Tiber embankment in the
nineteenth century, all trace of ancient work in
the heart of the city has disappeared beneath and be
hind this, but some idea of the impressive scale of the
work can be had from old prints and from the evi
dence of the Emporium (q.v.).
B u llC om 17 (1889): 1 6 5 -7 2 (L. Borsari), 21
(1893): 1 4 - 2 6 (R. Lanciani); Lugli 1934, 2 7 8 -9 6 ;
J. Le Gall, L e T ibre, fleuve d e R om e dans lan tiqu it
(Paris 1953).
Tiburtinus N eronis: see Terbentinum Neronis.
Tiburtius M ons (or Collis) : a name, possibly only
an antiquarian invention, given the Quirinal by Ly-
dus (Mens. 4.1 5 5 ) in his less familiar list of the hills
of Rome. Cf. Praenestius Mons. It seems hardly
likely that anyone going to Tibur would choose to
leave by Porta Nomentana, and the Porta Tiburtina
is on the Esquiline. It may be that Lydus or his source
is confused about this. Hlsen (HJ 229n .27) dis
misses it as a pure invention.
Tifata C uria: a grove of holly oaks (iliceta) named
after M . Curius Dentatus after his victory over the
Samnites. Because of his brilliant exploits and public
works he was presented with a house ap u d T iphatam
399
T IF A T A M A N C IN A
([Aur, Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 3 3 .1 0 ; Festus 503L ). There
is no indication of where this might have been. Cf.
Tifata Mancina.
Tifata M ancina: a stand of holly oaks named for
an unknown Mancinus whose house was made pub
lic property after his execution (Paulus ex Fest.
117L). Cf. Tifata Curia.
Tigillum Sororium: a beam that spanned the
branch of the Sacra Via leading to the Oppius just
above the Compitum Acilii (Degrassi 5 1 5 , Oct. 1)
listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio IV. Festus
(380L) says that it was supported by two upright
timbers, but for most people it simply spanned the
street. Below it, to either side, was an altar, one to
Iuno Sororia, the other to Ianus Curiatius. There was
a common legend associating the Tigillum with the
expiation of Horatius, the hero of the combat of the
Horatii and Curiatii, for the murder of his sister
(Livy 1 .2 6 .1 3 ; Festus, 3 8 0 L ; Dion. Hal. 3 .2 2 .7 ;
[Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 4.9), but it is told apologeti
cally. Obviously this was a very ancient monument,
and the gods of the altars are not known elsewhere.
In view of the popularity of syzygia in rustic sanctu
aries shown in Roman landscape painting, it seems
unnecessary to seek a deep meaning for the Tigillum,
although it is not clear why it should have spanned a
street.
L. A. Holland, Jan u s an d the B ridge (Rome 1961),
7 7 -9 1 .
Titus, Divus, Aedes: see Vespasianus, Divus,
Aedes, and Divorum, Templum.
Ad To(n)sores: mentioned in an inscription on a
slave collar (C IL 1 5 .7 1 7 2 = IL S 8727), a district near
a temple of Flora. Another inscription locates a bar
ber a d circum (C IL 6 .3 1 9 0 0 ). While we must sup
pose that there were barbers all over Rome, the ex
istence of a temple of Flora on the slope of the
Aventine at the west end of the Circus Maximus sug
gests a certain concentration of barbers there.
Traianenses: inhabitants of a district identified by
one of Trajans monuments, probably the Thermae
Traiani, but perhaps the Platea Traiani or another,
mentioned in a single inscription, the edict of Tar-
racius Bassus of the late fourth century respect
ing fraudulent merchants and shopkeepers (C IL
6.1 0 0 9 9 = 3 1 8 9 3 .b l = IL S 6072.1).
Traianus, Divus, Templum: see Forum Traiani.
Transtiberim: the name given Regio X IV in the re
gionary catalogues. It also occurs in a sepulchral in
400
scription (C IL 6 .9 8 4 7 ). If the theory that the first
items listed in the regionary catalogues for the re-
giones are not the names of these, but simply land
marks or buildings included in them, is correct, then
this might be a square at the head of the Pons Subli-
cius, or possibly Pons Aemilius, although that does
not seem very likely.
Ad Tres Fortunas: see Fortunae (Tres), Aedes.
Ad Tres Silanos: a place designation in an inscrip
tion found at Grotta Ferrata, but evidently referring
to Rome and putting this in Regio VII (C IL
14.2496). Festus (482L) defines a silanus as a jet like
the falls of the Anio at Tibur. Lucretius (6.1265)
mentions such fountains, and one can easily imagine
a nymphaeum with three cascades that might be
known by this name, but it is impossible to locate it
more precisely.
Tria Fata: statues of the three Fates or Sibyls sup
posed to have been set up by Tarquinius Priscus, be
lieved by Pliny (H N 34.22) to be, with the statue of
Attus Navius, the oldest statues in Rome, except for
those of the kings in the Area Capitolina, so presum
ably about half life size. One was restored by Sex.
Pacuvius Taurus and two by M. Messalla, presum
ably the men of these names of the early Augustan
period. The statues stood near the Rostra Augusti
toward the Curia Iulia (Pliny, H N 3 4 .2 2 ; Procopius,
B ellG oth 1.25.19). The first occurrence of the name
Tria Fata is in a . d . 2 5 0 (Cyprian, Epist. 21.13),
where it means the area of the Forum Romanum in
front of the Curia Iulia. By the fourth century it
seems to have become a standard term. Later Tria
Fata and In Tribus Fatis are alternate and equivalent
to Ad Palmam (see Palmam), which then replaces
them. No one describes the statues in detail, nor do
they seem to be shown in any representation.
Jordan 1 .2 .2 5 8 -5 9 , 349.
Tribunal: see R ostra, Suggestus, Tribunal.
Tribunal Aurelium: mentioned four times by Ci
cero in connection with the enrollment of an army
by Clodius, n om in e collegioru m , early in 58 B .C . (Ci
cero, Sest. 34, Pis. 11, D om . 54, R ed. Pop. 13). Ci
cero implies that this army was composed of the
worst elements of the city, including slaves, and or
ganized for violence. In three of the passages he fol
lows mention of this immediately with mention of
Clodiuss stocking of the Temple of Castor with
weapons and turning it into a fortress and base of
operations. Cicero also implies that the whole pro
cess was a parody of the formal levy (dilectus) held
in the presence of the consuls, and he describes it in

these terms. One might therefore associate the Tri
bunal Aurelium with the Ovile, where a dilectus
would normally be held, and such a tribunal in the
Ovile might have been rebuilt by L. Aurelius Cotta,
censor in 64 B . C . However, one might think of a
praetors tribunal on the speakers platform in front
of the Temple of Castor belonging to an unknown
Aurelius. The former seems more likely.
There is no real reason to associate the Tribunal
Aurelium with the Gradus Aurelii (q.v.), as they are
never mentioned together. The identification of older
remains around the Temple of Divus Iulius as the Tri
bunal and Gradus Aurelii proposed by R. Gamberini
Mongenet and accepted by Nash (2 .4 7 8 -8 1 ) cannot
be correct. Whatever that building was, it was larger
than the temple, while everything we know about tri-
bunalia indicates that they were modest affairs.
R om a, arcb eo lo g ia n el cen tro (1985), 1 .6 7 -7 2
(M. G. Cecchini); A rctos 21 (1987): 1 4 4 4 7 (M.
Steinby).
Tribunal Deorum: a monument in C ap itolin o p o st
piscinam , presumably in the Area Capitolina, known
only from military diplomata that were displayed
there (C IL 16.22; A E 1980, 788).
Tribunal Praetoris: the platform on which the cu-
rule chair of a praetor was set to indicate that he was
ready to receive business or that court was in session.
It was probably large enough to accommodate an a s
sessor or two, should the praetor wish to invite one,
but little more. The praetors lictors did not stand on
the tribunal. The tribunals of the praetors in charge
of different courts seem to have had customary lo
cations around the Forum Romanum, but these were
not permanently fixed. The court of the praetor ur-
banus was originally held in the Comitium, that of
the praetor peregrinus in m ed io fo r o , the qu aestio de
am bitu in the Comitium, and so on. The ends of the
various speakers platforms and altar platforms in
front of temples were the usual locations. Here the
tribunals themselves needed to be only a few inches
high.
In the travertine pavement of the Forum R o
manum southeast of the Columna Phocae are matri
ces for the bronze letters of an inscription of the
praetor peregrinus L. Naevius Surdinus (C IL
6 .3 7 0 6 8 ; cf. 6 .1 4 6 0 ; Nash 1.397 fig. 485). This has
sometimes been thought to show the location of his
tribunal, but without adequate warrant.
Tribunal Praetorium: Lugli (Lugli 1947, 6 2 -6 3 )
wished to identify remains in front of the Temple of
Castor with the tribunal of the praetor urbanus after
it was moved from the Comitium to the neighbor
hood of the Puteal Libonis. These remains consist of
TRIG A RIU M
four shallow steps leading up from the southwest
and foundations of a platform that would fill the
area in front of the Temple of Divus Iulius, together
with some fragments of columns of verde antico and
granite and fragments of a fine cornice in white
marble. Lugli proposed that these last elements were
used for a pavilion to cover the praetors sella curulis,
presumably set at the end of the platform so as not
to interfere with the view of the faade of the temple.
But the evidence for such a pavilion is nugatory, and
the pavilion would run counter to Roman religious
dictates. And the platform looks rather like an apron
in front of the temple, working together with it, than
a separate entity. In its present state it is not high
enough to give the praetor the distinction his magis
tracy requires, and if it were built higher it would
interfere with the view of the temple. It is better to
think of this as the place for a court, or courts, whose
presiding praetor(s) sat on the rostra of the Temple
of Divus Iulius, a space marked off from the rest of
the forum but not significantly elevated.
S. Stucchi, I m on u m en ti della parte m rid ion ale
d el F oro R o m an o (Rome 1958), 7 6 81; Nash
2 .4 8 2 -8 3 .
Tribunal Divi Vespasiani, Titi, Domitiani: a tri
bunal erected in Capitolio, known only from a mili
tary diploma that was displayed affixed to it (C IL
16.28). This is generally presumed to have been a
base for statues of the Flavian emperors (cf. Sueton
ius, D om . 13.2).
Trigarium: see Circus, Trigarium, Stadium, etc.
Trigarium: listed by the regionary catalogues in Re
gio IX , a place along the Tiber (C IL 6 .3 1 5 4 5 = ILS
5 9 2 6 , found in situ on the river opposite the church
of S. Biagio della Pagnotta) where horses were exer
cised (C G L [Goetz] 2.201 [Philoxenus]). Passages in
Pliny (H N 2 8 .2 3 8 , 2 9 .9 , 37 .2 0 2 ) show that this
meant in racing competition. It is usually presumed
that this course was for races in teams of three horses
(so PA), but the Romans only occasionally raced
teams of three, their chariot teams being almost al
ways of even numbers, two, four, or six (Dion. Hal.
7 .7 3 .2 ; C IL 6 .1 0 0 4 7 , 1 0 0 4 8 ; IL S 5 2 8 7 , 52 8 8 ). Be
cause a triga is any set of three and the Equirria of
2 7 February and 14 March and the race of bigae on
15 October seem likely to have been celebrated here,
there might have been three tracks here of different
lengths or, because the word seems to have been used
of racetracks generally (Pliny, H N 3 7 .2 0 2 ), it might
have meant a place where the three principal sorts of
races were run. Cf. Friedlnder, R om . L ife 2 .4 5 3 72
and appendix 24.
Its location is in dispute. Scholarly opinion is
401
T RO PA E A G E RM A N IC I
about equally divided between those who would put
it southeast of S. Biagio della Pagnotta and those
who would put it north of Via dei Coronari. The
former would put it in proximity to the headquarters
of the circus teams (see Stabula IIII Factionum), but
in an area that was probably densely built up by the
Severan period. O f course, by the time of the region-
ary catalogues it may have become no more than a
place designation.
A n alR om , suppl. 10 (1983): 5 9 - 8 5 (L. Quilici);
La Rocca 1984, 5 7 - 6 9 ; TAPS 80 (1990): 2 9 -3 3 (R.
E. A. Palmer).
Tropaea Germanici: attested only in inscriptions
on the location of military diplomata (C IL 16.32,
33), which inform us that they stood on a base (tri
bunal) near the Temple of Fides (see Fides, Aedes) on
the Capitoline.
Tropaea M arii: trophies that Marius erected to cel
ebrate his victories that Sulla dismantled and Julius
Caesar restored as aedile in 65 B .C . (Veil. Pat. 2 .4 3 .4 ;
Suetonius, Iul. 11). Suetonius says that they were
trophies for both his victory over Jugurtha and his
victory over the Cimbri and Teutones. Plutarch
(Caes. 6 .1 -2 ) gives the information that when Caesar
restored the trophies they included portraits of M ar
ius and Victorias bearing trophies and that they were
exceptionally fine work and were gilded. They stood
on the Capitoline (cf. also Propertius 3 .1 1 .4 5 -4 6 ),
and, because that was the traditional location for
trophies, there is no warrant for supposing that the
Cimbrian shield located by Cicero (D e Or. 2.266)
sub novis (i.e., the tabernae in front of the Basilica
Fulvia et Aemilia) formed part of them (cf. also Pliny,
H N 3 5 .2 5 ; Quintilian 6.3.38). If anything, the shield
is rather to be associated with Mariuss Temple of
Honos et Virtus. N or should the trophies be con
fused with the marble trophies now mounted on the
balustrade of the Piazza del Campidoglio that were
brought here in 1590 from the nymphaeum known
as the Trofei di M ario in Piazza Vittorio Emanuele.
For these, see Nymphaeum Alexandri.
A second set of M arian trophies supposed by some
to have been recorded by Valerius Maximus (6.9.14:
cuius bin a trop aea in u rbe spectantur) seems to de
pend on a misunderstanding. As the context shows,
what Valerius means are the two sets of trophies, one
for the victory in Africa and one for the victory over
the Cimbri and Teutones. See also Honos et Virtus
(Mariana), Aedes (2).
Tropaea N eronis: trophies that Nero erected on
the Capitoline, m ed io C apitolin i M ontis, to celebrate
the victories over the Parthians of a . d . 62 (Tacitus,
Ann. 15.18). Because Tacitus speaks of these to
402
gether with the Arcus Neronis, it is probable that
they were part of the program of sculpture crowning
the arch, rather than a separate monument, but this
is not borne out by the evidence of the coins showing
the arch. See Arcus Neronis.
Tugurium Faustuli: see Casa Romuli.
Tullianum: see Career.
Tumulus: see Sepulcrum, Sepulcretum, etc.
Tumulus Iuliae: the tumulus in the Campus Mar-
tius in which Julia, the daughter of Caesar and wife
of Pompey who died in childbirth in 54 B .C ., was
buried. Her body was not cremated, but buried by
the people of Rome, despite the objections of the
magistrates (Livy, E pit. 106; Plutarch, P om p. 53.4,
C aes. 2 3 .4 ; Cass. Dio 3 9 .6 4 ). Plutarch says that
Pompey had made preparations for her burial at his
villa at Albanum, so this burial must have been im
promptu and the tumulus raised later. A pyre for
Caesar himself was prepared in the vicinity of this
tumulus (Suetonius, Iul. 84.1), and his ashes were
apparently deposited in this tomb, which Dio
(44.51.1) describes as the family tomb. If the body
of Julia was buried in a sarcophagus, as seems prob
able, and the tomb later given monumental form,
this is almost certainly the place where the embalmed
body of Drusus was deposited after it was brought
to Rome from Germany in 9 B .C . (Livy, Epit. 142)
and the place where the body of Poppaea was placed
(Tacitus, Ann. 16.6: tu m u loqu e Iuliorum infertur).
All indications are that it was an impressive and ca
pacious monument and, as a tumulus, a forerunner
of the Mausoleum Augusti. It has never been located.
Tumulus M aecenatis: known only from Sueton
iuss statement (Vii. Hor. 20) that Horace was buried
on the boundary of the Esquiline: iuxta M aecenatis
tumulum. Because Maecenas was of Etruscan origins
and a minister of Augustus, whose mausoleum took
the form of a tumulus, such a tomb would be fitting,
but its location is unknown.
Tumulus O ctaviorum : a tomb of the Octavii
known from mention in Tacitus (Ann. 4.44) as the
burial place of L. Antonius, the grandson of Octavia,
in a . d . 25. Because Suetonius (Aug. 2 - 4 ) says Au
gustuss immediate forebears were quiet country ar
istocracy living at Velitrae in the Alban Hills until the
time of Augustuss father, C. Octavius, the first of the
family to become a Roman senator, it may be that
this tomb was built for him and his family. Its loca
tion is unknown.

Turris M aecenatiana: a tower from which Sueton
ius (N ero 38.2) says that Nero watched the great fire
that destroyed most of Rome in a . d . 64. He is also
supposed to have recited an Iliupersis, dressed for the
theater as he did so. Presumably it was part of the
Horti Maecenatiani (q.v.) on the Esquiline. Horace
(Car. 2 3 .2 9 .1 0 ) speaks of M aecenass house in Rome
as m olem p rop in qu am nubibus arduis, but that is
probably in regard to the mass of the whole, rather
than a particular tower.
Turris M amilia: a tower in the Suburae regio on
which the Suburanenses affixed the head of the O c
tober horse, if they were victorious in their annual
battle with the Sacravienses for possession of it (Fes-
tus 190L). Elsewhere, Festus (Paulus ex Fest. 117L)
says that the tower got its name from a certain M a-
milius, a member of the leading gen s of Tusculum. A
C. Mamilius Turrinus was consul in 2 3 9 B .C ., and a
Q. Mamilius Turrinus was praetor peregrinus in 206.
All this suggests that the turris was a familiar land
mark and could be regarded as the heart of the Su-
bura, but not necessarily a public building. The fact
that the two factions contending for the head were
clearly geographical, but not regiones of the city of
Servius Tullius, nor any other familiar entity, sug
gests that the struggle for the possession of the head
was not a religious ritual but an impromptu donny-
brook. Plutarch (Q uaest. R om . 97) indicates that the
battle took place in the Forum Romanum, after the
TU TIL IN A E , ARA, CO LU M N A
tail of the horse had been taken to the Regia and
blood from it allowed to drip on the hearth there.
Then two gangs converged, one coming down from
the Sacra Via, the other from the Subura, to contend
for the head. Because most interested Romans must
have attended the race and sacrifice of the horse in
the Campus Martius, the formation of these factions
poses a logistical problem. The head must have
brought good luck, as well as glory, to the winning
side. The Turris Mamilia was still standing in the
early empire (C IL 6 .3 3 8 3 7 = IL S 7242) but is not
listed in the regionary catalogues.
Tutilinae, A ra, Columna: on the spina of the Cir
cus Maximus, mentioned by Tertullian (D e S p e d . 8)
in conjunction with altars and columns of Sessia and
Messia, other divinities of agriculture. The columns
carried images. Tertullian says that people thought
of them as Samothracian, but Roscher (cf. 2 .2 0 4 ,
2 2 1 -2 2 , 228 [R. Peter]) lists them among the Indi-
gites. The Tutilinae lo c a of which Varro speaks in a
mutilated passage (Ling. 5.163) must be between
Porta Capena and Porta Naevia, for Varro is speak
ing of gates and this is the sequence indicated. He
says that Ennius lived here. Jerome (Hieron. a. Abr.
1777) says that Ennius lived modestly on the Aven-
tine, but no contradiction is involved if we put the
Tutilinae loca on the Aventinus M inor on the slope
above Porta Capena near the church of S. Balbina.
403
Umbilicus R om ae: probably to be identified with
the Milliarium Aureum (q.v.), because it is unlikely
that the city could have tolerated two supposedly
precise centers of the city close to each other. The
Umbilicus is first mentioned in the N otitia, after the
Temple of Concordia and before the Temple of Sat
urn, then in the Einsiedeln itinerary (1.5, 6.7, 7.8;
Jordan 2 .6 4 7 , 6 5 2 , 655). It has been identified with
a brick-faced cylinder rising in three stages, 4 .6 0 m
in diameter at the base and 3 m at the crown, at the
north corner of the Rostra Augusti. This was once
faced with marble. A small chamber in the interior is
accessible, but the entrance is too narrow for access
to have been regular. The construction is of the early
fourth century, but later than the monument to the
tetrarchy of a.d . 303. If this was finished as an om
phalos in imitation of the omphaloi of Greek cities
and carried the Milliarium on its summit, one can see
how both names might have come into currency. The
only source using both names, as though there were
two monuments, is the N otitia. The transference of
the Milliarium from one side of the Rostra to the
other may be laid to a need to remove some of the
clutter from the forum square; after the building of
the Arch of Septimius Severus, the Milliarium would
have been less in the way at the north corner of the
Rostra. But it is just possible that it was always here.
An attempt by F. Coarelli to identify this monu
ment with the Mundus (2) (q.v.) is not convincing
(.D ialA rch 9 -1 0 [1 9 7 6 -7 7 ]: 3 4 6 -7 7 , especially 3 5 7 -
73); his identification of the Ara Saturni is of doubt
ful value for the topography of other monuments in
the Forum Romanum.
Lugli 1946, 1 4 6 - 4 7 ; Nash 2 .4 8 4 - 8 6 ; DialA rch
9 -1 0 (1 9 7 6 -7 7 ): 3 7 8 -9 8 (M. Verzor); Rend-
PontA cc 5 5 -5 6 (1 9 8 2 -8 4 ): 3 2 9 - 4 0 (P. Verduchi).
Urbis Fanum : see Venus et R om a, Templum.
Ustrinum Antoninorum: a name given to a mon
ument that the architect F. Bianchini discovered in
1703 under the Casa della Missione, just west of Pal
azzo di M ontecitorio. See Faustina M aior, Diva, Ara.
Ustrinum Domus Augustae: the crematorium in
conjunction with the Mausoleum Augusti in the
northern Campus M artius; Strabo (5.3.8 [236]) de
scribes it. It was surrounded by a circular iron fence
within which was an enclosure wall of white stone,
presumably travertine, around the actual cremato
rium. The space between was planted with black
poplars. Excavations in 1777 at the corner of Via del
Corso and Via degli O tto Cantoni just north of S.
Carlo al Corso brought to light six large travertine
cippi inscribed with the names of members of the
family of Augustus, Germanicuss daughter and
three sons, Drususs son Tiberius, and a Vespasianus,
nephew of the princeps (C IL 6 .8 8 8 -9 3 ; IL S 172,
181, 188); an alabaster urn was also found (Helbig4
1.420). The first three cippi end with the formula hie
crem atus est, while the fourth and fifth end h ie situs
(sita) est. This makes it probable that the ustrinum
lay east of the mausoleum, between it and the Via
del Corso, and that, as the mausoleum began to be
come crowded, various members of the family were
buried in and around the crematorium. The plan that
Lanciani gives for this ustrinum (LFUR sheet 8) de
rives from the construction found under the Casa
della Missione (see Faustina M aior, Diva, Ara), not
from actual remains. Strabo (5.3.8 [236]; cf. also
Suetonius, Aug. 100.4) says that the ustrinum and
mausoleum were surrounded by a large park with
splendid walks; these seem to have stretched from
the Tiber to the Via Flaminia and from the mauso
leum north, perhaps to the line of the Aurelian Walls.
H J 6 2 0 - 2 1 ; Lugli 1938, 2 1 1 -1 2 ; CAR 2-D , 9 7 p.
100; Q ITA 10 (1988): 7 -1 5 (E. Tortorici).

Ustrinum M arci Aurelii (?): see Faustina
M inor, Diva, Ara.
Vallis Egeriae: see Camenae.
Vallis M urcia: see M urcia and Circus
M aximus.
Vallis Vaticana: a place designation occurring only
once (Tacitus, Ann. 14.14), used to denote an area
where Nero was at first allowed to exercise his pas
sion for chariot racing in private (clausum Valle Va
ticana spatium ). This can hardly be the Circus Gaii
et Neronis, which already had architectural form,
but no other area on the right bank of the Tiber sug
gests itself as a vallis. And were it the Gaianum (q.v.)
that was meant, Tacitus would certainly have called
it that. Because the whole right riverbank was regu
larly called Ager Vaticanus, one might even go as far
north as M onte M ario to look for a suitable depres
sion, but more likely a practice track in the vicinity
of the Circus Gaii et Neronis is what is meant, and
this is more likely to have been to the south of the
circus than elsewhere. This probability is strength
ened by the existence of the Horti Agrippinae (q.v.)
here.
Vaticanus: 1. Vaticanus Ager: according to Pliny
(H N 3 .5 4 ; cf. Livy 10 .2 6 .1 5 ), the proper designation
of the territory on the right bank of the Tiber below
the point where it is joined by the Cremera, thus ap
parently an alternative for Veientanus (as in Ripa
Veientana), except that Pliny uses Vaticanus Ager for
the territory on the right bank also a b o v e the junc
ture with the Cremera. The term is more particularly
used of the territory on the right bank in the neigh
borhood of Rome. This territory was farmed from
early times, but generally regarded as rather poor
land (Cicero, Leg. Agr. 2.96), and the quality of its
wine disparaged, especially by Martial (1.18.2,
6 .9 2 .3, 10.45.5, 12.48.14). In the immediate neigh
borhood of Rome, it was largely divided into horti
by the middle of the first century B .C ., many of which
were absorbed into the great imperial estates (see,
e.g., Horti Caesaris (2), Horti Agrippinae, Horti Do-
mitiae), but the hinterland continued to be farmland
called Ager Vaticanus into late antiquity (Solinus
2 .3 4 ; Symmachus, Epist. 6.58.1).
The origin of the name Vaticanus excited some in
terest, and Varro (a p . A. G ell. 1 6 .1 7 .1 -2 ) asserted
that there was a Deus Vaticanus, not only protector
of the lands, but inspirer of prophetic powers and
deriving his name from vaticinium and ultimately
from the root of vagire (cf. Augustine, D e civ. D.
4.8 .1 2). The name actually appears to be adjectival,
V A TIC A N U M
derived perhaps from the name of an Etruscan settle
ment (possibly Vatica or Vaticum) of which all trace
is lost. The cognomen Vaticanus in the consular fasti
for 455 and 451 B .C . is probably not testimony to
this, because it appears as an additional name.
2. Vaticani M ontes: used only once (Cicero, Att.
13.33.4) in connection with Julius Caesars project
to divert the Tiber into a new course running in a
straight north/south direction beginning at Pons
Mulvius and bringing the loop known as Prati di
Castello into union with the old Campus Martius.
The new course would run secundum M ontes Vati-
can os, and these would include Monte M ario, the
modern M onte Vaticano, and the Janiculan hill, in
cluding Monteverde Vecchio.
3. Vaticanus M ons: used in the singular to mean
the Janiculan ridge (Horace, Car. 1.20.78 and
schol.; Juvenal 6.3 4 4 ). A variant on this is Festuss
Vaticanus Collis (519L). As the noun Vaticanum
came to be an alternate for the Circus Vaticanus
(Circus Gaii et Neronis) and the martyrdom of Saint
Peter there and his burial in an adjacent tomb fo
cused Christian attention on that particular sector,
Vaticanus Mons came to identify the modern Monte
Vaticano. In the addenda to the regionary catalogues
of the fourth century, we already find a distinction
between Vaticanus Mons and Ianiculensis Mons.
4. Vaticana Vallis: see Vallis Vaticana.
5. Vaticanum: probably used at first to designate
the level ground between the Vaticanus Mons and
the Tiber, including Prati di Castello (Pliny, H N
8.37, 16.237, 1 8 .2 0 ; Tacitus, Hist. 2.93). Cicero
(Att. 13.33.4) once calls this Campus Vaticanus. At
least part of it was regarded as unhealthy in summer,
probably malarial (Tacitus, Hist. 2.9 3 ), and it was
known for its indigent (Amm. M arc. 27 .3 .6 ). Tombs
are mentioned near the Circus Vaticanus (S.H.A. Ve-
rus 6.4, H eliog ab . 2 3 .1 , and cf. schol. a d Hor. E p od .
9 .2 5 , which is certainly unreliable).
The construction of the Circus Gaii et Neronis
(q.v.) here brought increased interest and importance
to its vicinity, and it began to be called simply
Vaticanum (Suetonius, C laud. 2 1 .2 ; Amm. Marc.
1 7 .4 .1 6 ); it is so called in the regionary catalogues.
The inscriptions alluding to the Phrygianum and
shrine of Virtus Bellona on the Vatican (C IL
13.1751 = IL S 4 1 3 1 , 7281 = IL S 3805) are not help
ful, because the Phrygianum lay within the area of
the circus and we cannot locate the shrine of Bellona.
R bM 4 6 (1891): 1 1 2 -3 8 (A. Elter); H J 6 2 3 -2 5 ;
PAPS 125 (1981): 3 6 7 -9 7 (R. E. A. Palmer).
405
V ED IO V IS, AEDES
Vediovis, Aedes (1): a temple on the Tiber island
attested in the Fasti Praenestini and Antiates Mai-
ores, its anniversary the Kalends of January (De-
grassi 388). This appears to be the temple that the
praetor L. Furius Purpurio vowed in 2 0 0 B .C . at the
Battle of Cremona (Livy 3 1 .2 1 .1 2 , where the manu
scripts read d eo Io v i and editors correct to Vediovi)
and dedicated in 194 by C. Servilius (Livy 3 4 .5 3 .7 ,
where again the text must be emended). These emen
dations are relatively easy, and the fact that the same
day was the anniversary for Aesculapius on the is
land strengthens the case. Vediovis was a divinity
with a sinister side who might well have found a
place on the island, and he would have been unfa
miliar to most people in the Middle Ages. It is not so
easy to explain Ovids apparent confusion of Ve
diovis with Jupiter on this day (Fast. 1 .2 9 3 94), un
less we assume that all the divinities associated with
the island were honored on this day and that Iuppiter
Iurarius is meant (but cf. Faunus, whose proper an
niversary was the Ides of February). Ovids mention
of Jupiter is so casual that it might be simply a mis
reading of the calendar.
Vediovis, Aedes (2) (Fig. 19): a temple inter du os
lucos on the Capitoline in the saddle between the
two crests of the hill, evidently the temple that L.
Furius Purpurio vowed as consul in 198 B .C . and Q.
Marcius Raila dedicated in 192 B .C . (Livy 35 .4 1 .8 ).
The dedication day was 7 March (Ovid, Fast. 3 .4 2 9 -
30; Fast. Praen., Ant. M aior.; Degrassi 421).
The temple, which Vitruvius (4.8.4) described as
being of unusual plan, was discovered in 1939 dur
ing work under the Palazzo del Senatore built over
the Tabularium (q.v.). The temple occupies the
southwest corner of the rectangle covered by the Ta
bularium, which had to be made irregular to accom
modate it. It faces southwest and has a plan similar
to that of the Temple of Concordia on the Forum
Romanum, with a cella of transverse axis and a shal
low pronaos of four unfluted columns. W hat we see
appears to be a rebuilding of the time of the con
struction of the Tabularium, and the reason for the
anomalous plan is not clear. The temple stood on a
moderately high podium faced with travertine and
trimmed with a crisp, tight molding. Soundings
in the interior have located parts of the original
building and of a rebuilding of the mid-second
century.
The cult statue was also found, but lacking its ex
tremities and attributes. It shows a youthful god with
long, romantic hair and a powerful frame. Ovid
(Fast. 3 .4 3 7 44) describes him as a young Jupiter ac
companied by a she-goat. Aulus Gellius (5.12.11
406
12) adds that he holds arrows. Another statue of the
god in the same temple was made of cypress wood
and was believed by Pliny (H N 16.216) to be as old
as the foundation of the temple in 192 B .C .
Jordan 1 .2 .1 1 5 -1 8 ; B u llC om 70 (1942): 5 - 5 6 (A.
M . Colini); Lugli 1946, 3 9 - 4 2 ; Nash 2 .4 9 0 -9 5 .
Velabrum M aius: the low saddle between the
Forum Romanum and the Forum Boarium, espe
cially the southeastern part of this where the Vicus
Tuscus crossed it. The name is certainly very ancient
and was of mysterious origin for Romans of the his
torical period. They also seem to have been unable
to bound it. The inscription on the Arcus Argentari-
orum (see Arcus Septimii Severi in Foro Boario),
which adjoins the church of S. Giorgio in Velabro,
speaks of n egotian tes b o a ri buius (C IL 6 .1035 = ILS
42 6 ). The wish to derive the name from vehere and/
or velum may have influenced the Romans own def
inition of the place. Varro (Ling. 5 .4 3 4 4 , 6.24) is
explicit that it was the place where the ferry between
the Aventine and the Forum Romanum and Palatine
landed, and in memory of this there was a Sacellum
Velabrum at the end of Nova Via. Propertius (4.9.5)
and Tibullus (2.5.33) follow Varro in this explana
tion, but Ovid sees the area of the lower Forum
Boarium as a canebrake (Fast. 6 .4 0 5 -7 ). Others de
rived the name from the awnings that covered the
streets when games were given in the Circus M axi
mus (Plutarch, R om . 5.5). None of the explanations
offered for the name is, or was to the Romans, satis
factory.
From the time of Plautus (Capt. 4 8 9 , Cure. 483)
to the time of M artial (1 1 .5 2 .1 0 , 1 3 .3 2 ; cf. C IL
6 .9 1 8 4 , 9 2 5 9 , 9993 = IL S 7 4 8 5 , 33933) the Vela
brum was the site of a busy market, especially in
foodstuffs, and Macrobius (Sat. 1.10.15) character
izes it as a locus celeberrim u s. Because traffic be
tween the Forum Romanum and Palatine and Forum
Boarium must always have been intense and passed
over it, this is not surprising, but the only monument
mentioned as being in the Velabrum is the tomb of
Acca Larentia (see Sepulcrum Accae Larentiae), al
though the Temple of Felicitas (see Felicitas, Aedes)
may also have been there, so it must have been very
restricted in area.
Varro (Ling. 5.1 5 6 ) distinguished a Velabrum
Maius and a Velabrum Minus, and Propertius
(4.9.5) and Ovid (Fast. 6 .4 0 5 -7 ) both use the plural
Velabra. But for Ovid and Propertius these Velabra
were together, whereas for Varro the Velabrum M i
nus was a swampy patch near the north corner of
the Forum Romanum created by drainage from the
Lautolae (q.v.). This swamp must early have been

channeled off into the Cloaca and forgotten, but
the persistence of the distinction Maius may have
led the poets to use the plural for that which
remained.
B u llC om 89 (1984): 2 4 9 - 9 6 (G. Cressedi).
Velabrum Minus: see Velabrum Maius.
Velia (Fig. 9 0 ): the hill between the Palatine and the
Oppius, now completely eradicated by the cutting of
the Via dei Fori Imperiali and always in the historical
period of rather vague definition. In republican times
the Velia seems to have been crowned by the Temple
V ELIA
Figure 9 0
M o n s Velia, Show ing
R em ains o f A ntiquity
and Im p o rtant M odern
Features
of the Penates (see Penates Dei, Aedes), and after the
time of Hadrian dominated by his Temple of Venus
et Roma (see Venus et Roma, Templum). Between
these dates it must have undergone considerable
modification in the building projects of Nero, the
Domus Transitoria and Domus Aurea. The Velia
may originally have been defined by two small wa
tercourses, one beginning near Summa Sacra Via
(marked by the Arch of Titus) and running along the
base of the Palatine, and another beginning below
the Carinae and running southwest to become the
brook buried under Sacra Via in front of the Basilica
Constantini. The Velia was originally high and al
407
VENUS, AEDES
ways important, the site of one of the sacrifices of
the Septimontium (Festus 459L ) and one of the sa-
craria of the Argei (Varro, Ling. 5 .5 4 ). One of the
Curiae that could not have its rites moved to the
Curiae Novae was the Veliensis (Festus 182L). The
name is more commonly singular (e.g., Livy 2 .7 .6 ,
4 5 .16.5 ), but not infrequently plural (Varro, Ling.
5.5 4 ; Festus 142L ; Asconius a d Cic. Pis. 5 2 [Stangl
19]; Non. M arc. 852L). Dionysius (3.19.1) describes
the Velia as high and steep, and the story of the Do-
mus Valeriorum (see Domus, Valerii [3]) shows that
the Romans always thought of it as commanding the
Forum Romanum on the southeast in much the same
way that the Capitoline did on the northwest. It
was certainly a well-defined eminence in republican
times, although it was the site of comparatively few
monuments. Under the empire its outlines seem to
have been blurred. The origin of the name is com
pletely obscure and was so to the Romans (Varro,
Ling. 5.54).
A nalR om , suppl. 10 (1983): 1 2 9 -4 5 (A. M . Co-
lini), 14768 (G. Pisani Sartorio); QITA 10 (1988):
7 7 -9 7 (D. Palombi).
Venus, Aedes: a temple that burned in 178 b . c . and
was destroyed without leaving any vestige (Obse-
quens 8). It was somewhere in the vicinity of the
Forum Romanum, but we know nothing more.
Venus Calva, Templum: a temple built by order of
the senate to honor Roman matrons who had given
their hair to make bowstrings or catapult cords dur
ing the siege of the Capitoline by the Gauls (S.H.A.
M axim . 3 3 .2 ; Servius a d Aen. 1 .7 2 0 ; Lactantius,
Inst. 1.20.27). Servius mentions only a statue, and
one can imagine a marble statue intended to be pro
vided with bronze hair about which such a legend
might have been invented. Servius goes on to tell an
other version of the story, in which the original ded
ication was a piaculum , a statue of the wife of Ancus
Marcius set up after the women of Rome lost their
hair in an epidemic, and that came to be worshiped
as Venus when their hair was restored. The statue
has the ring of authenticity, but we do not know
where it was located.
Venus Cloacina: see Cloacina, Sacrum.
Venus Erucina, Aedes (1): a temple on the Capi
toline, probably in the Area Capitolina, vowed by
the dictator Q. Fabius Maximus after the disaster of
Lake Trasimene in 2 1 7 B .C . and following consulta
tion of the Sibylline Books (Livy 2 2 .9 .1 0 , 10.10),
and dedicated by Fabius in 215 (Livy 2 3 .3 0 .1 3 14,
31.9). It was one of a pair of temples, presumably
twins, the other being to Mens (see Mens, Aedes),
408
vowed and dedicated at the same time. They were
separated by only a drain. This is probably the
temple later called Aedes Capitolina Veneris, where
Livia dedicated a likeness of the young son of Ger-
manicus in the guise of Cupid (Suetonius, Calig. 7)
and Galba dedicated a necklace of pearls and pre
cious stones (Suetonius, G a lb a 18.2) intended for his
private Fortuna at Tusculum.
Venus Erucina, Aedes (2): a temple of the Venus
of Mount Eryx in western Sicily vowed during the
Ligurian wars by L. Porcius Licinius as consul in 184
and dedicated by him as duovir in 181 (Livy
4 0 .3 4 .4 ). It was supposed to be a reproduction of the
Sicilian temple (but is called a templum by Ovid, Je
rome, Strabo, and Appian) and stood in front of the
Porta Collina, but apparently very close to it, and
was remarkable for the colonnade enclosing it,
which must have been a later addition (Strabo 6.2.6
[272]; Appian, B ellC iv 1.93). Its festivals were the
Vinalia on 23 April (Ovid, Fast. 4 .8 6 3 7 6 ; Degrassi
4 4 6 47) and 2 4 October, the latter evidently the an
niversary of its dedication after a restoration by Au
gustus (Degrassi 525). Ovid (Fast. 4 .8 6 5 -7 0 ) speaks
of the temple as the haunt of unsavory characters,
especially common prostitutes.
The location of the temple is in some doubt.
Everyone agrees that it was very close to Porta Col
lina, and the fasti and Appians account of the Battle
of Porta Collina make it clear that it was outside the
gate (although Livy 4 0 .3 4 .4 has a d p ortam ). Its only
mention after the Augustan period is in an inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .2 2 7 4 ) of a fortuneteller. This has led to
the supposition that it is the same as the Venus Hor-
torum Sallustianorum (q.v.). No remains of it have
ever been identified.
BdA 73 (1988): fasc. 4 9 , 5 3 - 6 2 (M. Castelli).
Venus Felix, Aedes: attested by an inscription
found in Villa Altieri, a dedication to Venus Felix
(C IL 6 .7 8 1 ; cf. 7 8 2 = IL S 3 1 6 6 , 8710). Villa Altieri
lay in Regio V in the fork between Via Labicana and
Via di S. Croce in Gerusalemme in the farther
reaches of the Esquiline near Ad Spem Veterem. This
was a district of horti and tombs and unlikely to be
the site of a m ajor temple. Nothing further is known
about it.
Venus Genetrix: see Forum Iulium.
Venus H ortorum Sallustianorum, Aedes:
a temple mentioned in three inscriptions (C IL 6.122
= IL S 3 1 8 4 , 3 2 4 5 1 , 3 2 4 6 8 ), which show that the
temple had aed itu i and was a public building, there
fore presumably on the periphery of the horti. This
has led to identification of it with the Temple of Ve-
 VENUS ET R O M A , T E M P L U M

nus Erucina at Porta Collina, which is not mentioned

after the Augustan period. In the sixteenth century
Panvinio produced a plan of a temple in capi-
te fo r i Sallustii, based on a drawing by Ligorio. This
is shown as circular and peripteral, with columns of
giallo antico and alabaster and adorned with niches
in the interior (C od. Vat. 3 4 3 9 f. 28 = B u llC om 16
[1888]: 3 -1 1 [R. Lanciani]; R m M itt 4 [1889]:
2 7 0 -7 4 [C. Hlsen]). It has been widely accepted
(LFUR sheet 3; Lugli and Gismondi), but it is not
known on what authority this rests. However, if this
is the Temple of Venus Hortorum Sallustianorum, it
cannot be identical with Venus Erucina extra Portam
Collinam.
Lugli 1938, 3 3 3 - 3 6 ; BdA 73 (1988): fasc. 4 9 , 5 3 -
62 (M. Castelli).

Venus in Palatio: see Aphrodision.

Venus Libitina (or Libentina), Templum: a

temple of Venus in the Lucus Libitinae (q.v.) on the
Esquiline, Libitina having come to be identified with
Venus (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 23). The day of ded
ication was 19 August, the Vinalia Rustica (Festus
322L ; Degrassi 4 9 7 -9 8 ). The foundation date is un
known, but, because Servius Tullius is credited with
establishing the custom of paying a coin to the trea
sure of Libitina for each death (Dion. Hal. 4.1 5 .5 ),
it is presumed to be of high antiquity.

Venus Obsequens, Aedes: the oldest known

Temple of Venus in Rome, built from the fines levied
against women convicted of adultery, begun by Q.
Fabius Maximus Gurges in 295 b . c . and dedicated
after the Third Samnite War (Livy 1 0 .3 1 .9 , Servius
a d Aen. 1.720). It was ad Circum Maximum (Fast.
Vail.; Livy 10.31.9, 2 9 .3 7 .2 ; Festus 322L ), and its
dedication day was 19 August, the Vinalia Rustica,
the same as that of Venus Libitina (Degrassi 497
98). One gathers from Livy 2 9 .3 7 .2 that the temple
stood just behind the seating of the circus toward the
southeast end, probably at the foot of the Aventine.
Lugli 1946, 557.
Venus et R om a, Templum (Figs. 90, 91, 9 2 ):
probably the largest and most splendid temple of
Rome, a double temple on the slope of the Velia
along the north side of the Sacra Via built by Ha
drian beginning in a . d . 121 (Hieron. a. Abr. 2 1 4 7 ;
Bloch 252 and n.192) to Venus Felix and Roma Ae-
terna. It was also called Templum Urbis Romae (Ser
vius a d A en. 2.2 2 7 ), Templum Urbis (Amm. Marc.
1 6 .1 0 .1 4 ; S.H.A. H adr. 19.1 2 ; M G H Chron. Min.
2 .1 4 2 [Cassiodorus]), Urbis Venerisque Templa
(Prudentius, C ontra Sym. 1.221), and possibly Tem-
plum Veneris (S.H.A. Tyr. Trig. 32). The temple was
probably dedicated in a . d . 135 (Cassiodorus M G H Figure 91
C hron. Min. 2 .1 4 2 ), and the foundation day was ap- Tem ple of Venus et
parently the Parilia, 21 April (Degrassi 44 5 ). The Rma>plan Exsting
i i i - i i Rem ains
temple seems to have been incomplete at tne time or
Hadrians death and to have been completed by An
toninus Pius (see B. M. Coins, R om . E m p. 3 .4 6 7 no.
1490, 4 .2 0 5 - 6 nos. 1 2 7 6 -8 5 , 215 nos. 3 4 5 -4 6 ;
Mazzini 2 .1 5 0 -5 1 nos. 1 4 2 1 -2 2 , 205 nos. 699,
700).
To obtain space for the temple, Hadrian had to
destroy the ceremonial entrance court of the Domus
Aurea and move the Colossus Neronis (then Solis)
(see Colossus Solis [Neronis]) to a place near the
Colosseum. The design of the temple was Hadrians
own and is said to have been criticized by the archi
tect Apollodorus of Damascus on the absurd ground
that should the goddesses wish to rise and leave, they
would be unable to do so (Cass. Dio 69 .4 .4 ). The
two cellae stood back to back, that of Venus facing
east, that of Roma west toward the Forum Ro-
manum. Only the podium of the Hadrianic structure
remains. In 3 0 7 the temple burned, and Maxentius
then restored it (Chron. 148; Aur. Viet., Caes.
40 .2 6 ). The cellae are apsidal and vaulted, but the

409
 VENUS ET R O M A , T E M P L U M
o 50 m
F igure 9 2
Tem ple o f Venus
et R o m a , O rigin al
Plan , R estored
architectural form was disguised on the exterior by a
continuous wall, so the temple appeared a classic
peripteral temple. The interior we see today with
porphyry columns, polychrome pavement, and
deeply coved ceiling is in the taste of Maxentius
rather than that of Hadrian. The original temple had
no apses, and the ceiling was flat. This temple was
among the buildings that Constantius most admired
on his visit to Rome in 3 5 6 (Amm. M arc. 16.10.14).
It is listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio IV
and is mentioned by Prudentius (Contra Sym.
1.221). In 6 2 5 , on a visit to Rome, Heraclius granted
Pope Honorius I the right to use the bronze tiles of
the temple to cover the basilica of S. Pietro. In 8 4 7 -
855 Pope Leo IV built the church of S. M aria Nova
in its ruin; probably the earthquake earlier in his
reign was chiefly responsible for the temples destruc
tion. The church was rebuilt in 1612 as S. Francesca
Romana.
The temple was decastyle, Corinthian, dipteral at
the ends, pseudo-dipteral along the sides, with a
pronaos at each end tetrastyle in antis, and with
twenty columns on the long sides. It stood on a high
stylobate of seven steps flanked by colonnades along
the sides. The construction is of brick-faced concrete,
which was once covered with white marble; the or
der and entablature were also of white marble; and
the tiles were gilded bronze. A stair arranged be
tween the apses led to the roof. Two fragments of a
relief now in the Lateran collection in the Vatican
and in the Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme
(Helbig4 1.1013) once believed to show the west
front of the temple with its pediment are now as
signed to the time of Claudius and may show the
Temple of Mars or the Temple of Quirinus [A]A 91
[1987]: 4 4 1 -5 8 [F. C. Albertson]).
The temple and flanking colonnades stand on a
vast platform of concrete 145 m long and 100 m
wide faced with blocks of peperino between traver
tine footings for the columns. At the west end the
410
platform is relatively low, but at the east, owing
to the slope of the terrain, it stands about 9 m high
and consists of parallel vaulted chambers in which
machinery and apparatus for the amphitheater are
sometimes said to have been stored, but there seems
to be no real basis for this. At this end there are only
two relatively small stairs at the corners leading
down to an area paved with blocks of travertine in
front of the platform, while at the west end there is
a stair of eleven steps across almost the whole front.
At the corners of the platform were small projecting
porches. On the south side of the precinct the colon
nade was double, and in the center of this side was
an entrance five intercolumniations wide with a pro-
pylaeum, perhaps with columns of cipollino, project
ing into the precinct. The order was Corinthian. The
gray granite columns with white marble bases and
capitals that survive from other parts of the colon
nade are believed to be Hadrianic. On the north side
of the precinct, a wall replaced the outer line of col
umns to block the view of the buildings higher on
the Velia, and the central entrance was much more
modest. The pavement of these colonnades, as of the
peripteros of the temple, was in slabs of Procon-
nesian marble.
The statue types do not seem to have been decided
on until late in Hadrians reign, if then, although it
was always understood that they would be en
throned. On Hadrians coins both types appear, duly
inscribed, but with a variety of attributes and
changes in detail. It is not until after Hadrians death
that Roma Aeterna regularly appears as enthroned
and helmeted, with the Palladium in her right hand
and steadying a spear with her left, while her shield
rests at her side. Venus Felix is similarly enthroned,
carries a Victoria alighting on her right hand, and
has a long scepter in her left.
There is space here for many hundreds of dedica
tions, but all we know of were silver statues of An
toninus and Faustina, an altar on which newly mar
ried couples sacrificed (Cass. Dio 7 2 .3 1.1 ), and a
statue of Minerva (Servius a d Aen. 2.2 2 7 ). Because
the temple had much in common with the imperial
fora, and in many ways continued the tradition of
these, there may have been a program for the use of
its various parts but, if so, we are uninformed about
this. The cella of Roma was clearly meant to domi
nate, as both the architecture and the common name
Fanum Urbis indicate.
A. Munoz, L a sistem azion e d el tem p io di Venere e
R o m a (Rome 19 3 5 ); Lugli 1946, 2 3 4 4 0 ; Nash
2 .4 9 6 -9 9 ; R om M itt 80 (1973): 2 4 3 - 6 9 (A. Barot-
tolo); B u llC om 84 (1 9 7 4 -7 5 ): 13348 (A. Barot-
tolo); R om M itt 85 (1978): 3 9 7 -4 1 0 (A. Barottolo);
Q u adern i d elllstitu to d i Storia d ellA rchitettura, n.s.

1 -1 0 (1 9 8 3 -8 7 ): 4 7 -5 4 (M. Manieri Elia); R om a,
a rcb eo lo g ia nel cen tro (1985), 1 .1 0 6 12 (S. Panella);
A thenaeum 67 (1989): 5 5 1 -6 5 (R. T. Ridley).
Venus Verticordia, Aedes: a temple built in 114
following consultation of the Sibylline Books,
B .C .,
to atone for the conviction of three Vestal Virgins of
inchastity (Obsequens 3 7 ; Orosius 5 .1 5 .2 1 -2 2 ;
Ovid, Fast. 4 .1 5 7 -6 0 ), the epithet alluding to the
goddess ability to change womens hearts from lust
to chastity (Val. M ax. 8.15.12).
The temple was in Vallis Murcia (Servius a d Aen.
8.636), so presumably on the slope of the Aventine
behind the Circus Maximus, probably toward the
southeast end. Servius says that the temple was sur
rounded by a plantation of myrtles and so gave its
name to the circus valley, which suggests that he may
have confused it with Venus Obsequens (see Venus
Obsequens, Aedes). Ovid (Fast. 4 .1 3 3 -6 2 ) gives the
anniversary of the temple as 1 April, the Veneraba
(Degrassi 4 3 3 -3 4 ). Because this was the great gen
eral festival of Venus, to whom all of April was in
some sense dedicated, the temple must have been es
pecially venerated. The cult statue is shown on coins
of M . Cordius Rufus of 46 B .C . (B. M. Coins, R om .
R ep. 1 .5 2 3 24 nos. 4 0 3 7 39 ; Crawford 463/1); the
goddess stands draped, holding a balance in her low
ered right hand, steadying a long scepter with her
left, with Cupid appearing at her left shoulder.
According to Valerius Maximus (8 .1 5 .1 2 ; cf.
Pliny, H N 7.120, Solinus 1.126), Sulpicia, the
daughter of Servius Sulpicius Paterculus and wife of
Q. Fulvius Flaccus, was chosen by the vote of ten
drawn by lot from a pool of one hundred who had
been chosen by the women of Rome as a body to
dedicate a statue of Venus Verticordia. Sulpicia was
deemed the chastest woman in Rome, and the
method of selection was prescribed by the Sibylline
Books. She must have been the wife of the great Ful
vius Flaccus who was four times consul between 2 3 7
and 209 B .C . Because the statue antedates the temple
by about a century, it must have been dedicated
elsewhere, perhaps in the Temple of Venus Erucina
on the Capitoline or the Temple of Venus Obse
quens.
Venus Victrix: a shrine, probably an altar, on the
Capitoline, mentioned in the fasti in conjunction
with the Genius Populi Romani and Fausta Felicitas,
to whom there was a sacrifice on 9 October (De
grassi 518). Degrassi thought this divinity ought to
be Suetoniuss Venus Capitolina (Suetonius, Calig. 7,
G alb a 18.2), although Venus Erucina seems likelier
to be Venus Capitolina. The association of these
three divinities as a triad is puzzling. However, Ser-
V E R M I N U S , ARA
vius (ad Aen. 2.3 5 1 ) tells us that there was a shield
on the Capitoline inscribed to the Genius Urbis
Romae, sive m as sive fem in a, and we may be justified
in seeing this as a triad of protective powers.
Venus Victrix, Aedes: a temple built into the top
of the cavea of the Theater of Pompey that Pompey
asserted was the main element in the complex by in
viting the people of Rome to the dedication of the
temple and pretending that the theater was a flight
of steps leading to it that the people could then use
as convenient seating for spectacles there (A. Gellius
10 .1 .7 ; Tertullian, D e Spect. 10). This must be re
garded as playful, because by this time there can
have been no persistent prejudice against the cor
rupting influence of the theater, even among the most
old-fashioned Romans. The temple was dedicated in
Pompeys second consulship in 55 B .C ., although the
complex was not completed until 52, when the in
scription was carved on the temple (A. Gellius
10 .1 .7 ); the day of dedication was 12 August (De
grassi 4 9 3 -9 4 ). Although the Temple of Venus Vic
trix in connection with the Theater of Pompey seems
to have been dominant, she was joined there by other
divinities: Honos, Virtus, V[ . . . ], and Felicitas.
These are a small pantheon of the political rallying
cries of the Sullan period, and the missing one can
probably be restored as Victoria. They had a series
of shrines around the top of the cavea (Suetonius,
Claud. 21.1), probably all of modest size and unpre
tentious architecture. The goddess, probably the cult
statue, appears on coins of 45 B .C . She stands fully
draped, holding an alighting Victoria on her out
stretched right hand and steadying a long scepter
with her left. Sometimes there is a shield by her side,
and sometimes she is seated on a throne, but other
wise iconographically correct (B. M. C oins, R om .
R ep. 1 .5 4 3 -5 1 nos. 4 1 3 7 -8 6 ; Crawford 480/ 4-18).
The temple seems mentioned in the scholia on Hor
ace (Sat. 1 .2.94), but as a reminiscence, so that one
suspects that it was then no longer in existence. Cf.
also C IL 6.785.
AJA 91 (1987): 1 2 3 -2 6 (L. Richardson).
Verminus, A ra: an altar to the god of a cattle dis
ease found in 1876 just north of Porta Viminalis in a
tower of the inner wall of the agger of the Servian
Walls. The duovir A. Postumius Albinus set it up in
accordance with a Lex Plaetoria. It is now in the Mu-
seo Capitolino Nuovo (Helbig4 2 .1 5 9 8 ; IL L R P
281). It is of peperino, square, and in archaistic
hourglass shape, 0 .8 9 m on a side at the base, and
1.15 m high. It resembles the altar of Aius Locutius
from the Palatine.
Nash 2 .5 0 0 .
411
VERTUMNUS
Vertumnus: see Vortumnus, Aedes.
Vespasianus, Divus, Templum (Fig. 19): a temple
that Titus began and Domitian completed, called
Templum Vespasiani et Titi (Chron. 146; regionary
catalogues for Regio VIII), but only Vespasians
name appeared on the architrave (CIL 6.938 = ILS
255). Below Vespasians name was added a second
line commemorating a restoration by Septimius Sev-
erus and Caracalla. The inscription was complete in
the eighth century and was copied in the Einsiedeln
sylloge but is now reduced to the last few letters. The
temple stands at the northwest end of the Forum Ro-
manum against the base of the Tabularium, above
the Clivus Capitolinus between the Temple of Con
cordia and the Porticus Deorum Consentium.
The temple was prostyle, hexastyle, 33 m deep by
22 m wide, and the order was Corinthian. The con
crete core of the podium of the temple survives,
which blocks the entrance to the stair that earlier led
from the forum through the base of the Tabularium
to the area Inter Duos Lucos on the Capitoline. The
podium preserves some of its peperino lining and
travertine facing. There are poor fragments of the
cella wall in travertine and the base for the cult stat
ues at the rear of the cella. Inside and out, the temple
was revetted with marble. The glory of the temple is
the three columns of the southeast corner of the
pronaos that still stand and carry a part of the entab
lature, having been reinforced by Valadier in 1811,
at which time a section of the whole entablature was
restored, perhaps the finest example of the Flavian
style of decoration in existence. The section is now
kept in the Tabularium. The frieze of sacrificial im
plements and apparatus between bucrania and the
resolution of classical moldings into floral ornament
of various sorts are especially interesting. The col
umns are 1.57 m in diameter, 13.20 m high, and de
cidedly elongated. Because the space available was
very limited, the cella was squarish, but broader than
deep, and the stair of approach continued between
the columns. It is believed that there were columns
in the interior of the cella, but of these nothing re
mains.
Lugli 1946, 114; Nash 2 .5 0 1 -4 ; R endP ontA cc 60
(1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 5 3 - 6 9 (P. Rockwell), 7 1 -9 0 (R. Nardi).
Vesta, Aedes (Figs. 12, 13, 6 3): the only temple of
Vesta in Rome, at the southeast end of the Forum
Romanum at the foot of the Palatine between the
Regia and the Lacus Iuturnae (Dion. Hal. 6.13.2)
and probably at the Porta Ianualis of the pomerium
of the Romulean city. The temple was in an Area
Vestae and surrounded by other buildings connected
with the cult and the state religion, of which it was
in some sense the very heart. Its foundation was as
412
cribed by some to Romulus, but by most to Numa
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 5 7 -6 0 ; Dion. Hal. 2 .6 6 .1 ; Festus
3 20L ; Plutarch, N u m a 11.1). The temple was round
and supposed to have been originally a structure of
wattles with a thatched roof, essentially a primitive
Italic hut (Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 6 1 -6 6 ). It was not an in
augurated templum (A. Gellius 1 4 .7 .7 .; Servius a d
A en. 7 .1 5 3 ); the explanation offered for this, that it
was so that the senate might not be convened where
the Vestal Virgins were assembled, is clearly inade
quate. The temple contained the sacred fire (Ovid,
Fast. 6 .2 9 7 -9 8 ), the Palladium, believed to have
been brought by Aeneas from Troy (Ovid, Tr.
3 .1 .2 9 ), and other sacred objects and implements
kept in a place called the Penus Vestae, which was
shielded from view by screens and might not be seen
by anyone but the Vestal Virgins and pontfices
(Dion. Hal. 2 .6 6 .3 - 6 ; Festus 152L, 2 96L ; Servius ad
Aen. 3.12). There was no image of the goddess
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .2 9 5 -9 8 ).
The temple was presumably burned in the sack of
Rome by the Gauls ca. 3 9 0 B .C ., but not before the
sacred objects had been removed to safety (Livy
5 .4 0 .7 -1 0 , 4 2 .1 -2 ; Plutarch, C am il. 2 1 .1 , 2 2 .6 ; C IL
6 .1 2 7 2 = IL S 5 1 = A. Degrassi, In scription es Italiae
13.3.11). It burned in 241 B .C ., but Caecilius Metel-
lus rescued the Palladium and the sacred implements
at the cost of his sight (Livy, E pit. 19; Dion. Hal.
2 .6 6 .4 ; Val. M ax. 1 .4 .5 ; Pliny, H N 7 .1 4 1 ; Orosius
4 .1 1 .9 ). In 2 1 0 it was saved from a fire that ravaged
the northeast side of the forum by the efforts of thir
teen slaves, who were manumitted as a reward (Livy
2 6 .2 7 .4 ). In 48 B .C . it was threatened, and the sacred
objects were removed (Cass. Dio 4 2 .3 1 .3 ). In 14 B .C .
the temple burned again, but the sacred objects were
rescued and taken to the Palatine (Cass. Dio
5 4 .2 4 .2 ). In the fire of Nero in 64 it burned again,
but was apparently immediately restored by Nero
(Tacitus, Ann. 1 5 .4 1 , Hist. 1.43), and it is shown on
certain undated coins of Nero (B. M. C oins, R om .
E m p. 1.213 nos. 1 0 1 -6 ). The temple appears to have
been restored again at the time of the rebuilding of
the Atrium Vestae under Trajan. After the fire of
Commodus destroyed it again in 191, Julia Domna,
the wife of Septimius Severus, restored it (Herodian
1.14.4: cf. Cass. Dio 72 [73],24). It is listed by the
regionary catalogues in Regio VIII and was finally
closed by Theodosius in 394.
The temple is represented on a number of coins,
the earliest perhaps those of Q. Cassius of ca. 55 B .C .
(B . M. Coins, R om . R ep. 1.482 nos. 3 8 7 1 -7 5 ; Craw
ford 42 8 ), where it is shown with a curious parabolic
roof surmounted by a figure holding scepter and pa
tera and with large gryphon-head antefixes at the
eaves, the latter evidently an identifying feature.
Clearly at this time the temple preserved much of its

character as a primitive hut. In its reconstruction in
the imperial period, the temple appears to have been
a more conventional tholus with a shallow dome,
but it kept the figure surmounting its summit (B . M.
Coins, R om . E m p. 5 .1 6 9 -7 0 nos. 9 6 101). It is
shown also on reliefs, notably one in the Uffizi in
Florence (Nash 2.509) showing it as a tholus on a
relatively high podium, the composite columns given
individual plinths articulated on the podium, and the
intercolumniations filled with grillwork, except for
the double doors at the top of a narrow stair of ap
proach. The roof is a flattened cone with a large fin-
ial at the summit, evidently the base for a small
statue. This agrees with the evidence of the coins and
what has been found in excavation.
Between 1883 and 1900, especially in 1 8 9 9 -1 9 0 0 ,
the podium and various parts of the architecture of
the temple were brought to light, and a section of the
exterior as it appeared after its rebuilding by Julia
Domna has been restored in situ. The podium con
sists of four layers of concrete, the lowest being a
circular foundation sunk in the ground, 15.05 m in
diameter and 2 .1 7 m thick. In approximately the
center of the podium was a large trapezoidal cavity,
2 .3 0 2 .5 0 m long, which descended to the bottom
of the foundation, a depth of 5 m. This has been con
jectured to be the ash pit of the temple. M ost of the
podium is Augustan, but the highest stratum is be
lieved to be Severan.
In its final rebuilding, the temple was of white
marble, raised on a base of three steps, above which
rose the podium. The peripteros was of twenty fluted
columns with Corinthian capitals, 0.51 m in diame
ter and 4.45 m high, standing on plinths broken out
from the drum of the podium. To these an engaged
order along the cella wall responded, appearing also
in the interior of the cella, while the intercolumnia
tions were filled with grillwork. Earlier the order
seems to have been Ionic, while the order in republi
can times cannot be distinguished on the coins. The
entablature is unremarkable, the frieze decorated
with sacrificial implements. Pliny (H N 34.13) says
the roof was covered with bronze from an early date.
The interior arrangements are all unclear.
Lugli 1946, 2 0 2 - 7 ; Nash 2 .5 0 5 -9 ; G. Fuchs, Ar
chitekturdarstellungen a u f rm ischen M nzen (Ber
lin 1969), 5 1 -5 7 .
Vesta, Aedicula: see Atrium Vestae.
Vesta, A ra: a statue and altar that Augustus had
installed on the Palatine after he was made pontifex
maximus. It was erected by decree of the senate and
dedicated 28 April 12 b . c . (Ovid, Fast. 4 .9 4 9 -5 4 ,
M et. 1 5 .8 6 4 -6 5 ; Degrassi 452). From the way Ovid
speaks in the M etam orp h oses, it might appear that
V IA, V IC U S , CLIVU S
the shrine of Vesta was at least as important as the
Temple of Apollo Palatinus and occupied the end of
the house of Augustus opposite to Apollo Palatinus,
but the Fasti Praenestini and Caeretani seem explicit
about its being only a statue and an altar. Because
there was no statue of the goddess in her temple on
the forum, we can presume that this statue took the
place of the temple and that the pontifex maximus
had to make a daily offering to Vesta.
Nash 2 .5 1 1 -1 3 (but the monuments he refers to
this sanctuary seem to belong more properly to the
Aedes Vestae on the Forum Romanum).
Vesta, Lucus: a grove that presumably was once
part of the precinct of Vesta, although it stood above
Nova Via: a Palati radice in N ov am Viam devexus
est (Cicero, Div. 1.101). Possibly it was only a pos
session of the Vestal Virgins. It had apparently dis
appeared before Ciceros time, probably under pres
sure of the demand for land in the vicinity. It figures
in history only as the locale of the disembodied voice
(Aius Locutius) that warned Rome of the coming of
the Gauls (Livy 5.32.6).
Via, Vicus, Clivus: Via is the term used for the
roads radiating from Rome, from their beginning at
the gates of Rome to their arrival at their appointed
destination. They may bear the name of their builder,
as the Via Appia did, or the name of their destina
tion, as the Via Tiburtina and Via Ostiensis did.
Within Rome the only streets called via are the Sacra
Via and Nova Via, both serving much the same area
and in their stretches on the Velia running roughly
parallel to each other. Other very ancient streets in
Rome seem never to have been called either via or
vicus, never anything but Argiletum and Alta Semita.
Within Rome a vicus was a relatively flat street, a
clivus a street that climbed a slope. For the Romans
a street that was continuous could change its name
if it changed its character; Vicus X could become Cli
vus X or Clivus Y, and conversely a street could turn
a relatively sharp corner without changing its name,
as the Sacra Via and Nova Via did. The Romans
seem to have been fairly strict in their observance of
the difference between a vicus and a clivus through
out antiquity, but with the Augustan reorganization
of Rome into regiones and vici, vicus came to have
another meaning and to mean a neighborhood as
well as a street, probably ideally a neighborhood of
four blocks meeting at a compital shrine, for origi
nally there were always four vicomagistri for a
neighborhood vicus.
These neighborhood vici took their names from a
principal, or central, street, but none took it from a
known clivus. There are also some anomalies. On
the Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073) three
413
V IA APPIA
successive vici in Regio X II, Piscina Publica, are
given as: Vico Compiti Pastoris, Vico Portae Rudus-
culanae, and Vico Porta Naevia. Did the Compitum
Pastoris not take its name from a street, but rather
give its name to a street? Or is this only the name for
a neighborhood? And is the last in the nominative
because the neighborhood was known as Porta Nae
via, although there was no street of that name? Or is
this merely a slip on the part of the compiler of these
lists? So also in Regio XIV, Transtiberim, one finds
Vico Ianuclensis and Vico Salutaris. W hat are the
missing nouns? Pagi for the first? for we know there
was a Pagus Ianiculensis, and Aedis for the second?
but we know of no temple of Salus other than the
temple on the Quirinal in Regio VI. There is much
that is puzzling here and defies interpretation. In Re
gio X , Palatina, we find Vico Huiusce Diei, but the
only temple known of Fortuna Huiusce Diei, who is
the only divinity known to have carried this epithet,
was in the Campus Martius, probably Temple B of
the Area Sacra di Largo Argentina. To such questions
no firm answer is possible at this point.
Via Appia: the oldest and most important of the
great roads linking Rome with the farther parts of
Italy, built in 3 1 2 B .C . by Appius Claudius Caecus as
far as Capua, then extended to Venusia in 2 9 1 , Ta-
rentum in 2 8 1 , and Brundisium in 2 6 4 . Statius calls
it longarum regina viarum (Silv. 2 .2 .1 2 ). It began at
Porta Capena. The short stretch of road linking
Porta Capena with the nexus of streets at the Septi-
zodium, being older, must have had a different name,
possibly Vicus Portae Capenae. The Via Appia issued
from the Aurelian Walls by Porta Appia (Porta S. Se-
bastiano). Between the two gates it curves slightly
and ascends a slope, the Clivus Martis. In its course
near the city it was especially thickly lined with
tombs on both sides. The first milestone lay just in
side Porta Appia (C IL 1 0 .6 8 1 2 13 = IL S 5 8 1 9 ), the
Temple of Mars just outside.
The original surface was graveled (glarea strata).
In 296 a paved walk was laid along it from the Porta
Capena to the Temple of Mars (Livy 1 0.23.12). In
293 the whole road from the Temple of Mars to Bov-
illae was cobbled (Livy 1 0 .4 7 .4 ); and in 189 the first
stretch was cobbled (Livy 3 8 .2 8 .3 ). This last must be
a repaving. The first stretch got the name Via Tecta
(Ovid, Fast. 6 .1 9 1 -9 2 ), probably from its being the
first stretch of road beyond the walls to be paved,
and this must have been part of the work of Appius
Claudius. The earliest milestones from the road date
to the end of the third century B .C . (C IL 12.21 ILS
5801 = IL L R P 448).
Curatores for the Appia were first appointed by
Claudius (Seneca, A p o col. 1.2). To the staff of the
curator belonged tabu larii (C IL 6 .8 4 6 6 = IL S 1606),
414
and we have record of at least one m an ceps Viae Ap-
p ia e (C IL 6 .8 4 6 8 = IL S 1471).
L. Avetta, ed., R o m a : via im p eriale (Rome 1985),
2 1 -4 5 , 5 3 -6 6 .
Via Ardeatina: attested by an inscription of a m an
cep s Viarum L au ren tin ae et A rdeatin ae (C IL
6 .8 4 6 9 = IL S 1472). These must have issued as a
single road from the Porta Naevia, to which the Vi
cus Portae Naeviae led after branching south off Vi
cus Piscinae Publicae. From Porta Naevia this ran
along the ridge behind the Baths of Caracalla, where
a large circular tomb stands southwest of it, and is
sued from the Aurelian Walls by the posterula de
stroyed when Antonio da Sangallo built his great
bastion just west of it for Pope Paul III, but recorded
in a drawing by Sangallo. In modern times it has
been called Porta Ardeatina (q.v.) and Porta Lauren-
tina. Pliny (Epist. 2.17.2) says one could reach his
Laurentine villa by either the Via Ostiensis or the Via
Laurentina, branching from the former at the elev
enth milestone, and from the latter at the fourteenth.
Carcopino has made a strong case for there being no
town of Laurentum, the town of the Laurentes being
Lavinium, the capital of Latinus. Then the Via Lau-
rentina/Ardeatina will have followed pretty much
the line of the modern Via Laurentina and branched
only a short distance from Lavinium (Pratica di
Mare) in the vicinity of the Solfatara sulfur springs,
one branch going to Lavinium, the other to Ardea.
Remains of tombs and traces of ancient work all
along this course prove its antiquity. But this cannot
be Plinys Via Laurentina, for it keeps far from the
coast until it reaches its termini. Plinys must be an
ancient road that branched off the Via Ostiensis at
Vicus Alexandri and ran to Decimo and Capocotta;
this is now commonly called Via Laurentina Nova
by topographers and the other Via Laurentina Vetus.
This solution seems preferable to the other one of
fered for the difficulty, namely, to think of the Via
Ardeatina as branching from Via Appia at the
church of Domine Quo Vadis, where the modern Via
Ardeatina branches, because modern Via Ardeatina
does not go to Ardea at all and only at its beginning
might be thought to be heading in that general direc
tion.
Tomassetti 2 .4 0 9 6 1 ; Ashby 1927, 20713; L.
Avetta, R om a, via im p eriale (Rome 1985), 4 6 - 4 7 ,
6 7 -9 3 .
Via Asinaria: a road issuing from Porta Asinaria in
the Aurelian Walls accessible from Via Latina, for
Belisarius approaching Rome by the Via Latina di
verged and entered by Porta Asinaria (Procopius,
B ellG o th 1.14.6 and 14). It is also mentioned by Fes-
tus (356L ), who speaks of a water supra Viam Ar-

deatin am inter lapidem secundum et tertium by
which estates were watered infra Viam A rdeatinam
et A sinariam usqu e a d L atin am . If Via Asinaria fol
lowed roughly the line of the first part of Via Appia
Nuova, as seems logical, the estates occupied a large
wedge of land to the southeast of Rome, but the ad
ditional note, usque a d Latin am , implies a connect
ing road of this name some distance out from the
city, and of this we are uninformed. The whole note
in Festus is fraught with difficulty. Via Tusculana
branched from Via Asinaria about 4 0 0 m beyond
Porta Asinaria; it is odd, considering its importance,
that it did not give its name to the gate.
Via Aurelia: the main road to the west from Rome
that on reaching the coast ran northwest through
coastal Etruria. It began at the Pons Aemilius on the
right bank of the Tiber, crossed the low ground in a
straight line, and climbed the slope of the Janiculan
hill at an extremely steep gradient. It passed through
the Aurelian Walls by Porta Aurelia (Porta S. Pancra-
zio) at the summit of the hill and ran out on a narrow
ridge in an almost straight course. The difficulty of
the grade on this, the Via Aurelia Vetus, seems to
have led to the creation of the Via Aurelia Nova,
which branched from Via Cornelia south of the Le
onine city and joined the Aurelia Vetus at the M a
donna del Riposo, a considerable distance from the
city. The Aurelia ran through undulating terrain and
reached the sea at Palo, 30 kilometers from Rome,
beyond which it followed the coast closely, first to
Vada Volaterrana. The periods of its construction
are very uncertain; in some sense the line must have
been used from very early times. In 109 B.C . it was
extended by Aemilius Scaurus to Vada Sabata and
Dertona (Tortona).
Some inscriptions of the curatores viarum speak of
the Aurelia Vetus, Aurelia Nova, Cornelia, and
Triumphalis as all united under a single administra
tion (C/L 6 .1 5 1 2 , 14 .3 6 1 0 = IL S 1071). Others men
tion only the Aurelia (C1L 2 .1 2 8 3 , 2 .1 3 7 1 , 6 .1 4 6 2 ,
9.9 7 3 , 9.1126).
Tomassetti 2 .4 6 3 5 4 7 ; Ashby 1927, 2 2 5 3 0 ;
R endP ontA cc 61 (1 9 8 8 -8 9 ): 3 0 9 - 4 2 (N. Degrassi).
Via Biberatica: see M ercati di Traiano.
Via Cam pana: the road leading from Rome to the
mouth of the Tiber on its right bank; it may have
received its name from the Campus Salinarum Ro-
manarum, the salt pans north of the mouth, but the
normal adjective from cam pu s is cam pestris or cam -
pensis, and it was certainly one of the earliest of the
roads of Rome, being the natural continuation of the
Via Salaria and Vicus Iugarius, connected with these
by a ferry. After the construction of the harbor of
VIA FL A M IN IA
Claudius at Portus its course was identical with that
of the Via Portuensis for a short distance, but then
the Via Portuensis diverged off to the right, running
more directly toward its objective over the low hills,
while the Via Campana kept to the flood plain and
closely followed the river.
M EFRA 88 (1976): 6 3 9 - 6 7 (J. Scheid); PAPS 125
(1981): 3 6 8 - 9 7 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Via Collatina: the road to Collatia, diverging from
the Via Tiburtina to the right just outside the Porta
Tiburtina in the Aurelian Walls and of only minor
importance, running to the village of Collatia, no
table chiefly as the domain of Tarquinius Collatinus
and the virtuous Lucretia and where Collatinus and
Sextus Tarquin found her working with her women
late at night. It was a place of vanished greatness by
the time of Cicero. In later times the road served
mainly as access to large quarries of Anio tufa and
for the servicing of the Aqua Virgo and Aqua Appia.
According to Ashby, he could trace it on a sinuous
route crossing and recrossing the line of the Aqua
Virgo, but it has been entirely obliterated by the
building up of the periphery of Rome. Coarelli
would have it branch to the left from the Via Prae-
nestina at the Villa dei Gordiani (Tor deSchiavi), but
this is the modern Via Collatina. The original Via
Collatina ought to be one of the oldest parts of the
road system, tracks radiating out to the villages in
the vicinity of Rome that depended on Rome as a
metropolis.
Ashby 1927, 1 4 3 -4 5 .
Via Cornelia: the road leading to the west from
Rome that ran along the north side of the Circus Gaii
et Neronis from the head of the Pons Aelius and the
late antique Porta Cornelia (q.v.) on the right bank
of the Tiber. The existence of a number of tombs,
including that of Saint Peter, along it argues that it
existed from N eros day, if not earlier, but at that
time it must have been a spur road diverging from
the Via Triumphalis (1) (q.v.) to serve the circus.
Ashby (Ashby 1927, 226) believed it crossed the Via
Aurelia Nova and ran on to the west to the south of
it, but that stretch is very uncertain. It fell under the
jurisdiction of the curatores of the Via Aurelia (q.v.).
R endP ontA cc 61 (1 9 8 8 -8 9 ): 3 0 9 - 4 2 (N. De
grassi).
Via Flaminia: the main road north from Rome,
running from the Porta Fontinalis of the Servian
Walls on the northeast shoulder of the Capitoline
through the Campus Martius, where it was called the
Via Lata (modern Via del Corso), and issuing from
the Aurelian Walls by Porta Flaminia (Porta del Po-
polo). From here it ran almost due north for 3 miles
415
V IA F O R N IC A T A
to the Pons Mulvius, by which it crossed the Tiber.
At the bridgehead on the right bank the Via Cassia
branched from it to the left and ran northwest
through central Etruria to Clusium and Arretium,
while the Flaminia ran nearly due north to Ari-
minum on the Adriatic coast. It was always of im
mense military and commercial importance, because
it carried all the traffic to and from the Po Valley.
It was originally built by C. Flaminius as censor in
220 B .C . (Livy, E pit. 2 0 ; cf. Strabo 5.1.11 [217],
where it is erroneously ascribed to C. Flaminius the
Younger). Augustus restored it in 2 7 B .C . (Augustus,
R G 2 0 ; Suetonius, Aug. 3 0 .1 ; Cass. Dio 53 .2 2 .1 ). Its
importance is measured by its having a special cura
tor as early as 65 B .C . (Cicero, Att. 1.1.2), and it was
thickly lined with tombs (see Sepulcrum P. Aelii Gut-
tae Calpurniani, Bibuli, Claudiorum, Galloniorum;
cf. Juvenal 1.171).
The care of the Via Flaminia was usually held
alone (C IL 2 .4 1 2 6 , 4 5 1 0 [cf. 1 4 .3 5 9 9 = IL S 1061],
6.1333 = IL S 1077, 1529, 3 8 3 6 , 10.5061). It may
once have been held together with that of the Via
Tiburtina (C IL 14 .2 9 3 3 ), but the reading of the in
scription is doubtful, and the logic of the combina
tion is hard to understand. The care of the Via Cassia
and Via Clodia, which diverged from the Via Flami
nia just beyond the Pons Mulvius, and of the roads
that branched from these seems always to have been
held separately.
The Via Flaminia seems clearly to have been built
in anticipation of the Second Punic War as a highway
to facilitate the movement of troops and supplies to
Spain by way of the Po as far as Turin and thence
through the passes through the Cottian Alps or Alpes
Maritimes. The Via Flaminia could not have been
built before the pacification of Etruria (Falerii re
volted in 241) and the crushing of the Gallic alliance
in the Battle of Talamone in 225.
Ashby 1927, 2 4 7 -5 1 .
V ia F o r n ic a ta : mentioned once by Livy (22.36.8)
among the portents of 2 1 6 B .C . as being a d cam pum
and a place where a number of people were killed by
lightning. It was probably not a proper name, simply
descriptive, and Livy uses the past tense, but at this
time there were probably neither honorary arches
nor arcuated buildings in the Campus Martius. Its
location and character are entirely uncertain.
Via Gabina: the original name of the stretch of the
Via Praenestina from Rome to Gabii, 12 miles away,
this being part of the oldest road system connecting
Rome with neighboring towns (Livy 2 .1 1 .7 , 3 .6.7,
5 .49.6).
Ashby 1927, 1 2 8 -3 6 .
416
Via Labicana: an early road diverging from Via
Praenestina just inside Porta Praenestina (Porta
Maggiore) of the Aurelian Walls with the tomb of
the baker Eurysaces (see Sepulcrum Eurysacis) filling
the angle between the two roads just outside the gate
(Livy 4 .4 1 .8 ; Frontinus, A q. 1.21; S.H.A. D idius
Iulianus 8.10). Strabo (5.3.9 [237]) says that the Via
Labicana diverged from the Via Praenestina just out
side Porta Esquilina, in which case one must imagine
a course for the latter that originally crossed the line
of the Aurelian Walls approximately midway be
tween Porta Tiburtina and Porta Praenestina, but for
this there is no other evidence. The fact that Porta
Praenestina bears that name is proof that by that
time the real importance of the gate was the Praenes-
tine destination. Ashby thought the Via Labicana
was the original road from Rome to Tusculum, but
Labici (Labicum) lay a good way northeast of Tus
culum and in the Hernican valley, and the design of
the road must have looked much more to traffic in
the valley than traffic with Tusculum. The road by
passed Labicum, leaving it on the right, and joined
the Via Latina at Ad Pictas or Ad Bivium, 25 or 30
miles from Rome. It seems to have been under the
same curator as the Via Latina (B u llC om 19 [1891]:
11221 [L. Cantarelli]). Within the city the modern
Via Labicana, running from the Colosseum to a
crossing with Via Merulana, though it follows the
line of an ancient street, has scant claim to this name.
The ancient name of this street is unknown.
Ashby 1927, 1 4 6 -5 2 .
Via L ata: the name given to the stretch of Via
Flaminia from the Porta Fontinalis to Porta Flaminia
(Porta del Popolo). It first occurs in the regionary cat
alogues, where it appears as the name of Regio VII,
an anomaly, because Via Flaminia seems to bound
the regio on the west, not lie within it. It then ap
pears as a toponym on slave collars (C IL 15.7186,
71 8 7 ), and the identification is assured by relatively
frequent appearances of the name in the L ib er Pon-
tificalis and is brought down into modern times by
the church of S. M aria in Via Lata, a church at least
as old as the ninth century (HCh 376).
Via Latina: a road branching to the left from Via
Appia 830 m beyond Porta Capena and issuing from
the Aurelian Walls by Porta Latina. Like the Via Ap
pia, it was thickly lined with tombs both inside and
outside the Aurelian Walls (cf. Juvenal 1 .1 7 0 71).
The exact age of the Via Latina is unknown, but it
runs in a line almost as straight as the Appia to Ro-
boraria on the northwest edge of the Alban Hills,
then circles the caldera on the south side of Algidus
Mons to emerge through the pass at Algidus and join

Via Labicana at Ad Pictas or Ad Bivium. It has been
considered a military road because of its straight
ness, and, because the pass at Algidus was secured
only in 389 B .C ., it cannot be older than that. But the
course the Via Latina follows seems to indicate a
wish to bring the settlements in the northern crescent
of the Alban Hills into communication with one an
other and with Rome, rather than a wish to use the
pass at Algidus, and it looks as though it might have
been a very old Latin route that Rome then took over
and improved, as its name also suggests. Livy
(2.39.4) mentions the Via Latina in connection with
Coriolanus in 488 B .C . The dispatch of a colony to
Cales in 334 B .C . (Livy 8.16.13) is taken to prove
that by that date it had been extended that far after
linking up with Via Labicana. And at Casilinum, just
below Cales on the Volturnus River, it joined Via
Appia. Strabo (5.3.9 [237]) makes it clear that in his
day the Via Latina was regarded as the principal
road throughout its length, all others being byways
or tributaries of the system.
At the beginning of the third century after Christ,
the Via Latina Vetus and the Via Labicana were
sometimes under a single curator (C/L 3 .6 1 5 4 =
ILS 1174, 10.5394), whereas Via Latina sometimes
had its own curator (CIL 2 .1 9 2 9 , 3 .1 4 5 5 , 6 .1 3 3 7 ,
1450 = ILS 2 9 3 5 , 10.373 2 = IL S 1216, 1 1.2106
= IL S 1138, 14 .2 9 4 2 , 3 5 9 5 ), and sometimes there is
a separate curator for the Via Latina Nova (CIL
10.5398 = LLS 1159). The Via Latina Nova might be
the Via Tusculana, which joins Via Latina at the
ninth milestone; its origin is much disputed, and
there is no other record of it in antiquity, but the
existence of the Porta Asinaria argues for develop
ment of this area of the suburbium . Even more mys
terious is a fragment of a relief showing an allegori
cal figure of a road inscribed v i a e l a t i n a e g r (C IL
6 .2 9 8 1 1 ); the inscription is possibly incomplete (cf.
Tomassetti 4.3: fig. 1).
Ashby 1927, 1 5 3 -7 3 .
Via Laurentina: see Via Ardeatina and Via
Ostiensis.
Via M erulana: mentioned in the O rd o B en edicti
(Jordan 2 .6 6 5 ; V Z 3 .2 1 7 ), where it is clearly the an
cient street running from the Nymphaeum Alexandri
(Trofei di Mario) in Piazza Vittorio Emanuele almost
due south to the line of the Neronian arches of the
Aqua Claudia on the Caelian near the Praedia Later-
anorum (see Domus, Laterani). It appears in the
names of three early churches: S. Bartholomaei de
Merulana or in Capite Merulanae (HCh 20 7 ), S.
Basilidis in Merulana (HCh 20 8 ), and S. Matthaei in
Merulana (HCh 3 8 6 -8 7 ) . Although the modern Via
VIA O S T IE N S IS
Merulana crosses the line of the ancient one toward
its southern end, this follows a completely different
course. See also Domus Merulana.
Via N om entana: a road branching to the right
from Via Salaria immediately outside Porta Collina
in the Servian Walls and issuing from the Aurelian
Walls by Porta Nomentana. It ran northeast from
Rome, first to Ficulea, and this stretch was originally
called Via Ficulensis (Livy 3.5 2 .3 ). It was then ex
tended to Nomentum, 14 miles from Rome, and in a
further extension it rejoined Via Salaria at the
twenty-sixth milestone. It was a road of only local
significance. Its curatores were of equestrian rank
(CIL 3 .6 0 9 8 = suppl. 7 2 7 1 , 1 4 .3 9 5 5 = IL S 2740).
Along it there were brickyards (CIL 15.67782) and
quarries.
Ashby 1927, 8 2 -9 2 .
Via N ova (1): see N ova Via.
Via N ova (2): a street built by Caracalla parallel to
Via Appia to serve the Thermae Antoninianae (q.v.),
under the principal faade of which it ran (Aur. Viet.,
Caes. 2 1 .4 ; S.H.A. C aracalla 9.9). It was considered
one of the most beautiful streets in Rome. It may
appear on a fragment of the Marble Plan (FUR pi.
15; Rodriguez pl. 1), in which case it appears that it
was exceptionally wide, perhaps as much as 30 m,
and replaced the Via Appia, engulfing it in its width,
in this part of the city. It appears in the regionary
catalogues, listed in Regio X II, and is mentioned in a
single Christian inscription (CIL 6.9684).
Via Ostiensis: the road from Rome to Ostia on the
left bank of the Tiber. Although there was always a
road along the river under the lee of the Aventine,
and in time a network of streets ran along the horrea
behind the Emporium, the street that issued from the
Porta Ostiensis (West) was probably never so impor
tant as an artery as that issuing from Porta Ostiensis
(East), and we should think of Porta Raudusculana
as the gate in the Servian Walls from which this road
started. The Pyramid of Cestius is aligned with this
road and carries an inscription on this face. The road
from Porta Lavernalis fed into this artery as well, and
doubtless there were several spur roads connecting it
with the docks and the warehouses lying between it
and the river, for it must have carried a fair share of
the traffic from the Emporium into the heart of
Rome, as well as the traffic to and from Ostia. It was
always one of the four or five main roads of Rome.
It ran due south to Ostia, keeping to the flood plain
of the river for much of its course, a distance of 14
miles. From it at Vicus Alexandri, 4 miles south of
417
VIA P ATIN ARIA
Rome, a road branched to the left that must be Pli
nys Via Laurentina (Pliny, Epist. 2 .1 7 .2 ). For dis
cussion of this, see Via Ardeatina. For an archaic
milestone of the Via Ostiensis, see C IL l 2.22
= 6.31585 = IL L R P 449.
For administrative purposes the Via Ostiensis and
Via Campana, the roads in the flood plain of the T i
ber south of Rome on either bank, were under a
single curator of equestrian rank (C IL 6 .1 6 1 0 ,
10.1795 = IL S 1401).
Ashby 1927, 2 1 4 17; R. Meiggs, R om an Ostia,
2d ed. (Oxford 1973), 1 1 1 -1 4 .
Via Patinara: listed in the addenda to the regionary
catalogues and cited as the scene of the death of
Nero (Chron. 146), therefore between Via Nomen-
tana and Via Salaria near the fourth milestone (Sue
tonius, N ero 48.1).
Via Pinciana: see Porta Pinciana.
Via Portuensis: the road leading to Portus (or Por-
tus Augusti), the harbor constructed by Claudius to
the right of the Tiber mouth to replace Ostia as the
main port of Rome. In some sense it started at the
head of Pons Sublicius or Pons Aemilius on the right
bank of the river, but in its first stretch it was iden
tical with the Via Campana (q.v.), and the gate in the
Aurelian Walls by which it issued was called Porta
Portuensis. It diverged to the right from Via Cam
pana about a mile beyond the gate to run through
hilly country by a more direct route, but rejoined it
at modern Ponte Galera (or Galera) on the edge of
the coastal plain, from which point the course is a
straight line to the southwest.
With the growth in importance of Portus as a port,
reflected in the harbor of Trajan and the buildings
surrounding it, the volume of traffic on the road
must have grown proportionately. The double gate
of Porta Portuensis in the Aurelian Walls, one of only
four such gates in this fortification system, shows
how much Rome depended on it. It continued to
grow until the time of the Gothic Wars in the sixth
century. This is shown in Procopiuss description of
the towpath and the volume of barge traffic on the
river in his day (B ellG o th 1 .2 6 .9 -1 3 ). However, Por-
tuss eclipse of Ostia as a port did not mean Ostias
decline as a city.
Ashby 1927, 2 1 7 -1 9 .
Via Praenestina: a road beginning at Porta Esquil
ma in the Servian Walls and running southeast to
Porta Praenestina (Porta Maggiore) in the Aurelian
Walls, from which it emerged to run almost due east
to Gabii and then southeast to Praeneste. Between
the two fortification systems of Rome it is marked
418
Via Labicana on the Lugli and Gismondi map, but
this is certainly an error. In early times it was called
Via Gabina (q.v.) as far as Gabii and was among the
oldest of Romes roads. Within the city the Via Prae
nestina continued as the Clivus Suburanus and Ar-
giletum, one of the main approaches to the Forum
Romanum. The extension to Praeneste, 25 miles
from Rome, was probably part of the road from the
earliest times, for this was the main link between
Rome and the important highway running down the
Hernican valley to connect with the valley of the
Liris River and Campania, a trade route in heavy use
from the Early Iron Age and probably earlier. Along
its course in the vicinity of Rome certain roads
branched from it, notably the Via Tiburtina, Via
Merulana, and Via Labicana. Outside the suburbium
of Rome, the Via Praenestina served as the main ac
cess to the outside world for the towns in the Her
nican hills. Important tombs along it include the
Casa Tonda in Piazza Vittorio Emanuele (HJ 356),
the Monumentum (or Sepulcrum) Aureliorum (see
Sep. Aureliorum), and the Tor deSchiavi.
The Via Praenestina is mentioned by Frontinus
(Aq. 1.5) in connection with the sources of the Aqua
Appia and by Pliny in connection with the sources of
the Aqua Virgo (H N 3 1 .4 2 ). A single inscription
mentions its curator (C IL 1 4 .1 6 9 = IL S 61 7 2 ). It is
one of the best preserved of the Roman roads near
Rome. For milestones from it, see C IL l 2.833,
1 0 .6 8 8 6 = IL S 2 9 3 0 , 8306.
Ashby 1927, 1 2 8 - 4 2 ; L. Quilici, L a Via P raenes
tina, i su oi m on u m en ti, i su oi paesaggi (Italia n os
tra), 3rd ed. (Rome 1977).
Via R ecta: see Via Tecta (1).
Via Sacra: see Sacra Via.
Via Salaria: the road leading almost due north from
Rome, issuing at Porta Collina, just outside of which
Via Nomentana diverges from it. After a short dis
tance it turns northeast and, after crossing the Anio
River, follows closely the edge of the flood plain of
the Tiber along its east (left) bank as far as Eretum.
It was always the main route into the Sabine country
(Strabo 5.3.1 [228]) and the track followed by the
Sabines coming down from the mountains to get salt
at the Tiber mouth, hence its name (Festus 4 3 6 -3 7 L ;
Pliny, H N 31 .8 9 ). As such it may have been prehis
toric, although its usefulness depends on the main
tenance of a ferry below the Tiber island, for the salt
pans were always on the right bank of the river
mouth. Along it near Rome lay Antemnae and Fi-
denae, with Crustumerium, Eretum, and Cures, the
town of Titus Tatius and Numa Pompilius, farther
along. These were all villages, the only Sabine town

of importance served immediately by the road being
Reate, but through Reate it was the gateway to the
high valleys of the Apennines and commanded access
to the Adriatic through Asculum.
We have inscriptions of five curatores (C IL
6 .1 5 0 7 , 1509 = /LS 1123, 8 .7 0 3 3 , 1 4 .2 4 0 5 ; RA, ser.
3 .16 [1890]: 2 .1 3 9 [R. Cagnat]), and there were
brickyards situated along it (C IL 1 5 .4 7 8 -5 3 2 , 683).
The Via Salaria Vetus mentioned in Christian
sources (e.g., M G H C bron. Min. 1.72 [Depos. Mart,
of a . d . 3 3 5 -3 3 6 ]) is regarded by Ashby as the road
forking to the left from Via Salaria a short distance
outside Porta Collina that crossed the line of the Au-
relian Walls between the second and third towers of
the wall west of Porta Salaria, where there was later
a postern opened for it. A number of tombs lined the
first part of its course, and it can be traced as far as
the M onti Parioli. However, the Lugli and Gismondi
map shows the Salaria Vetus as the road from Porta
Pinciana in the Aurelian Walls running northeast to
join Via Salaria at the point where it veers to the
northeast (modern Largo B. M arcello). The question
of which is correct is an academic one and of small
importance, because the name only appears late and
neither candidate is at all likely to have been the line
of the original Via Salaria.
R om M itt 24 (1909): 1 2 1 -6 9 (N. Persichetti);
Ashby 1927, 5 9 - 8 1 .
Via Tecta (1): a street in the Campus Martius men
tioned once by Seneca (A p o c o l. 13) and possibly
twice by Martial (3.5.5, 8 .7 5 .1 -2 , but the latter is
doubtful). Only the first is of help with the topogra
phy; it puts what must be the Tarentum inter Ti-
berim et Viam Tectam . If the Tarentum was near S.
Giovanni dei Fiorentini, as seems almost certain,
then Via Tecta can only have been part, or perhaps
the whole, of the long street running from Circus
Flaminius northwest to Pons Neronianus, which
is represented in part by the modern Via de
Giubbonari, Via deCappellari, and Via dei Banchi
Vecchi, where remains of pavement have been found.
The discovery of numerous fragments of granite
columns along this line has led to the Via Tectas
identification as the Porticus Maximae (C IL
6 .1 1 8 4 = IL S 781) of the fourth century (q.v.). If the
work of the fourth century was an extension or a
restoration, the name Via Tecta might simply allude
to porticoes lining the street or some part of it.
Via Tecta (2): the name given by Ovid (Fast. 6.191
92) to a stretch of the Via Appia between the Porta
Capena and the Temple of M ars, perhaps only a
short section immediately in front of the temple, but
more likely the whole of this stretch, and possibly
given this name because it was the first stretch of
VIA T R IU M P H A L IS
road outside the city to be paved, rather than grav
eled. The notion that there might have been a portico
along the road from Porta Capena to the Temple of
Mars strains credulity, while a colonnaded approach
in front of the Aedes Martis (see M ars, Aedes) would
be out of keeping with Roman custom.
Via Tiburtina: the road from Rome to Tibur, prob
ably that diverging to the left from the Via Praenes-
tina a little outside the Porta Esquilina of the Servian
Walls and running to Porta Tiburtina (Porta S. Lor
enzo) in the Aurelian Walls. Some topographers have
proposed that the Via Tiburtina left the Servian
Walls by Porta Viminalis and ran to the posterula
called Porta Chiusa in the Aurelian Walls, just south
east of the Castra Praetoria, but there can be no
doubt that by the time of the building of the Aurelian
Walls the other line was in heavier use, and the fact
that the Porta Tiburtina is built around a monumen
tal arch by which Augustus took the three aqueducts,
Marcia, Tepula, and Iulia, over the road argues that
by his day this was also the more important road.
The identity of the Porta Chiusa road remains uncer
tain; the name Via Tiburtina sometimes used for it
has no ancient support.
The road ran east northeast to Tibur, 20 miles
away, crossing the Anio River close to Rome and
then running roughly parallel to it, but some distance
away from it. The Via Tiburtina follows an irregular
course through gently undulating country until it
reaches the sharp rise of the M onti Tiburtini just be
low Tibur. Beyond Tibur it changes its name and be
comes the Via Valeria as far as Cerfennia, northeast
of the Lacus Fucinus in the country of the Marsi.
Thereafter, it becomes the Via Claudia Valeria (C IL
9.5 9 7 3 ). Claudius extended this road to the Adriatic
at the mouth of the Aternus River, a noteworthy feat
of engineering.
For Strabo (5.3.9 [2 3 6 -3 7 ]) it was one of the best-
known Roman roads, ranking with the Via Appia
and Via Latina. A number of inscriptions commemo
rate its curatores (C IL 2 .4 1 2 6 , 6 .1 5 1 7 = IL S 1080,
9 .3 6 6 7 , 13 .1 8 0 3 ). These are all later than Claudius
and seem generally to have been responsible for the
whole system, but sometimes only the Tiburtina or
the Valeria is mentioned.
Ashby 1927, 9 3 -1 2 2 .
Via Triumphalis (1): a road running northwest
from the head of the Pons Neronianus on the right
bank of the Tiber. It crosses the Prati di Castello,
ascends the southern slope of Monte M ario, and
eventually joins the Via Clodia 7 miles from Rome at
the farm called La Giustiniana. Its name is mysteri
ous; because it cannot have existed before the time
of Nero, F. Coarelli (M EFRA 89 [1977]: 8 0 7 -4 6 ,
419
VIA T R IU M P H A L IS
especially 8 1 9 -2 3 ) has suggested that, following
Claudiuss extension of the pomerium to include
much of the old Campus Martius, it became difficult
to bring a victorious army to the outskirts of the city
in preparation for a triumph and have it bivouac in
the Campus Martius, as had long been the custom.
To meet the new conditions a strip of the left river-
bank was left outside the pomerium and armies
could then approach Rome by the Via Triumphalis,
bivouac in Prati di Castello, and march along the riv-
erbank to enter the city by the Porta Triumphalis as
they always had. Against this must be observed that
the army of Vespasian and Titus on the occasion of
their triumph bivouacked in the Campus Martius
(Josephus, B elllu d 7 .5 .4 [123]), and we are quite un
certain where the pomerium ran through the Cam
pus. To solve such difficulties as Coarelli sees, it
would have been easier and more logical to include
the whole of the Campus Martius within the pom
erium. Any army could then be kept on the right
bank of the Tiber, and, if there were an extrapom-
erial strip reserved between the Pons Aemilius and
the Porta Triumphalis, gerrymandering would be
quite unnecessary.
The Via Triumphalis is linked with the network of
roads of which the Via Aurelia is the chief member,
having the same curatores (C/L 6 .1 5 1 2 , 8.946,
14.3610 = IL S 1071). Along the Via Triumphalis
were brickyards (C/L 15.684). See also Apollo Ar-
genteus and Bellona Pulvinensis. The evidence sug
gests that the Via Triumphalis was always relatively
unimportant.
R endP ontA cc 61 (1 9 8 8 -8 9 ): 3 0 9 - 4 2 (N. De-
grassi).
Via Triumphalis (2): a name often given to the
street between the Palatine and Caelian (modern Via
S. Gregorio) from the Colosseum to the Septizodium,
along which triumphal processions marched. There
is no ancient authority for this name.
Vica Pota, Aedes: a shrine on the site of the Domus
P. Valerii (see Domus, Valerii) at the foot of the slope
of the Velia (Livy 2 .7 .1 2 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 10.4).
Vica Pota was identified with Victoria (Asconius in
Cic. Pis. 5 2 [Stangl 19]; cf. Cicero, L eg. 2.28), and
an enigmatic passage in Senecas A p ocolocy n tosis (9)
makes her the mother of Jupiter (see also Arnobius
3 .25, who derives her name from victus and potus).
Her festival was 5 January (Degrassi 391).
The location of this shrine is difficult. It ought to
be not far from the Regia, because the ground starts
to rise perceptibly just beyond that, but no one lo
cates it with relation to a familiar building. For that
reason topographers tend to locate it on the Sacra
420
Via in front of the Basilica Constantini, but that will
hardly suit the story of the removal of Valeriuss
house.
Victiliana: see Domus Vectiliana.
Victoria, Aedes (Fig. 5 3 ): a temple on the Palatine
assigned by tradition to Evander (Dion. Hal. 1.32.5)
but in its historical form the work of L. Postumius
Megillus, built from the fines collected during his ae-
dileship and on 1 August 2 9 4 B .C . dedicated by him
as consul (Livy 1 0 .3 3 .9 ; Degrassi 489). When the
black stone of the Magna M ater was first brought to
Rome in 2 0 4 B .C ., it was temporarily housed in the
Temple of Victoria (Livy 2 9 .1 4 .1 4 ). Close to it,
probably within the temenos, M . Porcius Cato dedi
cated an aedicula to Victoria Virgo in 193 B .C ., also
on 1 August (Livy 35 .9 .6 ). The temple must have
been on the Clivus Victoriae and presumably not far
from the Temple of the Magna M ater (see Magna
Mater, Aedes). Dedicatory inscriptions found near
the church of S. Teodoro (C/L l 2.805 = 6 .3 1 0 5 9 ,
3 1 0 6 0 = IL L R P 284) probably indicate the general
area, but it would have stood high on the hill. The
Victoria Germanica listed by the regionary cata
logues in Regio X may be the same temple and re
cord a restoration.
Remains of a large temple platform in blocks of
tufa a little to the east of the Temple of the Magna
Mater, but canted at an angle to it, have recently
been identified as belonging to this temple
(Q A rchEtr 16 [Rome 1988]: 5 4 - 6 7 [P. Pensabene]).
The case is a very strong one. Fragments of architec
tural terracottas, as well as remains of the podium,
attest to its republican phase and the excellence of its
construction. In its final phase, which is ascribed to
the Severan period, it was somewhat broader and
shorter than the Temple of the Magna Mater, Cor
inthian, peripteral sine postico, with a frontal ap
proach by a broad stair. This permits identification
of the little Auguratorium set between the two
temples as the Aedicula Victoriae Virginis of Cato.
Unfortunately, absolute proof is as yet lacking.
Victoria, Ara: an altar in the Curia Iulia, presum
ably set up by Augustus in 29 B .C . at the same time
that he installed a statue of Victoria there that had
been brought from Tarentum (Cass. Dio 5 1 .2 2 .1 ;
Suetonius, Aug. 1 0 0 .2 ; Herodian 5 .5.7). It was ded
icated on 28 August (Degrassi 503). During the
struggle between Christianity and paganism in
the fourth century, this altar came to symbolize the
strength of paganism. Constantius removed it in
3 5 7 , but it seems soon to have been restored, pre
sumably by Julian, and was finally abolished by Gra-

tian in 3 8 2 (Symmachus, Rel. 3; Ambrosius, Epist.
1.17.4, 18.1, 7, 10, 32). Both statue and altar had a
powerful hold on the imagination of Rome.
Victoria Virgo, Aedicula (Fig. 5 3 ): a shrine dedi
cated by M . Porcius Cato on 1 August 193 B .C ., close
to the Temple of Victoria, presumably within the te-
menos on the Palatine, it had the same dedication
day (Livy 3 5 .9 .6 ; Degrassi 489). Livy cites an inter
val of two years between its being vowed and its
being dedicated, which suggests that it was architec
turally significant, but the occasion of its being
vowed is unknown. This has recently been identified
with some probability as the Auguratorium just
east of the Temple of Magna M ater (Q A rchE tr 16
[Rome 1988]: 5 4 67 [P. Pensabene]). See Victoria,
Aedes.
Vicus: see Via, Vicus, Clivus and Regio, Vicus,
Pagus.
Vicus Aesculeti (or Aescleti): known from an in
scription on an altar (C/L 6 .3 0 9 5 7 = IL S 3615) ded
icated by the magistri Vici Aescleti to the Lares,
found in situ in the construction of Via Arenula
about 100 m north of the Tiber. It must take its name
from the Aesculetum (q.v.). Ancient street pavement
has been found under the nearby Via di S. Bartolo
meo, but the vicus more probably lay on the other
side of Via Arenula.
C EFR 98 (1987): 6 2 -7 3 (S. Panciera).
Vicus Africus: known only from Varro (Ling.
5.1 59), in Esquiliae, said to be so called because hos
tages from Africa were kept there under guard dur
ing the Punic wars.
Vicus Anici: the reading proposed by Valentini and
Zucchetti (VZ 1.43) to replace Vicus Valeri, listed in
Regio X III on the Capitoline Base (C/L 6.975 = ILS
6073). See also Horrea Aniciana.
Vicus Antistianus: known from a single inscription
(AE 1960.58) and of unknown location.
Vicus Apollinis: a street in Regio X known from
the Capitoline Base (C/L 6.975 = IL S 60 7 3 ), presum
ably in the vicinity of the Temple of Apollo Palatinus
(see Apollo Palatinus, Aedes).
Vicus Armilustri: see Armilustrium.
Vicus Bellonae: known from a single inscription
(C/L 6.2 2 3 5 ), presumably either the street along the
east flank of the Temple of Bellona (see Bellona,
VICU S C A PRA RIU S
Aedes) or that along its back, but listed in Pomponio
Leto in Regio VI (VZ 1.216) and argued by Palmer
to be near Porta Collina.
M EFRA 87 (1975): 6 5 3 -6 5 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Vicus Brutianus: in Regio XIV, known from the
Capitoline Base (C/L 6.975 = IL S 6073) but presum
ably connected with the Campus Bruttianus of the
regionary catalogues. The origin of the name is un
known.
Vicus Caeseris: known from a single inscription
(C/L 6 .9 4 9 2 = IL S 7556a), without further topo
graphical identification.
Vicus Caeseti: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X III (C/L 6 .9 7 5 = ILS 6073). This
may possibly have derived its name from Caesetius
Rufus, a senator whose house Fulvia, the wife of An
tony, coveted (Val. M ax. 9 .5 .4 ; Appian, B ellC iv
4.2 9 ). See Domus, Caesetius Rufus.
Vicus Cam enarum : listed first in Regio I on the
Capitoline Base (C/L 6.975 = IL S 6073), presumably
the short street running roughly north/south from
Porta Capena to Vicus Trium Ararum in the direc
tion of the Palatine. See Camenae.
Vicus Canarius: mentioned in a single inscription
(IG U R 1659) and in the acts of the Christian mar
tyrs and located by the M irabilia (Jordan 2 .6 1 5 ; VZ
3.24) near S. Giorgio in Velabro. It may be that this
should be connected with the Temple of Hercules in
the Forum Boarium that neither dogs nor flies were
believed to enter (Pliny, H N 10.79). See Hercules
Victor, Aedes (1) and Jordan 2 .5 8 8 .
R en dP on tA cc 61 (1 9 8 8 89): 3 5 3 56 (L. Mo-
retti).
Vicus Capitis Africae: mentioned by Probus (Keil,
G ram m . L at. 4 .1 9 8 ) and identified by G. Gatti (A di
54 [1882]: 191220) as the ancient street under Via
della Navicella leading from the Ludus Magnus to
Porta Caelimontana, or perhaps only the relatively
level upper stretch of this. See Caput Africae.
CEFR 98 (1987): 6 5 3 -8 5 (C. Pavolini).
Vicus Capitis Canteri: listed on the Capitoline
Base in Regio X III (C/L 6.9 7 5 = IL S 6 0 7 3 ); it might
have taken its name from a mules head used as a
device on a street fountain or something similar.
Vicus Caprarius: a street mentioned in a bull of
Pope Paschal II of a . d . 1104 as being in Regio V of
papal Rome (and cf. the forged bull of Pope John III
421
V ICU S C A S TR O R U M
given in Jordan 2 .6 6 9 70, where it is called Viculus
Capralicus). From this it appears to have run south
from the line of the Aqua Virgo at the point where it
bent sharply west just south of Piazza Trevi, and an
cient paving blocks found under Via Lucchesi are
thought to have belonged to it. It is undoubtedly to
be connected with the Aedicula Capraria (q.v.).
HJ 4 5 9 - 6 0 .
Vicus Castrorum : known from Probus (Keil,
G ram m . L at. 4.1 9 8 ) and of uncertain location.
Vicus Ceios: in Regio XII, listed on the Capitoline
Base (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 60 7 3 ), but otherwise un
known. The interpretation of the name is quite un
certain.
Vicus Censori: known from the Capitoline Base
(C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073) and two other inscriptions
(C IL 6.451 = IL S 3 6 1 9 , 821), which locate it on the
Tiber island in Regio XIV, the only vicus known on
the island and perhaps the only one there. It seems
to have been named for a family of which the earliest
known representative is C. Censorius Niger of the
time of Hadrian.
Vicus Collis Viminalis: known from two inscrip
tions (C IL 6 .2 2 2 7 , 2228 = IL S 6 076), believed to be
the ancient street known to have run the length of
the ridge of the Viminal from near the Gallinae Al-
bae (q.v.) to Porta Viminalis in the Servian Walls. Its
upper stretch may have been somewhat modified at
the time of the construction of the Thermae Diocle-
tiani (q.v.). Whether the continuation of this street
from Porta Viminalis to Porta Chiusa in the Aurelian
Walls was called by the same name is unknown but
seems likely.
Vicus Columnae Ligneae: known only from the
Capitoline Base, listed in Regio XIII (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073). Because wooden columns cannot
have been uncommon in Rome, we should perhaps
think of a conspicuous votive column. The numerous
ancient sanctuaries on the Aventine make it difficult
to identify one as likelier than another.
Vicus Compiti Pastoris: known only from the
Capitoline Base, listed in Regio X II (C IL 6.975 ILS
6073).
Vicus Cornicularius: in Regio III, known only
from two inscriptions of the vicomagistri belonging
to a compital shrine located near the Ludus Magnus
in the direction of S. Giovanni in Laterano. The
name may allude either to the low-ranking military
officer so called or to a worker in horn as a material.
422
The inscriptions date from the middle of the first cen
tury after Christ.
A rchC l 10 (1958): 2 3 1 -3 4 (L. Moretti).
Vicus Cuprius (often spelled Cyprius): an impor
tant street leading northeast from the Forum Ro-
manum along the northwest slope of the Oppius, in
later antiquity represented by the street cutting
through the north corner of the Basilica Constantini.
Into it fed a short street leading down from the Ti-
gillum Sororium (q.v.) on the extension of Sacra Via
that ran to the Oppius (Dion. Hal. 3 .2 2 .8 ), and at its
highest point it was crossed by the Clivus Orbius
(q.v.), which, following the desecration of her fa
thers corpse by Tullia, was divided between the Cli
vus Orbius (from the Argiletum to the Vicus Cu
prius) and the Vicus Sceleratus (from the Vicus
Cuprius southeast across the Oppius) (Livy 1 .4 8 .6 -
7). Varro (Ling. 5.1 5 9 ) derives the name from the
Sabine word for good and would have it that the
Sabines settled there when they were admitted to cit
izenship, but the manuscripts give the spelling for
this as ciprum (or cyprum ), which would yield rather
the sense copper, and all other early associations
of the Sabines are with the Quirinal and Capitoline.
Jo u rn a l o f In d o -E u ro p ea n Studies 1 (1973): 3 6 8 -
78 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Vicus Curiarum : a street in Regio X (C IL 6.975
= IL S 6073) probably deriving its name from the
Curiae Veteres (q.v.) and to be located a little south
of the northeast corner of the Palatine. It is even pos
sible that the street commonly called Via Trium-
phalis (under Via S. Gregorio) is the Vicus Curiarum
and ran between the Curiae Veteres and the Curiae
Novae.
Vicus Curvus: known from the Vicocorvenses of
C IL 6 .3 1 8 9 3 d8, a fragment of the fourth-century
decree of Tarracius Bassus, located in Esquiliae (2)
(q.v.).
Vicus Cyclopis: known from an inscription (C IL
6 .2 2 2 6 = IL S 6077) and there located in Regio I,
therefore to be associated with the Antrum Cyclopis
(q.v.) of Regio II. The Lugli and Gismondi map lo
cates this as the street leading to Porta Metrovia in
the Aurelian Walls, the boundary between Regio I
and Regio II here, but there is no proof.
M em PontA cc, ser. 3 .7 (1944): 157 (A. M. Colini).
Vicus Dianae: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X II (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 60 7 3 ), but oth
erwise unknown. It may have been near the church
of S. Saba (see C IL 6 .3 6 7 7 = 30 8 5 3 ).

Vicus Drusianus: a street in Regio I (C IL 6.975
= IL S 6073) probably named from the Arcus Drusi
(1) (q.v.), which spanned Via Appia a little north of
the point where Via Latina diverged from Via Appia.
An important street ran almost straight to the north
east from Piazza Numa Pompilio (at the east corner
of the Thermae Antoninianae) to Piazza S. Giovanni,
from the boundary between Regio I and Regio XII
across Regiones I and II and into V. Today it is rep
resented by Via Druso and Via Amba Aradam. This
may have been Vicus Drusianus.
Vicus Epicteti (?): see Epictetinses.
Vicus Fabrici: the last street listed in Regio I on the
Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 60 7 3 ), associated
with the Compitum Fabricium (q.v.), which is lo
cated on the western slope of the Caelian near the
Curiae Novae. Identification of the vicus as the street
along the southwest front of the Temple of Divus
Claudius (so on the Lugli and Gismondi map) is en
tirely conjectural and not likely to be correct.
Vicus Fanni: known from a single inscription (C IL
6.7542) without further indication of location.
Vicus[. . .]ionum Ferrariarum : known only from
an inscription found near the church of S. Pancrazio
on the Janiculan hill (C IL 6 .9 1 8 5 ). It seems possible
to complete the missing word in many ways, but
none suggests itself as clearly what is required.
Vicus Fidi: known from the Capitoline Base, listed
first in Regio X III (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073), otherwise
unknown.
Vicus Fontis Salientis: the reading proposed by
Valentini and Zucchetti (VZ 1.45) to replace v ic o
[. . . ] a n i s a l i e n t i s in Regio X II on the Capitoline
Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073).
Vicus Fortunae Dubiae: known from the Capito
line Base, listed last in Regio XIII (C IL 6.975 = ILS
6 0 73), otherwise unknown. The great number of
shrines to Fortuna known to have existed in Rome
includes some with very strange epithets. This might
well have been a compital shrine.
Vicus Fortunae M am m osae: known from the
Capitoline Base, listed in Regio X II (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = JL S
6073) and to be associated with a shrine listed in the
regionary catalogues (see Fortuna Mammosa), but
with no more precise location.
Vicus Fortunae Obsequentis: known from the
Capitoline Base, listed in Regio I (C IL 6.975 = ILS
V ICU S H U IU S C E D IE I
6073), presumably named from the shrine ascribed
by Plutarch (De fort. R om . 10, Q uaest. R om . 74) to
Servius Tullius. The same epithet is given to Venus
(see Venus Obsequens) with a temple ad Circum
Maximum, and Fortuna was often identified with
Venus.
Vicus Fortunae Respicientis: known from the
Capitoline Base, listed in Regio X (C IL 6.975 = ILS
6073) and to be associated with the shrine of For
tuna Respiciens listed in the regionary catalogues in
Regio X between the Curiae Veteres and the Septi-
zodium, so probably to be located on the southeast
slope of the Palatine Hill.
Vicus Fortunati: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X III (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 60 7 3 ), but oth
erwise unknown. Fortunatus was an extremely com
mon cognomen in all periods.
Vicus Frumentarius: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio X III (C IL 6.975 = ILS 6073), so
presumably in the area southwest of the Aventine
where warehouses clustered behind the Emporium
and presumably a street where dealers in grain were
concentrated, but it cannot be more precisely lo
cated.
Vicus Gemini: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed first in Regio X IV after the Vicus Censori on
the island (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073), so presumably
near the river and the bridgeheads. Geminus is a
well-attested cognomen.
Vicus Honoris et Virtutis: known from the Capi
toline Base, listed in Regio I (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073)
and to be associated with the well-known Temple of
Honos et Virtus (1) just inside Porta Capena on the
slope of the Caelian near the church of S. Gregorio
Magno. It may have been the street branching from
the Clivus Scauri and running south and then south
east along the brow of the Caelian that the Lugli and
Gismondi map shows as the boundary between Re
giones I and II. The name recurs on the epistyle of a
compital shrine to the Lares and Genii Caesarum of
a . d . 83 (C IL 6 .4 4 9 = IL S 3 6 1 7 ), which also gives the
date of the first vicomagistri of this vicus as 9 B .C .
Unfortunately the find spot of this block is un
known. See also D o x a 2 (1949): 7 2 -7 3 (A. De-
g rassi)= A 19 49 .1 7 0.
Vicus Huiusce Diei: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed last in Regio X (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073)
and possibly named for a shrine or altar of the same
Fortuna to whom Catulus built a temple in the Cam
pus Martius (see Fortuna Huiusce Diei, Aedes). Be
423
V I C U S IA N I
cause Catulus is known to have built himself a mag
nificent house on the Palatine, probably after the
victory over the Cimbri (Pliny, H N 17.2), it may well
be that the name of the vicus began as derisive of
Catulus and his ostentation, as well as of his claim
to a triumph for that victory (see Domus, Catulus).
Vicus Iani: mentioned only by Porphyrion in a note
on Horace, Epist. 1.20.1 and explained as where
there was an arch consecrated to Janus, but without
more precise location.
Vicus Ianuclensis: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio X IV (CJL 6.975 = I I S 6073)
and from its name probably to be associated with the
top of the Janiculan ridge close to the point where
the Via Aurelia ran out from Porta Aurelia on a nar
row neck between valleys to either side. It is prob
ably at least the upper stretch of the road running
parallel to Via Aurelia through the Transtiberim and
climbing the slope south of S. Pietro in Montorio
that converges with Via Aurelia at the top a little
inside the gate.
Vicus Insteius (Livy 2 4 .1 0 .8 ), Insteianus (Varro,
Ling. 5 .5 2 ): on the Collis Latiaris, the southwestern
extremity of the Quirinal, the site of an auguraculum
(q.v.) and a place where a spring erupted in 2 1 4 B .C .
with such violence that it tumbled before it the dolia
that happened to be there. This end of the Quirinal
is exceptionally rich in water, the Fons Cati (now
known as the Acqua S. Felice) being the source of the
Petronia Amnis and other water having been en
countered with great frequency in building opera
tions (LA 236), so it is not surprising that on the
lowest lobe of the hill such a phenomenon should
have occurred. No ancient street is known on the hill
proper, but as Varro puts the auguraculum in su m m o
vico, it is likely to be the street that led past the great
basilical hall of the Mercati di Traiano from the Via
Biberatica eastward to a juncture with the street
coming south from Alta Semita in the vicinity of Pi
azza (Largo) Magnanapoli. The name is a relatively
uncommon Roman gentilicial name.
Vicus Iovis Fagutalis: a street on the Oppius
known only from a single inscription of a . d . 109
(C IL 6 .4 5 2 = IL S 3620) commemorating the resto
ration of a compital shrine. It derived its name from
the sacellum of Iuppiter Fagutalis (see Fagutal) at the
top of the Clivus Pullius (Solinus 1.26). It may be the
ancient street crossing Piazza S. Pietro in Vincoli
from northwest to southeast.
Vicus Isidis: mentioned casually by Tertullian (Idol.
20.2) without a more precise location.
424
Vicus Iugarius (Fig. 19): listed in the regionary cat
alogues in Regio VIII, the street along the shoulder
of the Capitoline Hill above the Forum Romanum
linking the foot of the Quirinal with the Porta Car-
mentalis (cf. Livy 3 5 .2 1 .6 ) and, because it was a very
old street, always a vital part of the road system
bringing those in quest of salt from the Via Salaria
and Alta Semita to the ferry landing at the mouth of
the Cloaca in the Forum Boarium. Where the Vicus
Iugarius began and ended in the early period is open
to question; after the construction of the Servian
Walls, it probably was thought to extend only to
Porta Carmentalis (Livy 2 4 .4 7 .1 5 ). The beginning
was destroyed by the construction of the Forum
Traiani, if not earlier, but, like the line of the Servian
Walls, the road must have kept to the highest ground
and shortest route available in the crossing from
Quirinal to Capitoline and probably ran not far from
the southwest faade of the Basilica Ulpia. Because
this would have brought it into conjunction with the
so-called Clivus Argentarius, which was probably
also a very old track leading out to the Campus Mar-
tius, we may think of the Vicus Iugarius as once be
ginning at that juncture. In the imperial period it was
probably not thought of as extending beyond the
Area Volcani, and Festus (370L) has it begin at the
Lacus Servilius adjacent to the Basilica Iulia. For pur
poses of definition, then, we may say that it began
behind the Rostra Augusti, ran between the Temple
of Saturn and Basilica Iulia, and followed the base of
the Capitoline Hill (Livy 35 .2 1 .6 ) along the line of
the modern Via della Consolazione and Vico Iuga-
rio, ending just short of Via del Teatro di Marcello
(Via del Mare).
The Vicus Iugarius is said to have got its name
from the Altar of Iuno Iuga erected there (Paulus ex
Fest. 92L), but more likely the name prompted erec
tion of the altar of Juno as patroness of marriage.
N or is it likely that there were ever yoke makers
there or that it was conceived as linking the Forum
Romanum and Forum Boarium, or other places.
More likely the name simply means the road fol
lowing the ridge or following the heights, as dis
tinct from the other roads in the vicinity. In later
times it took on new importance as the main artery
between the Forum Romanum and the lower Cam
pus Martius. It seems always to have been the road
by which triumphs and similar processions first en
tered the forum (Livy 2 7 .3 7 .1 4 ).
Nash 2 .5 1 4 ; B u llC om 84 (1974-75): 149-72 (P.
Virgili).
Vicus Laci Fundani: known from an inscription
(C IL 12.1.721 = 6 .1 2 9 7 = IL S 872 = IL L R P 3 5 2 , a
dedication by the vicus to Sulla) and clearly deriving
its name from the Lacus Fundani (q.v.). It lay in the

saddle between the Quirinal and the Capitoline (Ta
citus, Hist. 3.69) and was probably obliterated by
the construction of the Forum Traiani.
Vicus Laci Miliari: known only from the Capito
line Base, listed in Regio XIII (C IL 6.975 = IL S
6073). A watering trough at a milestone would not
be uncommon outside the city, but in Regio XIII the
only road with milestones was probably that along
the Tiber with the distances measured from the Porta
Trigmina (a branch of Via Ostiensis). We can locate
this vicus, then, in the district of warehouses behind
the Emporium.
Vicus Laci Restituti: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073).
Restitutus is probably the cognomen of the man re
sponsible for establishing this watering place.
Vicus Laci Tecti: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X II (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073), other
wise unknown.
Vicus Larum Ali turn: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio X III (C IL 6.975 = ILS 6073),
presumably named for a compital shrine. But winged
Lares are an anomaly, and Wissowa (Roscher
2.1 8 85) conjectures that here images of winged di
vinities (possibly Erotes) were simply substituted for
proper Lares.
Vicus Larum Iu(ga)lium (?): the restoration by
Valentini and Zucchetti (VZ 1.46) of the name of a
street listed on the Capitoline Base in Regio XIV
(C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). The reading is far from cer
tain, but because this is followed by the Vicus Ianu-
clensis and Vicus Brutianus (qq.v.) in the list, it may
have been on the outskirts of the city. G. Gatti pro
posed the reading: Vicus Larum Curialium.
Vicus Licinianus: known only from a sepulchral
inscription (C IL 6.9871 = IL S 7585) found on Via
Tiburtina 4 miles from Rome and without further
indication of location.
Vicus Longi . . . Aquilae: known from the Capi
toline Base, listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = ILS
6073) and presumably the district of the Aquilenses
of the fourth-century edict of Tarracius Bassus (C IL
6.3 1 8 9 3 .a 6 = IL S 6072). The genitive is probably to
be read as a proper name. R. E. A. Palmer (PAPS 125
[1981]: 3 6 9 70) would read Longus and identify
this as the first part of Via Campana/Portuensis.
Vicus Longus: located by an inscription (AE
1 964.126) in Regio VI, the street running southwest/
V ICU S M IN E R V I
northeast up the valley between the Quirinal and the
Viminal and originally joining Alta Semita a short
distance inside Porta Collina, probably at the point
where modern Via Quintino Sella joins Via X X Set-
tembre. The Vicus Longus is first mentioned by Livy
(10.23.6) in connection with the foundation of the
sacellum of Pudicitia Plebeia in 2 9 6 B.C . (cf. Festus
270L ). There was a Temple of Febris in sum m a parte
(Val. M ax. 2.5.6) and an altar of Fortuna Euelpis, or
perhaps Spei Bonae (Plutarch, D e fort. R om . 10).
The Vicus Longus is mentioned in at least two in
scriptions (C IL 6 .9 7 3 6 = ILS 7 6 1 8 , 10023). Its pave
ment was found during construction of Via Nazio-
nale in front of the Banca dltalia, in front of the
Palazzo delle Esposizioni, and at a number of points
between here and the Thermae Diocletiani. For the
construction of the Thermae a considerable stretch
of the vicus was destroyed and a new cross street cre
ated running from Alta Semita to Vicus Collis Vi-
minalis, into which Vicus Longus then debouched.
Its termination at its southwest end is less certain.
Vicus Lorari or Lorarius: a street known from one
sepulchral inscription (C IL 6 .9 7 9 6 = IL S 7604) from
the Via Appia. The name is presumably in allusion
to harness makers or whip makers who were concen
trated here, but the form of the adjective is odd. One
expects L orarioru m , which may have been found to
be an awkward mouthful.
Vicus Loreti M aioris, M inoris: see Loretum.
Vicus Luc . . . ii: a street in Regio X IV listed on the
Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). This might
be restored as Vicus Lucceii; there seems to have
been more than one Vicus Lucceius in Rome.
B u llC om 85 (1 9 76-77): 135-38 (R. E. A. Palmer).
Vicus M am uri: see Clivus M amuri.
Vicus M ateriarius: a street in Regio XIII (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073) presumably named for a concen
tration of lumberyards along it and to be located in
the warehouse district behind the Emporium. How
ever, Hiilsen would put it on the summit of the Av-
entine because of its place in the list (HJ 170).
Vicus Minervi: known from an altar of Stata Mater
Augusta set up by the vicomagistri, found in a cem
etery just outside Porta Pinciana (C IL 6 .7 6 6 = ILS
3309). This locates the vicus in Regio VII. PA sug
gests that it ran northeast from the gate, presumably
meaning the street labeled on the Lugli and Gis-
mondi map Via Salaria Vetus, but that would take
Regio VII farther east than seems advisable, and
there are extensive cemeteries here (HJ 437). The
425
VICUS M U N D IC IE I
name seems to allude to a shrine of Minerva other
wise unknown, possibly compital.
Vicus Mundiciei: a street known from the Capito-
line Base, listed in Regio X III (C IL 6.975 = ILS
6073). Mundicius is a rare but well attested gentili-
cial name.
Vicus N ovus: known from the Capitoline Base, in
Regio X III (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073).
Vicus Orbius: see Clivus Orbius.
Vicus Pac(r)ae: known from the Capitoline Base, in
Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6 0 7 3 ; V Z 147); the
name has not been satisfactorily restored.
Vicus Padi: known from the Capitoline Base, listed
first in Regio X , before the Vicus Curiarum (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073) and therefore conjectured to be
long on the east slope of the Palatine. The meaning
of the name is unknown.
Vicus Pallacinae: see Pallacinae.
Vicus Panispemae: probably the ancient name of a
district (likely a vicus) around the church of S. Lor
enzo in Panisperna near the southwest end of the Vi-
minal. This name for the church appears only about
a . d . 10 0 0 ; earlier it was called S. Laurentii in For-
moso or ad (in) Formosum, after its builder (HCh
292-93). The question of whether this is a corruption
of the original name is complicated by the existence
in the near neighborhood of the locality Gallinae Al-
bae (q.v.), which increases the likelihood of a joke
name. Attempts to derive the name from the ancient
cognomen Perperna (Perpenna) are now generally
recognized to be mistaken.
Vicus Patricius: one of the oldest and most impor
tant streets in Rome, running straight from the Ar-
giletum up the valley between Cispian and Viminal
to the Porta Viminalis in the Servian Walls following
the line of modern Via Urbana and Via dAzeglio.
Roman antiquarians believed that the name went
back to the regal period (Festus 247L ), and it per
sisted in use into the early Middle Ages. It is gener
ally regarded as the boundary separating this part of
Regio IV from Regio VI. Beyond Porta Viminalis it
probably continued for some distance (see Isis Patri
cia), and part of it was known, though perhaps only
relatively late, as Clivus Patricius (LPD 1.221 [Inno
cent I, a . d . 4 0 1 -4 1 7 ]; V Z 2.2 3 6 ). It is mentioned by
Martial (7.73.2, 10.68.2) and Plutarch (Q u aest.
426
R om . 3). There were few shrines along its length;
only one of Diana (Plutarch, Q uaest. R om . 3)
and that of Isis already cited are known. It is given
as the location of the church of S. Euphemia in the
Einsiedeln itinerary 1.12 (Jordan 2 .6 4 6 ; cf. HCh
249 -5 0 ).
Vicus Pauli: known only from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). Paulus
was a fairly common cognomen.
Vicus Piscinae Publicae: the street, or part of the
street, between Porta Raudusculana and the street
leading in from Porta Capena to the Septizodium
(Amm. M arc. 17.4.14). It separated the Aventinus
M aior from the Aventinus M inor following the line
of modern Viale Aventino and was part of the
boundary between Regio X II and Regio XIII but is
listed in XII (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). It was named
for the Piscina Publica (q.v.), which also gave its
name to Regio XII.
Vicus Platanonis: not listed on the Capitoline Base
but conjectured from the occurrence of the genitive
p latan on is listed in the regionary catalogues in Regio
XIII between the Mappa Aurea and Horrea Galbae
et Aniciana. On that evidence it should be near the
Porta Lavernalis.
Vicus Ploti: known from the Capitoline Base, listed
in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073) but otherwise
unknown. Ploti could be either a cognomen or a no
men.
Vicus Portae Collinae: a name given in an inscrip
tion (C IL 6 .4 5 0 = IL S 3618) of a . d . 98-99. Presum
ably this was the stretch of Alta Semita (q.v.) just
inside Porta Collina, but there is no indication of
where the point of distinction occurred.
Vicus Portae N aeviae: known only from the Cap
itoline Base, listed next to last in Regio X II (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073). This must be the street connect
ing Vicus Piscinae Publicae and Porta Naevia,
running south, then southeast over the Aventinus
Minor.
Vicus Portae R(a)udusculanae: known from the
Capitoline Base (where it is spelled Rudusculanae),
listed in Regio X II (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073) just be
fore Vicus Portae Naeviae. This is usually taken to
be the street connecting Porta Raudusculana and
Porta Ostiensis in the Aurelian Walls, but other
streets named for gates lead to those gates, not out

of them. Therefore, it is better to take this as the final
stretch of the street known as Vicus Piscinae Publi-
cae, perhaps the southwest stretch beyond the junc
ture with Vicus Portae Naeviae.
Vicus Pulverarius: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio I (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). This
has been taken to refer to the great beds of pozzolana
(pulvis Puteolanus) known to have lain outside Porta
Appia (HJ 219), but because the obvious and con
venient route of access to these was the Appia itself,
this would have to be a branch road leading off it
somewhere in the vicinity of these. It might allude
also to dealers in pozzolana (cf. Clivus Argentarius).
Vicus Q uadrati: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073) and
from an inscription from the sanctuary of Diana Ne-
morensis of Aricia (C IL 14.2213). Quadratus was a
fairly common cognomen.
Vicus Raciliani M aioris, M inoris: streets in Re
gio X IV listed on the Capitoline Base (C IL
6.975 = ILS 6073). The wife of Cincinnatus was
named Racilia, and Cincinnatus is known to have
had a small farm in the Transtiberim, in the Prata
Quinctia (q.v.) opposite the Navalia. There might be
a connection. However, a L. Racilius was tribunus
plebis in 56 B .C ., so the family did not die out. A
Collegium Iuvenum Racilianensium (RendPontA cc,
ser. 3.4 [1925-26]: 394-95 [O. Marucchi]) must be
long in the same area.
Vicus R ostratae: listed on the Capitoline Base in
Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = 1LS 60 7 3 ), third in the re
gio. R. E. A. Palmer (PAPS 125 [1981]: 369) would
supply colu m n ae for the missing element, but this
seems a strange location for what necessarily would
be a triumphal monument.
Vicus Sabuci: a street in Regio III known from an
inscription (C IL 6.801 = IL S 33 0 5 ), a dedication to
Vulcan found in Via Merulana near S. M artino ai
Monti. If this was in situ, the only ancient street
lacking a name in this neighborhood is that leading
from the axis of the Thermae Traiani northeast to
Porta Esquilina, a relatively unimportant street with
no known monuments along it. Sabucus (or sam bu-
cus) is the Latin word for the elder tree.
Vicus Salutaris: known as the name of two streets,
one on the Palatine in Regio X , one in the Transti
berim in Regio XIV, both listed on the Capitoline
Base (C IL 6.975 = ILS 6073). That on the Palatine is
VICU S S O B R IU S
listed just before the Vicus Apollinis and might be
connected with the Temple of Apollo Palatinus.
Vicus Salutis: known only from a fragmentary in
scription (C IL 6 .3 1 2 7 0 = IL S 128 = IL L R P 434)
and, if the reading is correct, probably the relatively
level stretch of Clivus Salutis (q.v.) on the Quirinal
(Collis Salutaris).
Vicus Sandaliarius: one of the best-known streets
of Rome, in Regio IV (see Apollo Sandaliarius). It
must have taken its name from an early concentra
tion of shoemakers and sandal makers here; in the
time of Aulus Gellius (18.4.1) it was the place par
ex cellen ce of booksellers and scholars. Because these
had earlier been concentrated along the lower Argi-
letum (q.v.) and must have been displaced by the
construction of the Forum Nervae (Transitorium), it
seems likely that the Vicus Sandaliarius was the
street running along the northeast side of Templum
Pacis (called Vicus Cuprius on the Lugli and Gis-
mondi map). Augustus erected the statue of Apollo
Sandaliarius here (Suetonius, Aug. 57 .1 ). The Vicus
Sandaliarius is mentioned in three inscriptions (C IL
6 .448 = IL S 3 6 1 4 , 761 = IL S 3 3 0 8 , B u llC om 5
[1877]: 162-63 [R. Lanciani], 18 [1890]: 132 [R.
Lanciani]).
H J 329.
Vicus Saufei: known only from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). Saufeius
is a gentilicial name commoner in the republic than
in the empire.
Vicus Scauri: known from a single inscription (C IL
6 .9 9 4 0 = IL S 7 6 1 9 ), probably the part of Clivus
Scauri on the summit of the Caelian.
Vicus Sceleratus: see Clivus Orbius.
Vicus Sergi: known only from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). Sergius
is a well-known gentilicial name.
Vicus (Sil)ani Salientis: see Vicus Fontis
Salientis.
Vicus Sobrius: a street in Rome said by Festus (382-
83L) to be so called because there Mercury was of
fered milk rather than wine. This appears to be the
same as the Mercurius Sobrius mentioned in two in
scriptions (C IL 6 .9 4 8 3 , 9 7 1 4 = IL S 7510). A compi-
tal shrine of Augustan date dedicated to Mercury
was found on the Esquiline near Torre Cantarelli in
427
VICU S STA BL A R IU S
1888 (B u llC om 16 [1888]: 2 2 1 -3 9 [G. Gatti]; C IL
6 .3 0 9 7 4 = IL S 9 2); this has been suggested to be the
Mercury in question (HJ 3 3 4-35), but there is no
hard evidence.
Vicus Stablarius: a reconstruction. Rodriguez Al
meida proposes to restore the inscription vi[. . .]
b l a r i v s on fragments of the Marble Plan as Vicus
Stablarius; others had proposed Vicus Bublarius
(Rodriguez 1.1 4 9 -5 0 and pi. 3 3 , fragments 3 7 , 40).
The vicus is located in the Campus Martius south
west of the Theatrum Pompeii in an area bounded by
the Lungotevere Tebaldi, Via dei Pettinari, Via
deGiubbonari, Via del Giglio, and Piazza Farnese,
or roughly from the river to the Theater of Pompey
and from Ponte Sisto to Piazza Farnese. The city
blocks here are by and large regular and rectangular
and seem to have been chiefly shops and workshops
with dwellings above. If we restore Stablarius, the
known existence of the stabula (q.v.) of several of the
circus factions in the neighborhood might account
for the name, or it could have the sense public
house, inn.
Vicus (S)tabuli Proconsulus: mentioned by Probus
(Keil, G ram m . L at. 4 .1 9 8 ), otherwise unknown.
Vicus Statae M atris: a street on the Caelian in Re-
gio II known from the inscription on a compital altar
(C IL 6 .3 6 8 0 9 ). It is unlikely that this was the same
as the dedication to Stata M ater in the Forum Ro-
manum mentioned by Festus (416L) in the past tense
and said to have been set up after the forum was
paved by Cotta (?). Dedications to Stata M ater are
relatively common in Rome (cf., e.g., IL S 3306-9),
and the epithet Augusta that appears in a number of
these seems to allude to Augustuss reorganization of
the regiones of the city and the vigiles (cf., e.g., C IL
6 .7 6 1 = IL S 3 3 0 8 , 802 = IL S 33 0 6 ). In a city where
fire was a constant danger, the goddess credited with
the power to stop fires is apt to have been widely
worshiped at compital shrines. As Festus says, once
the image had been established in the Forum Ro-
manum, the people took her worship to their own
neighborhoods. Unfortunately, we seem to have no
identifiable likeness of Stata Mater.
Vicus Statae Siccianae: a street in the Transtiberim
known from the Capitoline Base (C IL 6.975 = ILS
6073).
Vicus Statuae Valerianae: in the Transtiberim; see
Statua Valeriana.
Vicus Statuae Verris: a name proposed for the
street running through the north corner of the Basil
428
ica Constantini on the evidence of a mutilated in
scription that must be heavily restored.
R endP ontA cc 5 1 -5 2 (19 7 8 -7 9 ): 111-36 (R. E. A.
Palmer).
Vicus Strobili: mentioned by Probus (Keil, G ram m .
L at. 4 .1 9 8 ), otherwise unknown. The allusion may
be to a fountain in the form of a pine cone like the
famous one in the Cortile delle Pigna in the Vatican
(Helbig4 1.478).
Vicus Sulpicii or Sulpicius: given as the location
of the Baths of Caracalla (S.H.A. H eliog ab . 17.8-9)
and listed on the Capitoline Base in Regio I with a
division into a Vicus Sulpici Ulterior and a Vicus Sul-
pici Citerior (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). Because the
baths were in Regio X II, the vicus has been identified
(PA s.v., H J 208-9) as the street running along the
southwest side of the peribolus of the baths, the di
viding line between Regio I and Regio X II, with the
Via Appia the boundary between the Vicus Citerior
to the northeast and the Vicus Ulterior to the south
west. This is all simply hypothetical, and the terms
citerior and u lterior indicate rather a direction per
pendicular to that proposed. It may be that the con
struction of the bath complex entailed displacement
and reorientation of the vicus. Lanciani (LA 268)
would have the two vici the continuations of the
streets flanking the peribolus of the baths on the
southeast and northwest on the northeast side of Via
Appia (the former identified on the Lugli and Gis-
mondi map as Vicus Drusianus, the latter nameless)
and place the Vicus Drusianus closer to Porta Ca-
pena. This seems possible, if we allow the stretch
connecting the two (and Porta Metrovia) to have
been originally part of Vicus Sulpici Citerior. The
street is also named on an altar of the republican pe
riod (C IL P .1 0 0 2 = 6.2221 = IL S 6078 = IL L R P
702) that mentions m agistri d e du obu s pagis et Vici
Sulpici. See also Via Nova (2).
Vicus Summi Choragi: known from a fragment of
the Marble Plan (FUR 61 and pi. 15.3; Rodriguez
1.57 and pi. 1). The placing of this, which is only
slightly uncertain given its small size and other phys
ical characteristics, identifies the Vicus Summi Cho
ragi as the short street just east of the church of S.
Clemente. See Summum Choragium.
Vicus Tiberini: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed last in Regio X IV (C IL 6.975 = IL S 6073). On
the basis of its name and place in the list, Lanciani
(LFUR sheet 28) has tentatively identified this as a
street found under modern Via della Lungaretta be
tween Viale di Trastevere and the river, the first
stretch of what would become Via Aurelia and the

street into which the Pons Aemilius and Pons Cestius
led. This seems possible, but if there was a second
vicus on the island, that would be a preferable iden
tification. Presumably the Vicus Tiberini took its
name from a sacellum dedicated to the god of the
river.
Vicus Triari: known from the Capitoline Base,
listed in Regio X II (C IL 6.975 = IL 6073), presum
ably the same as the Clivus Triarius (q.v.). The name
is a cognomen of the Gentes Valeria and Pomponia,
but rare.
Vicus Trium Ararum : known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio I (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 6073), and
from a compital dedication found in front of S. Gre
gorio Magno (C IL 6.453 = /LS 36 1 6 ). The vicus is
therefore probably the street running in front of S.
Gregorio from the Clivus Scauri to the street in from
Porta Capena, and the altars were connected with
the sanctuaries of the Camenae and Honos et Virtus.
See also Clivus Scauri.
Vicus Trium Viarum: known from the Capitoline
Base, listed in Regio X III (C IL 6.975 = ILS 6073). A
fork of three streets is so common a feature in urban
planning that one looks for some more conspicuous
oddity. The confluence in the elongated wedge be
tween the Horrea Galbae and the Porticus Aemilia
might be what is meant, but there is no proof.
Vicus Turarius: a name that late commentators
mistakenly give for the Vicus Tuscus, stemming al
most certainly from someones misreading or mis
understanding of Tuscus to mean incense was sold
here, perhaps because a blot obliterated the last three
letters of the word in his source (Porphyrion on Hor
ace, Epist. 1.20.1, 2 .1 .2 6 9 ; pseudo-Asconius a d Cic.
Verr. 2 .1 .1 5 4 [Stangl 255]). Incense may, of course,
have been sold there, but this is a misnomer.
Vicus Tuscus: the street running southwest out of
the Forum Romanum between the Temple of Castor
and the Basilica Iulia that emerged in the Velabrum
and presumably was the main street leading to the
Porta Flumentana. It was the main route between the
Forum Romanum and lower Forum Boarium, and
hence to the Circus Maximus (Livy 2 7 .3 7 .1 5 ). Orig
inally it must have run along the left bank of the
Cloaca and presumably crossed it at the site of the
Ianus Quadrifrons of the Velabrum. It was joined be
fore reaching the Ianus by the Clivus Victoriae de
scending from the Palatine.
The street supposedly received its name from a
settlement of Etruscans there, variously explained as
a contingent that came to aid Romulus against Titus
V ICU S VESTAE
Tatius (Varro, Ling. 5 .4 6 ; Servius a d Aen. 5 .5 6 0 ;
Propertius 4 .2 .4 9 -5 2 ), remnants of Porsennas army
after the Battle of Aricia (Livy 2 .1 4 .9 ; Festus 4 8 6
87L ; Dion. Hal. 5 .3 6 .4 ), or supporters of Tarquinius
Priscus (Tacitus, Ann. 4.65). It is more likely that it
got its name from being the main route from the
Forum Romanum and Palatine to the Etruscan bank
of the Tiber by first the Cloaca ferry and later the
Pons Sublicius. The only shrine that is known to have
been there was that of the Etruscan god Vortumnus
(see Signum Vortumni) behind the Temple of Castor;
this was believed to be very old.
It was always a very busy street in which there
were shops of many sorts, but especially of fine
clothing (Martial 1 1.27.11 [serica]; C IL 6 .9976,
3 3 92 3 = IL S 7575 [vestiarius tenuiarius], 3 7 8 2 6 ,
14.2433 = IL S 7 5 9 7 [purpurarius]). Early on it had
a bad reputation (Plautus, Cure. 482), probably es
pecially for the high prices asked by the merchants
there (Horace, Sat. 2.3 .2 2 8 ).
Jordan 1 .1 .2 7 3 -7 4 ; Nash 2 .3 1 5 .
Vicus Unguentarius: listed in the N otitia in Regio
VIII, but without further indication of its location.
One is inclined to put it in the neighborhood of the
Vicus Tuscus (q.v.), where there is known to have
been a concentration of shops dealing in luxuries.
R ivIstA rcb, ser. 3 .8 9 (1 9 8 5 -8 6 ): 1 1 1 -1 7 (E.
Rodriguez Almeida).
Vicus V[aler]i (?): see Vicus Anici.
Vicus Veneris Almae: a street in Regio X II listed
first in that regio on the Capitoline Base (C IL
6.975 = IL S 6073) and probably the district of the
Venerenses of the fourth-century edict of Tarracius
Bassus (C IL 6 .3 1 9 0 1 ). Very likely this should be con
nected with the Temple of Venus Obsequens and/or
the Temple of Venus Verticordia (see Venus Obse
quens, Aedes and Venus Verticordia, Aedes) near the
southeast end of the Circus Maximus, but no known
ancient street suggests itself as a candidate. The fact
that the epithet of Venus is not that of any known
shrine to this goddess may indicate that the allusion
was rather to a compital shrine.
Vicus Vestae: a street in Regio VIII known from an
inscription, a fragmentary dedication to the Lares
Augusti (C IL 6 .3 0 9 6 0 = IL S 3621) of the time of Al
exander Severus. This must be either the ramp and
stair connecting the Nova Via with the Forum Ro
manum that debouches between the Temple of Vesta
and the Temple of Castor (Ovid, Fast. 6 .3 9 5 -9 8 ) or
the short street at the east end of the Atrium Vestae
that connects the Sacra Via and Nova Via. The latter
is to be preferred in view of the use of the term vicus
429
VICU S V IC T O R IA E
(cf. Asconius in Cic. Scaur. 45 [Stangl 27], and see
Domus, Scaurus).
Jordan 1 .2 .2 9 7 -9 8 .
Vicus Victoriae: known from a single sepulchral in
scription (M AAR 36 [1980]: 2 3 9 [S. Panciera]); it
was the site of a p ortu s oleariu s and might have been
a continuation of the Clivus Victoriae of the Palatine
(q.v.).
Vicus Victoris: known only from the Capitoline
Base, listed last in Regio X II after the Vicus Portae
Naeviae (C IL 6 .9 7 5 = IL S 60 7 3 ), so perhaps some
where beyond Porta Naevia.
Vicus Viridari: a street named in the sepulchral in
scription for a magister of this vicus (C IL 6.2225)
reported to have been found on Via Praenestina (Ga-
bina). A viridarium being a small, usually enclosed,
garden, this cannot be identified.
Vicus Vitrarius: a street in Regio I listed in the re-
gionary catalogues but not on the Capitoline Base,
presumably named for a concentration of glass
workers there, but there is no indication where it
might be.
Vigiles: see Cohortes Vigilum, Stationes.
Villa Coponiana: mentioned by Cicero in a letter
to Atticus (Att. 12.31.2) and described as being an
old house of no great size with a splendid wooded
park. Because of Ciceros association of this with the
villas of Silius and Cotta on Via Ostiensis (see Att.
1 2 .2 3 .3 , 12 .2 7 .1 ), this is probably to be located
there too. Because it is called a villa, it may have been
some distance from Rome.
Villa Publica: originally a large park on the edge of
the Campus Martius just beyond the Petronia Amnis,
containing the only building in the campus in the
early republic. According to Livy (4.22.7), the cen
sors C. Furius Paculus and M . Geganius Macerinus
created the Villa Publica in 4 3 5 B .C . expressly for the
purpose of taking the census of the Roman people.
Whether the Villa Publica contained any building at
first may be doubted, but possibly shortly thereafter
one might have been built to house the census lists
while these were in the process of being compiled,
though in the first century B .C . they seem to have
been kept in the Temple of the Nymphs (see Nym-
phae, Aedes). In 194 B .C . there is a record of a re
building and enlargement of both the Villa Publica
and the Atrium Libertatis (Livy 3 4 .4 4 .5 ). Varro
(Rust. 3 .2 .3 -6 ) describes the Villa Publica as simple
430
and without luxuries yet adorned with a wealth of
pictures and statues and a well-shaded retreat from
the sun, but designed to serve for levies of the army
held by a consul, inspection of arms, and the census.
One gathers from this that it was an essentially open
area planted with trees and with porticoes around its
boundaries where pictures were displayed. No part
of it was farmed, but it was near, probably originally
adjacent to, the Saepta (Cicero, Att. 4 .1 6 .1 4 [1 7 .7 ];
Varro, Rust. 3.2 .1 ), which was at one time called the
Ovile (q.v.) in allusion to its physical layout and
place in the context of a villa.
Much has been made of the fact that in 82 B .C . the
senate, while meeting in the Temple of Bellona, could
hear the cries of the prisoners taken in the Battle of
Porta Collina as they were slaughtered by Sullas or
ders in the Villa Publica (Livy, Epit. 88; Val. M ax.
9 .2 .1 ; Strabo 5.4 .1 1 [249]; Seneca, C lem . 1 .1 2.2;
Florus 2 .9 .2 4 ; [Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 7 5 .1 0 ; Cass.
Dio 3 0 -3 5 frag. 1 0 9 .5 -8 ). The point of the story is
that the prisoners were taken to the Villa Publica
under the impression that they were to be enrolled in
the army in a regular levy, and the senate was meet
ing in the Temple of Bellona as if to discuss a
triumph. Generals awaiting a senatorial decision
with respect to a triumph and foreign ambassadors
were often, perhaps regularly, lodged in the Villa
Publica (Eivy 3 0 .2 1 .1 2 , 3 3 .2 4 .5 ; Josephus, B elllu d
7.5.4).
The Villa Publica is shown on a coin of P. Fonteius
Capito of ca. 5 9 - 5 5 B .C . (B. M. Coins, R om . Rep.
1.479 nos. 3 8 5 6 - 6 0 ; Crawford 429/2). It appears as
a section of a colonnade in two storeys, the lower
storey arcuated, the upper not, with a sloping roof.
The inscription seems to refer to a restoration by T.
Didius (cos. 98 B .C .) , and it is conjectured that Fon
teius himself restored it, but that is hardly likely. Its
area was eroded by the building programs of Julius
Caesar and Augustus, and it is hard to say what its
original boundaries may have been. On the east it
cannot have extended beyond Via Lata (Via Flami-
nia), and on the west the Saepta Iulia covered land
that probably once all belonged to it. On the south
the Petronia Amnis, later buried under Vicus Palla-
cinae, seems a convenient limit, and on the north it
probably did not extend beyond the line of the Aqua
Virgo, although whether that followed its boundary
is unclear. It lost territory first to the Porticus Minu
cia in 110 B .C ., then to the Saepta Iulia and Diribi-
torium beginning in 54 B .C . The Saepta and Diribi-
torium were followed by the Theatrum and Crypta
Balbi dedicated in 13 B .C . The Isaeum Campense is
probably of the time of Caligula, and the great rus
ticated building (Porticus Minucia Frumentaria?)
along Via Lata, probably Claudian. Valerius M axi

mus, writing in the later years of the reign of Tibe
rius, refers to the Villa Publica in the past tense, but
Josephuss account of the triumph of Vespasian and
Titus in a . d . 71 shows that at least some part of it
still retained its original character and purpose at
that time. After the fire of Titus in a . d . 80 destroyed
most of the lower Campus Martius from the Pan
theon to the Porticus Octaviae and from the scaena
of the Theatrum Pompeii to the Temple of Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus, what was left of the Villa Pub
lica seems to have been rebuilt by Domitian as the
Divorum, a rectangular parklike square planted with
trees and surrounded by porticoes, very much what
it had been earlier but now including temples to Di-
vus Vespasianus and Titus just inside its northern
limit.
L. Bonfante and H. von Heintze, eds., In M em o-
riam O tto J. B ren del (Mainz 1976), 15963 (L.
Richardson, The Villa Publica and the Divorum );
C EFR 98 (1987): 2 1 1 -3 4 (S. Agache).
Viminalis Collis (Fig. 72): always the least impor
tant of the hills making up the traditional seven hills
of Rome, and relatively small, a tongue of high
ground projecting to the southwest from the plateau
of the Campagna, separated from the Cispian on the
southeast by the valley up which ran the Vicus Patri-
cius (now the Via Urbana) and from the Quirinal on
the northwest by the valley up which now runs the
Via Nazionale. It was, like the Quirinal, called collis,
not mons, and with the Quirinal made up the Regio
Collina of Rome of the Four Regions (see Regiones
Quattuor). However, the Viminal does not seem to
have shared the Sabine character of the Quirinal and
had no temples of importance that we know of.
When the Servian Walls were built, the gate spanning
the extension of the Vicus Collis Viminalis to which
Vicus Patricius also ran was called Porta Viminalis,
but it is not clear how great the importance of this
road may have been or where it led; it was never a
major artery, and the gate in the Aurelian Walls
through which it ran is nameless and was early
walled up (Porta Chiusa). In the Augustan reorgani
zation of Rome, the Viminal was included with the
Quirinal in Regio VI, Alta Semita.
The Viminal was commonly supposed to have re
ceived its name from willow copses (vimineta) or the
osiers (vim ina) cut from these (Festus 5 1 6 17L; Ju
venal 3 .7 1 ), but Varro {Ling. 5.51) holds that it got
its name from Iuppiter Viminus (q.v.), whose altar
was there. This accords with Varros further state
ment that all five of the hills of the Regio Collina
were named from sanctuaries and seems clearly the
preferable derivation. The meaning of the epithet is
then obscure.
VIV A R IU M
HJ 3 7 2 - 9 3 ; Jordan 2 .2 6 1 6 2 ; Roscher 2.653 (E.
Aust); B u llC om 92 (1 9 8 7 -8 8 ): 1 0 9 -2 6 (F. De Ca-
prariis), 12736 (M. Sediari); QITA 10 (1988): 2 9 -
4 4 (F. De Caprariis).
Vinea Publica: known from a boundary stone of
a .d. 75 (C IL 6.9 3 3 = IL S 2 4 9 ; cf. C IL 6 .3 1 2 0 8 ). The
inscription records a reclaiming of public land by
Vespasian through the agency of the pontfices and
was found outside the Aurelian Walls between
Porta Ardeatina and Porta Appia, outside the Bas-
tione del Sangallo. The suggestion is that the wine
from this vineyard was used for pontifical libations;
how it came to be invaded by private citizens is
therefore puzzling.
Virgo Caelestis: A shrine of this divinity, essentially
Punic and a patroness of Carthage (= Astarte) has
been conjectured to have stood on the northern lobe
of the Capitoline and to have been responsible for
the name of the church of S. M aria in Aracoeli. This
is based on an inscription (C IL 6 .3 7 1 7 0 = JL S 4438)
honoring a priestess and describing the goddess as
num en loci m on tis Tarpei. It was found near the
Monument of Victor Emanuel and is dated a . d . 259.
The goddess seems to have been introduced into
Rome in the time of Elagabalus (Herodian 5.6.4).
But more probably the church, earlier known as S.
Mariae in (or de) Capitolio, got its name through a
misreading of an inscription on the medieval high al
tar. Cf. HCh 3 2 3 -2 4 .
Virtus: a shrine said by Plutarch (D e fort. R om . 5)
to have been built by Scipio Numantinus. Plutarch
mistakenly dates M . Claudius Marcelluss Temple of
Honos et Virtus after Scipios, a curious error. Be
cause there is no other mention of this shrine, it
seems likely to have been relatively modest, but we
have no idea where it was located. It may be con
nected with the statue of the next entry.
Virtus, Signum: a statue known from a dedicatory
inscription (C IL 6 .3 7 3 5 = 310 61 ) found in Via X X
Settembre during construction of the Ministero delle
Finanze, probably just outside Porta Collina and
probably the same one referred to by Cassius Dio
(48.43.4). The proximity of this to the ancient
Temple of Honos extra Portam Collinam (see
Honos, Aedes) suggests that Virtus was associated
with Honos here, as elsewhere.
H J 4 1 4 - 1 5 ; Wissowa, R K 1 4 9 -5 1 .
Vivarium: an enclosure, or set of enclosures, in
which wild animals that were to be shown in amphi-
theatral games were kept (A. Gellius 2.20). It was
431
VOLCANAL
near the Porta Praenestina, and a custos vivari is
mentioned in one inscription (C IL 6 .1 3 0 = IL S 2091)
of A . d . 241. It is described in some detail by Proco
pius (B ellG oth 1 .2 2 .1 0 , 2 3 .1 3 -2 3 ). It formed the
most vulnerable part of the Aurelian Walls, the Ro
mans having built it at a point where the ground was
very level, and because it was not strengthened with
towers or battlements. This suggests that the Viva
rium was essentially a stoutly built enclosure, prob
ably rectangular, that Aurelian had made part of his
fortification system without modification. The lack
of battlements made the Vivarium especially vulner
able, and a gate, or gates, on the city side would be
easily taken by an enemy once it had penetrated to
the interior. All this is clear, but its location is not.
The wish to locate the Vivarium in the area outside
Porta Maggiore using the walled-up arches of the
Aqua Claudia as its southern wall and the line of Via
Labicana as its northern boundary (HJ 3 6 5 -6 7 ;
Nash 2.5 1 6 ) entails enormous difficulties. First, the
Vivarium existed before the Aurelian Walls, and the
use of an aqueduct line in animal enclosures seems
unthinkable before that time. Second, there was an
other important aqueduct line in this area, a line that
would have run right through the pens, with prob
lems of pollution as well as maintenance. It seems
best, then, to locate the Vivarium to the north of
Porta Praenestina. In either location it must be pre
sumed that Belisariuss rebuilding of the walls after
the Gothic ravages has obliterated all trace of the Vi
varium.
In the later Middle Ages the Castra Praetoria was
called Vivarium (Vivaio) and an annex south of it
Vivariolum (V ivaiolo). The origin and meaning of
these terms is obscure, but the difficulties with locat
ing the Vivarium where others wished led Lanciani
to believe the building south of the camp had been
the original Vivarium. However, this flies in the face
of its date relative to the Aurelian Walls, as well as
the explicit information given by Procopius.
Nash 2 .5 1 6 .
Volcanal: probably the same as the Area Volcani,
an area adjacent to the Forum Romanum where
there was an altar of Vulcan supposed to have been
erected by Titus Tatius (Dion. Hal. 2 .5 0 .3 ; Varro,
Ling. 5.74). The Volcanal was distinctly higher than
the forum (Dion. Hal. 2 .5 0 .2 ; A. Gellius 4.5.4) and
the Comitium (Festus 370L ), and in the regal period
and early republic the kings and magistrates trans
acted public business there (Dion. Hal. 2 .5 0 .2 ), and
public assemblies were regularly held there (Dion.
Hal. 6 .6 7 .2 , 7 .1 7 .2 , 11.39.1). The Volcanal was also
big enough to include a bronze aedicula of Concor
dia, dedicated there in 3 0 4 B .C . All this taken to
gether indicates that originally the Volcanal covered
432
the lower slope of the Capitoline along the stair that
extended the line of the Sacra Via up the hill, an area
later covered by the Temple of Concordia. The Vol
canal was large enough for rains of blood to be ob
served there (Livy 3 9 .4 6 .5 , 4 0 .1 9 .2 ) and for numer
ous dedications to have found place there.
The earliest of the dedications was a bronze quad
riga supposed to have been offered by Romulus
(Dion. Hal. 2 .5 4 .2 ). There was also a statue of Ho-
ratius Codes, originally erected in the Comitium, but
moved after lightning struck it (A. Gellius 4 .5 .1 -4 ;
[Aur. Viet.,] D e Vir. III. 1 1 .2 ; Plutarch, Poplic. 16.7),
as well as a statue of a player killed in the circus that
was mounted on a column over his grave (Festus
370L). There grew there a lotus tree and a cypress of
great age, the former so big that its roots extended
to the Forum Iulium (Pliny, H N 16.236). A base ded
icated to Vulcan by Augustus in 9 B .C . was found
near the church of S. Adriano (C IL 6 .4 5 7 = ILS 93).
The cult must have existed until the time of Pliny,
although the Area Volcani must by then have shrunk
through erosion of its boundaries to a small plot im
mediately around the altar, perhaps in the area to
one side of the stair of the Temple of Concordia. The
latest public assembly we hear of there was one that
Appius Claudius the decemvir called in 4 5 0 B .C ., the
last rain of blood one in 181 B .C . (Livy 4 0 .1 9 .2 ). The
festival of Vulcan was the Volcanalia on 23 August,
at which time he was worshiped here, together with
M aia (Degrassi 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ) , and offerings of live fish
were made on his altar (Festus 276L ).
Volcanus, Aedes : a temple in the Campus Martius
supposed to have been built by Romulus (Plutarch,
R om . 2 7 .5 , Q u aest. R om . 47) and certainly very old.
Lightning struck it in 2 1 4 B .C . (Livy 2 4 .1 0 .9 ) and
again in 197 (Livy 3 2 .2 9 .1 ). Near it (propter) Verres
had gilded equestrian statues of himself set up, sup
posed to be offerings of the Sicilian planters (Cicero,
Verr. 2 .2 .1 5 0 ). We know virtually nothing about the
history of the temple, and there is no record of a res
toration. Its anniversary was the Volcanalia, 23 Au
gust (Degrassi 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ). It is located in Campo by
Livy (24.10.9) and in Circo Flaminio by the Fasti
Vallenses; the latter location is to be preferred as
more precise and in keeping with the tradition of a
Romulean foundation. Finding a place for it around
the Circus Flaminius is a problem, because it ante
dated the creation of the circus and was thought by
Plutarch to have been built possibly so that Romulus
could confer with the senate in a secluded place. This
suggests that it stood off by itself in some way, not
one of a row of temples. Might it possibly be the
enigmatic building on the very edge of the Tiber
shown on the M arble Plan under Circus Flaminius
(FUR pi. 56 frag. 6 1 4 ; Rodriguez pi. 2 4 ; M . Conti-

cello deSpagnolis, II tem p io d ei D ioscu ri net C irco
Flam inio [Rome 1984], 5 1 -5 6 )?
Volupia, Sacellum: near Porta Romana (Roman-
ula) in Nova Via (Varro, Ling. 5 .1 6 4 ); that is, where
the Nova Via emerged in the Velabrum (Varro, Ling.
6.24). On the authority of Masurius Sabinus, M a-
crobius {Sat. 1.10.78) says a likeness of Angerona
with bound and sealed mouth embellished the altar
of Volupia (cf. Pliny, H N 3 .6 5 ; Solinus 1.6), and the
pontifices sacrificed to her on 21 December, known
as the Divalia Angeronae or Angeronalia (Degrassi
5 4 1 -4 2 ). Varro {Ling. 6.23) says the Angeronalia
was celebrated in the Curia Acculeia. It appears that
the Sacellum Volupiae and Curia Acculeia were iden
tical, or the sacellum was in the curia, and the prox
imity of the tomb of Acca Larentia (see Sepulcrum
Accae Larentiae) enhances this probability. Volupia
appears to be simply another name for Angerona
(perhaps another aspect), because hers is the only
worship reported here. Because a curia was a place
where priests attended to religious obligations
(Varro, Ling. 5 .1 5 5 ), an ancient compital shrine
might have kept that designation in some sources.
We can locate this shrine with some confidence at the
foot of the Palatine at its west corner, just before the
conjunction of Nova Via and Clivus Victoriae.
If Angerona had two names and by her gesture en
joining silence or her gagged mouth was believed to
exercise a sort of guardianship over the secret name
V O RTUM N US, AEDES
of Rome, then her festivals occurrence at the winter
solstice may be thought to have significance. It was
an occasion for looking to the future and assuring
that the new year began auspiciously. The doubling
of names may have been a further gesture in that di
rection.
For a completely different interpretation of the evi
dence, one that takes the Velabrum up to the edge of
the Forum Romanum, see Coarelli 1983, 2 2 7 -9 8 , es
pecially 2 5 5 -6 1 . See also Wissowa, R K 241.
Vortumnus, Aedes: a temple in the Vicus Loreti
Maioris (see Loretum) on the Aventine in which
there was a portrait of M . Fulvius Flaccus dressed as
triumphator in the toga picta (Festus 228L ). Because
Fulvius Flaccus triumphed over the Volsinians in
2 6 4 B .C ., and Vortumnus was regarded as espec
ially a Volsinian divinity (Propertius 4 .2 .1 -4 ) , it
seems likely that Flaccus built the temple as a victory
offering following an evocatio during the siege of the
city. The day of dedication was 13 August (Degrassi
4 9 4 -9 5 ) . Hiilsen (HJ 1 6 2 -6 3 ) puts the Armilus-
trium and Loretum near the middle of the Aventine,
but PA prefers a location for the temple toward the
northwest, where it would overlook the route of the
triumph. It is tempting to see it as a close neighbor
to, and rival of, T. Papirius Cursors Temple of Con-
sus (see Consus, Aedes) of a few years earlier, but the
evidence is insufficient.
433
 Xenodochium Aniciorum: a medieval hospital Xenodochium de Via N ova: a hospital mentioned
X N

mentioned twice in extant literature (Gregorius
Magnus, Registrum E pistularum 9 .8 ; LPD 2.25 ch.
81 [Leo III, a . d . 7 9 5 -8 1 6 ]; V Z 2.3 0 3 ). The letter
mentions an oratory of S. Lucia that must be S. Lucia
de Calcarario or de Apothecis Obscuris (HCh 301,
306), because a monumental inscription of the fifth
century after Christ in the Via delle Botteghe Oscure
(C IL 6.1 6 7 6 ) puts a Domus Aniciorum in that vicin
ity. Presumably the hospital simply took over the in
sula of the Anicii, and in due course the oratory grew
to become an important church.
HJ 5 4 9 n .ll8 .
once in the sixth century (Gregorius Magnus, R egis
trum E pistolaru m 1.4 2.2 10 ). It is uncertain which
Via Nova is meant, but it is more probably that par
allel to Via Appia in Regio X II than that at the foot
of the Palatine.
Zater[ . . . nses]: the fragmentary reading of an
item of the fourth-century edict of Tarracius Bassus
(C IL 6 .3 1 9 0 1 ), presumably designating those living
in a street or neighborhood of Rome, but closer iden
tification is impossible.

Xenodochium Belisarii: a hospital that Belisarius

built in the sixth century in Via L a ta et in Via Flam -
inia (LPD 1.296 [Vigilius, a . d . 5 3 7 -5 5 5 ]; V Z 2.248)
next to the monastery of S. Iuvenalis. The site is that
of S. M aria in Trivio (earlier S. Mariae in Sinodo-
chio) in Via Poli between Via del Tritone and the
Fontana di Trevi (HCh 3 6 5 66). If the hospital cov
ered the area between the church and the Via Flami-
nia, it was very large.
H J 459n .36.

Xenodochium S. Gregorii Iuxta Gradus S.

Petri: a hospital built by Saint Gregory the Great by
the steps of the basilica of S. Pietro. It is known from
a single passage (Petrus Mallius, D e B asilica Vati-
cana, 4) written in the twelfth century and dedicated
to Pope Alexander III (1 1 5 9 1181), and conse
quently its existence has been questioned, but cf.
Gregorius Magnus, Registrum E pistolaru m 9.63.
LPD 2 .1 9 5 (Stephanus V, a . d . 8 8 5 -8 7 1 ); V Z
2.3 3 0 . Cf. D. M . Cerrati, D e basilicae Vaticanae an-
tiquissim a et n ova structura (Studi e Testi 26, Rome
1914) 2 3 , 1 3 0 -3 1 .

Xenodochium Valeriorum: see Domus, Valerii.

434

Acroterion. A sculptural figure or conventional or
nament (usually floral) mounted on the apex or cor
ner of a pediment, enclosure wall, or sarcophagus.
Adventus. The ceremony with which a returning
general or governor was welcomed at the city gate.
Aedicula. A small shrine, usually mounted on a
base, framed with columns and surmounted by a
pediment.
Aedituus. A temple attendant, or sacristan, who
probably always lived adjacent to the shrine for
which he was responsible.
Africano. A breccia quarried at Teos in Asia M inor
(Ionia). It is a smoky black in color, mottled with
purplish gray, and profusely veined and splotched
with bright red and white. It came into use in Rome
about 50 B .C . and was called m arm o r Luculleum .
Amazonomachy. A battle between Amazons
and Greeks, usually in two-figure compositions,
the Amazon mounted, the Greek nude and on foot,
popular as a subject for sculptured friezes and
metopes.
Am orino. See Eros.
Amphora. A large earthenware jar with two
handles and an elongated body, used for shipping
and storage, especially for wine and foodstuffs. The
base usually terminates in an elongated foot intended
to be sunk in the earth to hold it upright.
Ancile (pi. Ancilia). A shield of archaic form,
shaped like a broad figure eight, but only slightly
contracting at the waist. The sacred shields of Mars
carried by the Salii were of this form.
Glossary
Angiportus. A narrow lane or alley, essentially pub
lic but often a cul-de-sac. It might lead back to a
house entrance or even several entrances.
Anio Tufa. A lithoid tufa of even quality and me
dium density, brick red in color, quarried especially
in the neighborhood of the confluence of the Anio
and Tiber rivers, but available in deep strata
throughout Rome and its vicinity. It comes into use
especially after the Second Punic War and is the com
monest tufa in use in the time of the empire. It is also
called lapis ruber.
Antefix. An ornament covering the end of a file of
im brices (cover tiles) along the eaves of a building.
In the republican period these commonly show heads
of divinities or Maenads and satyrs. Under the em
pire antefixes are likelier to be palmettes. They may
be terracotta or marble, rarely bronze.
Anthemion. An architectural ornament in which lil
ies alternating with palmettes are joined in a chain
by looping stems, often reversing S spirals. The de
signs have great variety, and often palmettes of sev
eral different forms are included.
Aplustre. The stern ornament of a ship, especially a
warship, usually a re-curved fan of small timbers re
sembling a half-palmette, sometimes bound at the
base with a band secured with a large boss or shield.
Aplustria, as well as rostra, were often displayed as
trophies.
Aquila. The main standard of a legion, orginally
one of four animals, but after the second consulship
of Marius in 104 B .C . the only one. It showed an
eagle with spread wings at relatively small scale in
silver or bronze. It was mounted on a base on a tall
pole to make it readily visible.
435
GLOSSARY
Araeostyle. Having intercolumniations wider than
three lower diameters of the columns, a characteris
tic of Roman and Etruscan wooden-roofed architec
ture until the first century B .C ..
Arcosolio. A large low niche, usually with bowed
ceiling, let into a tomb wall to receive a body or sar
cophagus.
Ashlar. Masonry o f squared stone in regular courses
with fine joints, especially masonry in which the
courses are successively staggered, with the vertical
joints falling at the midpoints of the blocks above
and below them.
Balteus. A relatively broad passage around the
cavea of a theater or amphitheater to divide one zone
of seating from another and facilitate the movement
of crowds, in Greek called d iazom a.
Batter. A perceptible slope to the outer face of a
wall, especially a terrace wall or fortification.
Biga. A two-horse chariot.
Boustrephedon. An inscription in which the lines
run alternately from left to right and right to left, like
the plowing of oxen.
Bucrania. O x skulls or heads, often decked with fil
lets, mounted in a sanctuary. They became a com
mon sculptural motif for metopes and friezes, often
combined with garlands.
Bustum. A simple burial plot, for either an individ
ual or a family, surrounded by a wall. The body was
burned on a pyre erected here and the ashes collected
and buried in an urn within the enclosure, the spot
often marked with a small inscription let into the
surrounding wall. This was the regular form of
burial in the republican period, but gradually died
out in the early empire.
Caementum (pi. Caementa). The small material,
usually broken stone or terracotta, added to the mix
ture of lime and pozzolana to make Roman concrete.
By careful grading of caem en ta of different weight,
domes could be constructed with heavy bases and
light crowns. See a lso Opus Caementicium.
Camillus. A young attendant of a priest at a sacri
fice, an acolyte.
Cappellaccio. The poor granular tufa that covers
the tops of the hills of Rome. It is dark gray and
436
speckled with occasional black-and-white scoriae. It
is soft enough to be dug out with a mattock and an
unsatisfactory building stone, but used extensively
for terracing and foundations through the fifth cen
tury B .C . In such work it usually appears in large rec
tangular slabs.
Carceres. The stalls behind the starting gates of a
circus. They were built on a shallow curve to give all
the contestants an equal distance to the linea a lb a
(starting line), and all could be opened simulta
neously.
Castellum (Aquae). A terminal building of an
aqueduct from which the water was distributed in
several channels that could be opened and closed
individually to ensure fair distribution and public
utility.
Cavea. The spectator seating of a theater or amphi
theater, usually divided by horizontal passageways
(b a ltei) into zones, which were assigned to different
social classes, and by vertical stairs into wedge-
shaped sectors (cu n ei). Individual places were num
bered, and theater tickets were inscribed with zone,
sector, and seat numbers.
Chryselephantine. Descriptive of statuary in which
the flesh was represented by ivory, sometimes tinted,
and the drapery of gold or gilded bronze.
Cipollino. Carystian stone from southeastern Eu
boea of thin layers of varying pale green color, so
when cut it resembles onionskin.
Cippus. A stone block or stele used as a marker of
any sort, often inscribed on at least one face to indi
cate its purpose.
Clivus. A Roman street running up an incline. This
distinction from a level vicus was strongly felt, and a
street name sometimes changed, when, after running
level, it began to ascend a slope.
Collegium. An association of individuals with a
common interest of any sort, from a priestly college
to a burial fraternity, but especially a professional
organization.
Com itia Centuriata. The assembly of Roman citi
zens in their military units, the organization in which
they elected their chief magistrates, passed legisla
tion, and held important trials. Such assemblies were
always held outside the pomerium, usually in the
Campus Martius.

Comitia Tributa. The assembly of Roman citizens
in their tribes, the organization in which they elected
the lesser magistrates, passed plebiscites, and held
minor trials. Such comitia might be held anywhere
within a mile of the city, but usually met in the Cam
pus Martius for elections.
Compitum . A crossroads where the vicomagistri of
fered sacrifice to the Lares Compitales on behalf of
the neighborhood. This was a very old tradition, the
foundation of the Compitalia being ascribed to Tar-
quinius Priscus, and it was especially fostered by Au
gustus, who created the Augustales to attend to this
worship. The compital shrines were of modest size,
but might be very elegant.
Contio. An assembly of the Romans convened by a
magistrate or priest for any purpose other than elec
tions or legislation, often simply a political rally.
Cryptoporticus. A passage, either underground or
behind an outer portico, lit by apertures in the shoul
der of a vaulted ceiling, by skylights, or by windows
to the portico next to it. It was usually a corridor of
more than one wing, often a continuous rectangle.
Cryptoporticus served especially as refuges from the
summer heat and were not infrequently adjuncts of
fora. They became popular only about the middle of
the first century B .C . and do not go beyond the end
of the second century after Christ.
Cuniculus. A small tunnel of any sort, but especially
a drain. An extensive system of such cuniculi of un
usual size under the main square of the Forum Ro-
manum seems to have been constructed about the
time of Sulla and to have drained into the Cloaca. It
is provided with manholes in a regular pattern.
Damnatio M em oriae. Originally a consequence of
condemnation on the crime of m aiestas, but later a
decree by which the senate took revenge on its ene
mies even after death and rid Rome of embarrassing
memories. The name of the offender was expunged
from all public records and documents and erased
from his buildings and inscriptions, and statues and
pictures of him were pulled down and destroyed.
Nero and Domitian offer signal examples of this
treatment.
Decastyle. Having ten columns on the principal fa
ade. Hadrians Temple of Venus et Roma is the only
decastyle temple in Rome.
Decennalia. Celebration of the tenth anniversary of
the rule of a princeps.
G LOSSARY
Denarius. A Roman silver coin introduced in the
late third century B .C ., first equivalent in value to ten
bronze asses and afterward sixteen, equivalent to the
Attic drachma. In the late republic it was much used
by moneyers as a vehicle for political propaganda,
and this continued under the principate.
Diaeta. A small room for use in the daytime for
study or lounging, more or less isolated and of rela
tively open architecture; a summerhouse.
Diastyle. Having columns spaced three lower di
ameters apart.
Diploma (pi. Diplomata). A document of a pair of
bronze tablets showing that a soldier had been hon
orably discharged after service and was entitled to
certain privileges. This was prominently posted in a
sanctuary, at first usually within the Area Capitolina
in Rome, later near the Temple of Divus Augustus,
and its place specified. Such d ip lom ata m ilitaria were
first given in the time of Claudius to the auxiliaries
and marines and, beginning under Vespasian, to the
praetorians and urban cohorts. The latest known is
dated a . d . 306.
Dolium. A very large storage jar, often as tall as a
man, of thick walls and globular shape, usually sunk
up to its neck or shoulder in the ground. Dolia seem
to have been used for many purposes, even occasion
ally as ornaments.
Equirria. Horse races in honor of M ars held in the
Campus Martius on 2 7 February and 14 March.
Romulus is supposed to have established them.
Eros (pi. Erotes). A small bird-winged divinity, usu
ally shown as a child two or three years old, one of
a great number of such spirits attendant on Venus
and shown with various of her attributes (torch,
scepter, girdle) or engaged in games, trades, or cere
monies; also called an a m o rin o or putto.
Euripus. An artificial channel for water, usually
bordered with a walk and often provided with
bridges, fountains, and sculptures along its length. A
euripus is often a feature of a garden and may be
used for breeding fish.
Exauguration. The process of deconsecrating a
shrine by promising the incumbent divinity an equal
or better shrine elsewhere. Only an augur could per
form this.
Exedra. A room or alcove open across the whole of
one side to a lobby or court.
437
GLOSSARY
Favisa (Favissa). An underground storeroom or pit
in a sacred precinct in which was deposited material
that had been dedicated but was damaged or super
fluous. Those connected with the Temple of Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus Capitolinus could not be altered.
Ferculum. A handbarrow carried by two or four
men on which were displayed, for public admiration,
the spoils of a successful campaign, allegorical im
ages of rivers and geographical landmarks, and sim
ilar appurtenances of triumphs and religious proces
sions.
Fetial. A priest of a Roman college charged with
performing the ceremonies of demanding satisfac
tion before formal declaration of war and conclud
ing and sanctifying the treaty of peace at a wars con
clusion. The rituals were elaborate and had to be
performed with great care and punctiliousness. The
college was believed to have been founded by Numa
Pompilius.
Fidenae Tufa. A poor volcanic tufa characterized
by its bright yellow color and very large black scor
iae, quarried in the vicinity of Fidenae, where the
Cremera joins the Tiber. It is little used in Rome be
cause of its quality, and what blocks of it do appear
are thought to have been plundered from Fidenae
after its sack in 4 2 6 b . c .
Fornix. An arch or, more properly, a passageway
through an arch.
Gabine Stone. See Sperone.
Giallo Antico. A fine breccia quarried at Chemtou
in modern Tunisia. It contains large pebbles of deep
yellow color in a matrix of dark red, or white
pebbles in a matrix of deep yellow. It first appeared
in Rome in the time of Sulla and was called m arm or
N um idicum .
G rotta O scura Tufa. A fine-grained volcanic tufa
of yellowish gray color quarried along the Tiber in
the vicinity of Veii and much used in construction at
Veii. Its use in Rome follows the sack of Veii at the
beginning of the fourth century B .C ., and it then con
tinues to be the favorite stone for construction for
more than a century, perhaps because it was easy to
quarry and could be shipped to Rome on barges. It
is the characteristic stone of the Servian Walls.
H exastyle. Having six columns on the principal fa
ade.
H orreum . A storehouse, especially a granary.
438
H orti. A house in town with the characteristics of a
house designed for pleasure in the country, especially
gardens, parterres, plantations of trees, fountains,
and ornamental waters.
Hypaethral. O f a temple having no roof, open to
the heavens.
H ypocaust. A system in which heat is circulated in
a low chamber under the floor of a room, the floor
being raised on a grid of pillars. The firebox is usu
ally in a pit adjacent to the rooms to be so heated,
and the walls are usually hollow to permit further
circulation of the heat.
Imago Clipeata. A fairly common pictorial conven
tion of the Romans in which a head or bust is framed
in a deep circular border resembling a shield. The
head may or may not be a portrait, and the border is
usually richly ornamented.
Insula. A large building in which there were living
units for a number of families. Also one of these
units. Usually there were multiple storeys, the
ground floor being taken up with shops and work
shops of one or two rooms, often with living quar
ters in mezzanine balconies, while the floors above
were divided into more spacious apartments of a
half-dozen rooms, the same plan being repeated
from floor to floor. Usually there was also a central
courtyard, but a city block might be made up of a
number of insulae.
Laconicum . A dry sweat bath, almost always a
round room, either a separate facility or, in a bath
complex, an addition to the usual sequence of frigi
darium, tepidarium, and caldarium. In such com
plexes it is accessible from the tepidarium, not the
caldarium.
Lacus. A public watering place, either a spring or a
watering trough for animals.
Lectisternium. A religious celebration, usually ex
traordinary and often expiatory, in which dining
couches were elaborately prepared for the gods and
their images or symbols publicly displayed on these,
while a sumptuous feast was served in their honor.
This might last for several days.
Libertina. A freedwoman, often used as synony
mous for a prostitute of the better sort.
Lituus. The curved staff of the augur, his badge of
office and used in laying out his templum when tak
ing augury. It was inherited from the Etruscans and

seems to have somewhat changed shape over time,
but always resembled a crosier.
Loculus. A place for the deposit of valuables, espe
cially a small chamber in the base of a temple, acces
sible from the exterior and closed by a metal door.
Individuals could rent space. The Temple of Castor
on the Forum Romanum was ringed with loculi. Also
a niche in a tomb for the deposit of a cinerary urn.
Loricate. Wearing a cuirass, used to describe a
statue in military dress.
Ludus. A training school, especially a ludus g la d i
atorius, an establishment in which gladiators were
kept in military discipline under a lanista (master)
and gave exhibitions. Domitian established four such
ludi in the vicinity of the Colosseum.
Lunate. Used of a pediment with a bowed, rather
than triangular, shape.
Lustrum. Properly the sacrifice that a censor per
formed at the close of the census, a purification of
the Roman people as a whole by lustration. Because
this occurred only once every five years under the re
public, it came to be synonymous with the period
between lustrations.
M acellum. A food market, more particularly a
building in which a central courtyard was sur
rounded by a portico in which space or booths could
be rented and mechandise displayed. Often there are
other shops surrounding this on the exterior. In the
center of the courtyard there was regularly a tholus
piped with water for fishmongers, and butchers
might have a place with marble counters assigned to
them. These buildings were often architecturally
handsome and lavishly decorated, public benefac
tions. The word is supposed to be of Punic origin.
M aenianum. A balcony, especially one above the
shops around a forum from which spectators might
watch the ceremonies, gladiatorial shows, and games
offered there. These were not infrequently cantile-
vered.
M eta. A tall, tapering form, a curvilinear cone, used
in groups of three for the turning posts at the ends of
the spina of a circus. Also anything of this general
shape, such as the M eta Sudans (q.v.), or the domed
shape in which ivy was trained in ancient gardens.
M onopteros (adj. M onopteral). A ring of columns
supporting a roof or dome, making a circular pavil
ion without walls.
GLOSSARY
Monteverde Tufa. A volcanic tufa quarried at the
southern end of the Janiculan ridge on the right bank
of the Tiber. It is stone of medium grain in use as
early as the middle of the fourth century b . c . and
often found in conjunction with Grotta Oscura tufa.
But because it had to be hauled upstream from the
quarries, it was more sparingly used and especially
only for facing. It was most popular in 12575 b . c .
and went out of use about the middle of the first cen
tury b . c . , being replaced by Anio tufa. It is olive
brown in color, with a thick sprinkling of small
black-and-brown scoriae.
N atatio. An open-air swimming pool.
N aum achia. An artificial body of water intended
especially for the mounting of mock naval engage
ments as a public amusement. We know little about
them, but Augustus offered one in which Greeks
were matched against Persians, presumably a reen
actment of the Battle of Salamis. The earliest one we
hear of was created by Julius Caesar in 4 6 B .C ., the
latest one that of Philippus Arabs in a . d . 2 4 7 , which
may have been a restoration of that of Augustus.
Niobids. The children of Niobe falling mortally
wounded by the arrows of Apollo and Diana, a pop
ular subject in Greek and Roman art.
Nymphaeum. An artificial grotto or architectural
construciton o f any sort designed to be the setting
for a display of water in motion. Nymphaea took
many forms and were regularly embellished with
statuary, both fountain figures and ornamental, col
umns of colored marble, and mosaic. A favorite
form for public nymphaea was the scaenae frons (see
Scaena) in several storeys. The earliest private ones
seem to have been of the first century B .C ., and they
became a regular feature of horti and pleasure villas.
Octastyle. Having eight columns on the principal
faade.
Oculus. A central opening in the crown of a dome.
That of the Pantheon is 9 m in diameter.
Omphalos. A copy of the omphalos stone of Del
phi. A half-egg covered with a network of fillets,
thought of as either the tomb or the egg of the Pytho
and the navel of the world. This was commonly used
for boundary stones and markers, as well as a cult
object.
Opus Caementicium. Roman concrete, a mixture
of slaked lime and pozzolana, ground fine, with
an aggregate of broken stone or terracotta in small
439
GLOSSARY
chunks, poured between faces of carefully con
structed masonry or into wooden forms, the latter
being used for foundations and vaults. Its earliest se
curely dated use is in the Temple of Castor of 117
B .C .
Opus Incertum. Facing of stone broken into irreg
ular fist-sized chunks with one relatively flat face and
fitted with narrow joints, but without any attempt at
coursing. It is regularly quoined with masonry of
small rectangular blocks. This is used to face Roman
concrete walls from the last quarter of the second
century B .C . until the time of Augustus, overlapping
with opu s qu asi-reticu latu m and opu s reticulatum .
The stone is regularly either tufa or limestone, de
pending on the locale and the nature of the construc
tion.
Opus M ixtum Vittatum. Facing of Roman con
crete walls in opus reticulatum quoined with brick
or alternate courses of brick and small rectangular
stone blocks, in which bands of brick running
through the wall at regular intervals act as leveling
courses and divide the reticulate into panels. This
style was introduced in the late republic but is espe
cially characteristic of the period from the Flavians
to Antoninus Pius.
Opus Q uadratum . Masonry of squared blocks of
the same height, but not necessarily the same length,
laid in regular courses. The Romans often laid alter
nate courses of all headers and all stretchers, a char
acteristic of the Servian Walls, but, because such ma
sonry was built from the earliest period until the
latest, there is enormous variety.
Opus Quasi-Reticulatum. Facing of Roman con
crete walls in which the stones are only approxi
mately pyramidal in shape, although they are set di
agonally and approach reticulate in appearance. The
beds of mortar are thicker than in reticulate, and
quoining is in larger blocks, often tailed into the
body of the wall. A late example of this can be seen
in the remains of the Theater of Pompey.
Opus Reticulatum. Facing of Roman concrete in
small blocks of tufa (rarely limestone) sawn to the
form of truncated pyramids, often very precisely
shaped, laid in diagonal lines in thin beds of mortar
to make a network pattern. This is quoined at first
with masonry in small rectangular blocks of stone
(Julio-Claudian), later brick or a mixture of brick
and small blocks. This does not seem to begin before
the time of Julius Caesar, but then continues with
some modification well into the Antonine period. It
440
is replaced by facing in brick, which first appears in
the Flavian period.
Opus Sectile. The technique of cutting plates of
colored stone into figures and geometric shapes and
fitting these together to make richly patterned
pavements and occasionally pictures. The stones es
pecially favored were the harder ones, porphyry, ser
pentine, and the granites. Such work was rare under
the Julio-Claudians but became increasingly popular
beginning with Domitian.
Opus Signinum. S ee Signinum.
O rant. A figure in an attitude of prayer; for the R o
mans this was with face upturned toward heaven
and hands outstretched palm-upward to show their
purity.
Palaestra. For the Romans an exercise court, espe
cially one attached to a bath complex in which an
open area was bordered on one or more sides by a
portico. Here many forms of exercise could find
place, from simple ball games to violent contact
sports. It was customary for the Romans to take
some form of exercise before bathing.
Parodos. The lateral entrance to the orchestra of a
theater connecting this directly to the exterior.
Patera. A shallow libation bowl, often richly em
bossed and chased, often with a central boss to facil
itate grasping it with one hand (umbilical patera). It
was especially the badge of the pontfices of Rome.
It was a common decorative motif in religious con
texts.
Pavonazzetto. A breccia from Phrygia in Asia M i
nor with large white pebbles or splotches in a matrix
of rosy violet shading to dark purple. It first ap
peared in Rome about the middle of the first century
B .C . and was much used in Augustan buildings. The
quarries came at least in part under the control of
Agrippa, who exploited them.
Peltate. O f the shape of the shield carried by an
Amazon, p elta , a half-circle with the lower edge cut
in two half-circles of half the diameter of the whole.
This was much used in opus sectile and mosaic
floors, flower beds, and the like.
Pentelic. M arble from M ount Pentelicus near Ath
ens, a fine-grained white marble with a golden blush
of varying intensity produced by deposits of iron. It
was much admired in Rome and imported in quan

tity, the round temple by the Tiber being built of it,
as were probably all marble temples until the open
ing of the quarries at Luna in the middle of the first
century B .C ..
Peperino. A very hard volcanic tufa of dark gray
color peppered with small specks of black and white,
the only tufa in the neighborhood of Rome that is
suitable for carving and inscription. It was also
prized for its resistance to fire. Its quarries were near
modern M arino, and it was known as lapis A lbanus
in antiquity.
Peribolus. An enclosure, especially the ring of build
ings around a temple precinct or the margin of one
of the imperial bath complexes.
Peripteral. Having columns on all four faades.
Peripteral Sine Postico. Having columns on the
principal faade and down either flank, but closed
across the back with a solid wall, a favorite scheme
for Roman temples.
Piscina. A tank for water, including everything from
a small reservoir to a swimming pool.
Piscina Lim aria. A tank near the end of an aque
duct that acted as a settling basin and, by interrupt
ing the flow momentarily, drew off impurities carried
in the water.
Pluteus. A low wall, usually about waist-high.
Porta Santa. A breccia quarried on the island of
Chios in which the pebbles range from cream
through yellow and vermilion and the matrix is
salmon pink veined with gray. Its first securely dated
uses are Augustan. It seems to have been prized for
its hardness as well as its color and was much used
in pavements, thresholds, baseboards, and the like.
Posterula. A postern gate in a fortification.
Pozzolana. A volcanic sand (pit sand) ranging from
grayish yellow to dark red and black in color, which
when mixed with slaked lime makes mortar of re
markable hydraulic property. It is the secret of the
excellence of Roman concrete. It was first discovered
at Puteoli on the Bay of Naples and therefore called
pulvis P uteolan us; this was for a time imported to
Rome. The superior Roman red variety was then dis
covered in the first century b . c . Vitruvius has a chap
ter (2.4) on the different types of pozzolana and their
suitabilities.
GLOSSARY
Praecinctio. Vitruviuss term for the broad balteus
(gangway) in a theater or amphitheater that sepa
rated one zone of seating from another.
Praefectus Praetorio. The commander of the prae
torian guard, the personal bodyguard of the prin
ceps, an office at first only military but, beginning
with Sejanus under Tiberius, of increasingly ex
tended power, so the praefectus praetorio became
second only to the princeps. Beginning with Septim-
ius Severus, the praefectus praetorio supervised all
the departments of the state, including finances and
law, and had his own court.
Praefectus Urbi. The chief magistrate of the munic
ipal administration of Rome, an office revived and
redefined by Augustus after it had fallen into insig
nificance under the republic. The new praefectus urbi
saw to the peace and protection of the city, governed
the police force, and oversaw provisioning and busi
ness activities. He had his own court, and its powers
were gradually extended until they absorbed the
functions of that of the praetor urbanus. At first he
was appointed by the princeps for a period of years,
sometimes for life, but after the middle of the third
century after Christ (under Valerian) he seems to
have been appointed annually and seldom was reap
pointed.
Proconnesian M arble. A large-grained white
marble or a fine-grained white veined with black
marble quarried on the island of Proconnesus in the
western part of the Sea of Marmora. It was well-
known and exported to the Aegean from an early
period. It was known to Vitruvius but does not seem
to have been imported to Rome before the beginning
of the traffic in sarcophagi in the second century after
Christ. Thereafter it became increasingly common.
Procurator. Anyone acting as steward for another
in the management of property or business, espe
cially an agent of the administration or of the prin
ceps. Such officers often wielded considerable power.
Profectio. The ceremony of dispatching a governor
or general on a mission abroad. He was escorted to
the city gate by which he would depart by a com
pany of officials, family, and friends, and vows were
solemnly undertaken for his safe and successful re
turn.
Pronaos. The porch of a temple preceding the celia,
sometimes with lateral walls and columns in front
that separated it from the pteron, but in Roman
temples commonly open, simply a columnar porch,
441
GLOSSARY
usually relatively deep and sometimes even as deep
as the cella itself.
Propylaeum. The gateway to a sacred precinct
given more or less elaborate architectural definition
by columns and doors. It usually projects from the
precinct wall on the exterior and may project on the
interior as well.
Prostyle. O f a temple having columns only on the
principal faade.
Pteron. A wing of the colonnade around a temple,
but sometimes used for the whole colonnade.
Pulvinar. A box for the accommodation of the im
ages or symbols of the gods in a theater, amphithea
ter, or temple precinct. Here dining couches
or thrones were set out and sumptuously cushioned
and draped and the images ceremonially ensconced
for games, lectisternia, and ceremonies in their
honor.
Pulvinus. A bolster, especially the carved roll at the
end of an altar table or the volute member of an
Ionic capital.
Pycnostyle. Having intercolumniations of one and
one-half lower diameters of the columns, a relatively
tight spacing that emphasizes verticality.
Quadriga. A four-horse chariot.
Quinaria. The Roman measure for the size of an
aqueduct, being the size of a pipe with a diameter
of one and one-quarter (five-fourths) digits, the digit
being one-sixteenth of a foot. Frontinus (D e aq .
1.25) says this was introduced by either Agrippa or
Vitruvius and was a measure of capacity, not vol
ume.
Reticulate. See Opus Reticulatum.
Rom an Concrete. See Opus Caementicium.
Rustication. The deliberate failure to finish the ex
posed faces of blocks and columns, especially in opu s
qu adratu m , so that they presented a quarry-hewn
massiveness, an aesthetic particularly admired in the
time of Claudius. Also the finish of walls with coarse
bits of stone, mosaic, shells, and so forth to give the
effect of grottoes.
Sacellum. A small shrine, usually independent and
unroofed.
442
Sacrarium. A place for the deposit of sacred imple
ments or material.
Salii. A very old Roman priesthood in the service of
Mars and in charge of the an cilia kept in the sacra
rium M artis in the Regia. There were two colleges of
Salii, the Salii Palatina and the Salii Collini, each of
which had twelve members.
Scaena. The stage building of a theater, usually es
sentially an independent structure consisting of a
raised stage with a wing to either side and a wooden
roof pitched back to throw the actors voices toward
the audience. The back wall was usually an elaborate
confection of columns and statuary in profusion in
two or three storeys that included three entrances,
equally spaced, approached by stairs of a few steps.
This was called the scaenae frons. Behind it was usu
ally a shallow undifferentiated space running the
whole width of the stage that served as a dressing
room.
Scaenae Frons. See Scaena.
Schola. (a) An architectural form consisting of a
semicircular, or nearly semicircular, bench where
small groups could sit and converse. It was a com
mon feature in sanctuaries, and it was a common
form for tombs in the vicinity of city gates, (b) The
headquarters of a collegiu m of any sort, but espe
cially a professional organization. This could take
many different forms but usually included provisions
for meals that the collegium took in common and a
shrine for the patron divinity or divinities.
Scyphos. A deep two-handled cup. The handles may
take many forms but are attached to the rim, and the
cup may or may not be given a foot.
Segmental. Descriptive of an arch or vault that is
less than a full half-circle in development.
Selce. The modern name (derived from the Latin
silex) for the lava quarried along the Via Appia near
Rome to make the polygonal blocks that are the
characteristic pavement of the streets of ancient
Rome. It is a very heavy stone and useful as caem en ta
in foundations, abundant, and sometimes used even
for reticulate blocks.
Serpentine. L ap is L aced a em o n icu s, sometimes
called green porphyry, a very hard stone, dark
green, profusely flecked with lighter green crys
tals, quarried near Sparta. It became popular in
Rome under the Flavians, especially for use in opu s

sectile pavements, and from then on was used
regularly.
Sgraffito. Decoration produced by scratching with a
point or by cutting away a surface to reveal a differ
ent colored surface beneath.
Signinum (Opus Signinum). A mixture of slaked
lime with terracotta of different qualities ground to
different consistencies, depending on the use for
which it is intended. Very coarse signinum with an
aggregate of ground roof tile and storage jars was
used to make pavements; finer signinum was used as
waterproofing in tanks and cisterns; and still finer
signinum with an aggregate of powdered terra-cotta
was used to face walls, especially in their lower parts.
Sleeper Wall. A relatively light wall, one of a series
built at intervals from one another to support a su
perstructure or pavement.
Specus. The channel of an aqueduct both in a tunnel
underground and in masonry supported on arches.
Spelaeum. In M ithraic worship the simulation of
the cave in which M ithras slew the mystic bull, the
symbol of life through death, and the place where his
worshipers met at his rites and sacred banquets. It
was usually tunnel-like, with benches for the diners
along the sides and a representation of the slaying of
the bull at one end. The amount of rustication var
ied, but it was always dimly lit and mysterious.
Sperone (Lapis Gabinus). A dark gray lithoid tufa
resembling peperino, but slightly coarser and con
taining more scoriae, quarried in the neighborhood
of Gabii. It could not be carved but was believed to
be fire-resistant. Its earliest use in Rome was deco
rative, as the floor of the specus on bridges of the
Aqua M arcia (144 B .C .) , and it went out of use in the
time of Nero.
Sphendone. The rounded end of a circus.
Spina. The divider down the middle of a circus
around which the chariots raced, finished with m etae
at either end and usually embellished with statuary
and dedications.
Stagnum. An artificial water of some size, but prob
ably always chiefly ornamental and not very deep.
Suburbium. The immediate neighborhood of
Rome, outside the pomerium but within the ag er R o-
manus. It is hard to set limits for this; it would have
GLOSSARY
included pagi, but not separate towns such as An-
temnae.
Suovetaurilia. A sacrifice of a boar, a ram, and a
bull, used especially in rites of lustration, at which
time the victims were ritually caparisoned and driven
around the object of the lustration before being sac
rificed.
Suspensura. The support of pillars or columns on
which the floor of a room heated by a hypocaust was
raised. The support elements were regularly built of
brick or of molded terracotta.
Sylloge. A collection of similar material, especially
in a book.
Syzygium (Syzygy). An architectural form consist
ing of two columns carrying an epistyle or entabla
ture, a common feature in depictions of rustic sanc
tuaries. Trophies and dedications might be attached
to the columns and bronze vessels mounted on the
cornice.
Taberna. A shop or office, usually a single room,
often one of a series, with a large door, often the
whole width, opening on a street or courtyard, not
infrequently with a transom window over the door
for light and ventilation when the door was shut.
W hen a shop, the front part served as workshop and
display area, and the back part for living quarters
and storage. There might also be a mezzanine bal
cony (pergula) over the back part to provide more
space.
Tali. Knucklebone dice, used in sets of four.
Temenos. A sacred precinct, with or without a
temple building.
Tetrastyle. Having four columns on the principal
faade.
Thiasos. A company of minor divinities and spirits
in attendance on the epiphany o f a major god. In the
thiasos of Bacchus we find Pan and Eros, as well as
Silenus, Maenads, and satyrs. In the marine thiasos
of Venus we find erotes and nymphs riding on Tri
tons and hippocamps.
Tholus. A circular building of modest size, usually
sacred and columnar, but not necessarily so.
Thymiaterion. An incense burner, often an elabo
rate affair like a candelabrum.
443
GLOSSARY
Togate. Describing a statue dressed in the toga, in
dicative of the subjects civilian status.
Travertine. A secondary limestone, formed when
the streams from the Apennines hit the western
coastal plain of Italy with its long volcanic fault and
the lime in the water precipitates out, forming strata
of new stone. This is coarse or fine depending on lo
cal conditions. The best is that formed around the
abundant sulfur springs near Tivoli, where the water
maintains a constant temperature throughout the
year (lapis Tiburtinus). It is a hard white stone with
occasional fine fissures, tinged with gold from depos
its of iron. It is the best stone found near Rome for
strength and texture and is used for the faades of
the Theater of Marcellus and Colosseum. It appears
in Rome early in the second century B .C ., used only
sparingly. Its first extensive use appears to have been
in the Metellan Temple of Castor (117 B .C .) .
Triskelion. A figure of three elements, especially
legs, bent and joined at the center of a circle to make
a wheel, the symbol of the island of Sicily.
Tufa. In Rome volcanic ash laid down in strata and
subjected to pressure, usually under water, to pro
duce stone of varying strength and weight. The color
covers almost the whole spectrum, except for cream
and white. Lithoid tufas are often treated as com
pletely different from granular ones, such as cappel-
laccio. The tufas from the neighborhood of Rome
were produced by eruptions of the Alban Hills and
eruptions of the crater of Lago di Bracciano (Sabatini
tufas). These are not to be confused with the lime
stone tufas of England and Greece (p o r o s ). Some au
thors use of the word tu ff to identify Roman tufa
has further confused understanding.
Tympanum. The field, or back wall, of a pediment,
either triangular or lunate, that may be filled with
pedimental sculpture.
Venatio. A show of wild and exotic animals com
bined with a hunt of these put on usually in an am
phitheater as part of public games. The hunters were
usually both professional and amateur, and the priv
ilege of participating was often eagerly sought. In
games lasting three days, the hunt usually occupied
the morning of the second day.
444
Vexillum. A military banner, a square of cloth sus
pended from a crossbar atop a pole. Various colors
conveyed different signals, and each cohort within a
legion had its own vexillum with a colored device
woven into the cloth.
Via. A broad public road, especially one connecting
one town with another, those radiating from Rome
at first being named for the first town of importance
along their course, later for their builder. Within
Rome in the republican period only two streets car
ried this designation, the Sacra Via from the sacellum
of Strenia on the Carinae to the top of the arx and
the Nova Via from Porta Mugonia at the base of the
Clivus Palatinus to the Velabrum, both, that is, of
unusually long and complicated courses.
Vicennalia. Celebration of the twentieth anniver
sary of the rule of a princeps.
Vicus. (a) A street of ordinary width with a rela
tively flat course, (b) A neighborhood named for the
most proment vicus within its limits. In the reform
of Augustus, Rome was divided into vici for admin
istrative purposes, each vicus having four vicomagis-
tri, evidently responsible to the curatores of its
regio. Their duties and privileges are not well under
stood.
Vomitorium. An exterior entrance for the public to
a theater or amphitheater, usually numbered over the
arch and the proper number recorded as the first
item on the ticket of the spectator to facilitate his
finding his seat.
Xenodochium . A hospital for the treatment of the
ill and infirm, the earliest in Rome being no older
than the late fifth century after Christ.
X oan on . An archaic image of a divinity rudely
carved in wood.
Xystus. A garden, usually adjoining a portico or en
closed by a peristyle, laid out with walks and plan
tations of trees to make a place to stroll and con
verse.
 Chronological List of
Dated Monuments

7 5 3 -7 1 7 Reign of Romulus: Asylum; Circus Maximus established with games in honor of Consus;
B .C . Altar of Consus; Temple of Iuppiter Feretrius; Temple of Iuppiter Stator; Lacus Curtius; Curi
ae Veteres; Temple of Vulcan.

Reign of Titus Tatius: house on Capitoline on the site of the Temple of Iuno M oneta; altars
to Ops, Flora, Vediovis and Saturn, Sol, Luna, Vulcan and Summanus, Larunda, Terminus,
Quirinus, Vortumnus, Lares, Diana and Lucina.

7 1 5 -6 7 2 Reign of Numa Pompilius: Auguraculum on Capitoline; house on Quirinal; Temple of Vesta;

Aedicula Camenarum; Curia Saliorum (Palatinorum); Regia; Altar of Iuppiter Elicius; sacrar-
ium Fidei (in Capitolio); sacrarium Termini; Ianus Geminus; sacraria Argeorum (?); Ara
M artis (in Campo M artio).

6 7 2 -6 4 0 Reign o f Tullus Hostilius: Curia Hostilia; Curia Saliorum Collinorum; fanum of Pavor et Pal
lor.

6 4 0 -6 1 6 Reign of Ancus Marcius: house at Summa Sacra Via; Pons Sublicius; Temple of Fors Fortuna
(?); Temple of Iuppiter Feretrius enlarged; Career.

6 1 6 -5 7 8 Reign of Tarquinius Priscus: house at Porta Mugonia; Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus
vowed; Circus Maximus laid out and places assigned to senators and equites where they
might build seats (fo ri); forum surrounded with porticoes and tabernae; statue and puteal of
Attus Navius in Comitium; city fortified; Cloaca dredged and regularized; Area Capitolina
terraced and leveled for Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus.

5 7 8 -5 3 4 Reign of Servius Tullius: extends pomerium and fortifies the new city; Temple of Diana on
the Aventine; temples of M ater M atuta and Fortuna (in Foro Boario); Temple of Fors For
tuna; shrines of Fortuna A p otro p a io s, Fortuna Brevis, Fortuna E uelpis, Fortuna Obsequens,
Fortuna Primigenia (in Capitolio), Fortuna Privata, Fortuna Respiciens, Fortuna Virgo, For
tuna Virilis, Fortuna Viscata (?); Temple of Luna.

5 3 4 -5 1 0 Reign o f Tarquinius Superbus: Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus constructed; seats con
structed in Circus M axim us; work on the Cloaca continued.

5 1 1 -4 9 3 Temple o f Saturn dedicated.

509 Temple of Dea Carna vowed (and built some years later).

5 0 9 508 Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus dedicated.

499 Temple of Castor vowed.

4 9 9 4 9 6 Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera vowed.

445
CH R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M ON UM EN TS 4 9 5 B .C .- 3 0 2 B.C .

4 95 Temple of Mercury dedicated.

493 Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera dedicated.

485 House of Sp. Cassius razed (site of Temple of Tellus).

484 Temple of Castor dedicated.

before 4 7 6 Temple of Spes Vetus.

466 Temple of Semo Sancus dedicated.

456 Land on the Aventine given to the Plebs.

43 9 Columna Minucia.

438 Creation of the Aequimaelium.

435 Creation of the Villa Publica.

4 3 3 -4 3 2 Temple of Apollo (Medicus) vowed.

4 3 1 -4 3 0 Temple of Apollo (Medicus) dedicated.

396 Temple of Iuno Regina (on the Aventine) vowed.

395 Temple of M ater M atuta restored.

392 Temple of Iuno Regina (on the Aventine) dedicated.

after 391 Altar erected to Aius Locutius.

ca. 390 Sack of Rome by the Gauls and city burned, except for the Arx Capitolina.

388 Area Capitolina enlarged; Temple of M ars dedicated.

384 House of M . Manlius Capitolinus on the arx razed, and patricians forbidden in perpetuity to
live on the Capitoline.

ca. 3 7 7 -3 5 3 Servian Walls constructed.

375 Temple of Concordia vowed, but then not built.

353 Temple of Apollo (Medicus) restored.

345 Temple of Iuno M oneta vowed.

344 Temple of Iuno M oneta dedicated.

338 Columna M aenia; suggestus in Forum decorated with the rostra of Latin ships.

334 Via Latina extended as far as Cales.

329 First carceres constructed in the Circus Maximus.

325 Temple of Quirinus vowed.

after 312 Aqua Appia constructed; Via Appia constructed as far as Capua.

311 Temple of Salus vowed.

310 Gilded shields distributed to decorate the tabernae of the Forum for the celebration of a
triumph.

306 Equus Tremuli.

305 Colossal statue of Hercules dedicated in Area Capitolina.

304 Aedicula Concordiae dedicated on Graecostasis.

302 Temple of Salus dedicated.

446
2 9 6 B .C .-2 1 4 b .c . C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M O N U M EN TS

296 Quadriga of Jupiter on Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus replaced; group of she-wolf
and twins installed at Ficus Ruminalis; paved walk added along Clivus M artis; shrine of Pu-
dicitia Plebeia dedicated; Temple o f Bellona vowed.

295 Temple o f Iuppiter Victor vowed and begun; Temple of Venus Obsequens begun.
2 94 Temple of Iuppiter Stator constructed; Temple of Victoria on the Palatine dedicated.
293 Colossus of Jupiter dedicated in Area Capitolina; Temple of Fors Fortuna; Temple of Quiri-
nus dedicated.

291 Temple of Aesculapius established on Tiber island; Via Appia extended to Venusia.
290 House bestowed on M . Curius Dentatus at public expense.
28 7 Comitia centuriata held in Aesculetum.
281 Via Appia extended to Tarentum.

272 Contract for aqueduct of Anio Vetus let; Temple of Consus vowed or built on the Aventine.
268 Temple of Tellus vowed.
267 Temple of Pales.

ca. 264 Temple of Vortumnus on the Aventine.

264 Spoils dedicated in Area Sacra di SantOmobono by M . Fulvius Flaccus; Tabula Valeria
added to Curia; Via Appia extended to Brundisium.
2 6 4 -2 4 1 First Punic War: Temple of Spes in Forum Holitorium.
ca. 260 Columna Rostrata of C. Duilius (1) and (2); Templum of Ianus in Forum Holitorium.
259 Temple of Tempestates vowed.
ca. 255 Columna Rostrata of M . Aemilius Paullus.
after 249 Temple of Fides (in Capitolio).
241 Temple o f Vesta burned; statue of quadrifrontal Janus brought to Rome from Falerii; Temple
of Flora.
after 241 Temple o f Iuturna in Campus Martius.
2 4 1 -2 3 8 Clivus Publicius constructed and paved.
ca. 238 Temple o f Libertas on the Aventine.
23 4 Temple of Honos (ad Portam Capenam) (traditional date).
231 Delubrum Fontis dedicated.

229 Taberna of Archagathus established at Compitum Acili.

2 2 1 -2 2 0 Circus Flaminius created; Via Flaminia begun.
2 1 8 -2 0 2 Second Punic War.

218 Temple of Concordia (in arce) vowed.

217 Temple o f Concordia (in arce) begun; temples of Mens and Venus Erucina vowed; Servian
Walls improved and strengthened.

216 Temple of Concordia (in arce) dedicated.

215 Temples of Mens and Venus Erucina (in Capitolio) dedicated.

214 Flood o f water in Vicus Insteius; Atrium Publicum on Capitoline struck by lightning.

447
C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M O N U M EN TS 2 1 3 B . C . - 1 7 9 B .C .

213 Fire destroys area from Porta Trigmina to Porta Carmentalis, including temples of M ater
M atuta and Fortuna, and Spes outside Porta Carmentalis, which are immediately restored.

212 Servian Walls repaired.

210 Fire destroys the northeast side of the Forum from the Lautumiae to the Atrium Regium (Re
gia) and including the Forum Piscarium, but Curia and Comitium are spared and the Temple
of Vesta saved.

209 Contract for rebuilding the macellum let (Forum Piscarium); Tabernae Septem rebuilt as Ta-
bernae Quinqu; statue of Hercules by Lysippus dedicated on the Capitoline.

2 0 8 -2 0 5 Temple of Honos ad Portam Capenam rebuilt as Temple of Honos et Virtus.

207 Temple of Iuventas vowed.

204 Temple of Iuventas begun; Temple of Fortuna Primigenia (Fortunae Tres) vowed; black stone
brought from Pessinus and contract for the Temple of Magna M ater let.

203 Clivus Publicius burned.

200 Temple of Vediovis vowed.

198 Temple of Vediovis (2) vowed.

197 Temple of Iuno Sospita vowed.

196 Temple of Faunus vowed; arches of Stertinius (Fornices Stertinii) erected in Forum Boarium
and Circus Maximus.

194 Temple of Faunus dedicated; Temple of Vediovis (in insula) dedicated; Temple of Iuno Sos
pita dedicated; Temple of Fortuna Primigenia (Fortunae Tres) dedicated; atrium publicum re
built and enlarged; Villa Publica rebuilt.

193 Aedicula of Victoria Virgo dedicated; Tabernae Argentariae Novae constructed; Emporium
established and portico constructed along it; Porticus Aemilia constructed from Porta Fonti-
nalis to Ara M artis in Campus Martius; flood destroys two bridges.

192 Temple of Vediovis (in Capitolio) dedicated; Porticus inter Lignarios constructed.

191 Temple of Pietas vowed; Temple of Iuventas dedicated; Temple of Magna M ater dedicated.

190 Temple of Lares Permarini vowed; Arch of Cornelius Scipio along Clivus Capitolinus erected.

189 Temple of Muses vowed; statue of Hercules dedicated in Temple of Hercules Custos; statue
of Pollentia erected in Circus M aximus; Clivus Martis cobbled.

187 Temple of Hercules Musarum built and Aedicula Camenarum removed to it by M . Fulvius
N obilior; Temple of Diana and Temple of Iuno Regina vowed by M . Aemilius Lepidus (later
built in Circus Flaminius).

186 Temple of Ops struck by lightning and subsequently rebuilt.

184 Temple of Venus Erucina (extra Portam Collinam) vowed; Basilica Porcia constructed.

181 Temple of Pietas in Foro Holitorio dedicated; Temple of Venus Erucina at Porta Collina dedi
cated; tomb of Numa Pompilius discovered sub Ianiculo with empty sarcophagus and chest
containing his writings.

180 Temple of Fortuna Equestris vowed.

179 Temples of Iuno Regina and Diana in Circo Flaminio dedicated; Temple of Lares Permarini
dedicated; Area Capitolina cleared of dedications and walls and columns of the Temple of
Iuppiter Optimus Maximus restuccoed; contract for Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia let; Forum Pis
carium rebuilt as Macellum and enlarged; porticoes built post navalia, extra Portam Trigemi-
nam, and post Spei; piers of Pons Aemilius built of stone with superstructure of wood.

448
1 7 4 B .C .-7 9 b .c . C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M O N U M EN TS

174 Emporium remodeled and porticoes restored; Clivus Capitolinus paved and portico built
from Temple of Saturn to Senaculum and beyond to Curia (Hostilia); Circus Maximus refur
bished.

173 Temple of Fortuna Equestris dedicated.

172 Columna Rostrata of M . Aemilius Lepidusdestroyed by lightning.

170 Basilica Sempronia constructed.

168 Porticus Octavia constructed.

167 Temple of Penates struck by lightning; ship shed built to house flagship of Perseus of Mace-
don.

159 Porticoes added to Area Capitolina by Scipio Nasica; P. Cornelius Scipio installs a water
clock adjacent to the Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia.

after 150 Temple of Felicitas constructed.

148 Regia burned and restored.

after 146 Porticus Metelli constructed.

145 Temple of Hercules Victor vowed by Mummius; legislative assembly removed from the Comi-
tium to the Forum.

1 4 4 140 Aqua Appia repaired; Anio Vetus aqueduct repaired; Aqua M arcia constructed by Q. M ar-
cius Rex.

142 Temple of Hercules Victor dedicated; stone arches added to Pons Aemilius; ceiling of Temple
of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus gilded.

ca. 133 Temple of M ars in Circo Flaminio constructed.

125 Aqua Tepula constructed.

121 Temple of Concordia constructed; Basilica Opimia constructed; Fornix Fabianus erected;
house of C. Fulvius Flaccus on Palatine destroyed and Porticus Catuli built on its site
after 101.

117 Temple of Castor rebuilt.

115107 Temple of Fides and Temple of Mens in Capitolio restored by M . Aemilius Scaurus.

114 Temple of Venus Verticordia constructed.

Ill Temple of Magna M ater burned and then restored by Metellus (Numidicus?).

ca. 110 Porticus Minucia (Vetus).

after 101 Porticus Catuli built on Palatine; Temple of Fortuna Huiusce Diei vowed.

1 0090 Marius erects trophies celebrating his victories in the Area Capitolina and builds the Temple
of Honos et Virtus M ariana; house of Marius built adjacent to Forum.

ca. 92 Ara Calvini.

91 Temple of Pietas struck by lightning.

90 Temple of Iuno Sospita restored.

87 Servian Walls repaired and strengthened.

83 Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus burned and restoration undertaken by Sulla.

8 2 -7 9 Dictatorship of Sulla: extends pomerium; repaves the Forum; may have done considerable
work on the street system of Rome; probably refurbished the Atrium Vestae; probably re
stored the Temple of Hercules Custos; may have built a Temple of Hercules Sullanus.

449
C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F DATED M ON UM EN TS 8 0 B .C .- 3 1 B.C .

80 Curia Hostilia restored and enlarged; statues of Pythagoras and Alcibiades removed from the
corners of the Comitium.

78 Tabularium built by Q. Lutatius Catulus; Tumulus Sullae.

74 Gradus Aurelii in the Comitium.

63 Statue of Jupiter in the Area Capitolina turned to the east.

62 Cicero acquires house on the Clivus Victoriae on the Palatine; Pons Fabricius constructed,

ca. 6 2 -2 8 Pons Cestius constructed,

before 6 0 Horti Luculliani.

58 Temple of Fides restored by M. Aemilius Scaurus; Theater of Scaurus.

57 Fornix Fabianus restored; Basilica Fulvia et Aemilia restored.

55 Theater of Pompey dedicated; Basilica Iulia begun; acquisition of land for Forum Iulium be
gun; Saepta Iulia planned; Tumulus Iuliae.

53 Theaters of Curio.
52 Temple o f Venus Victrix in Theater of Pompey, with scaena, porticoes, and adjacencies dedi
cated; Curia Hostilia burned; Basilica Porcia burned.

51 Forum Iulium begun.

5 0 -4 4 Dictatorship of Julius Caesar: begins redevelopment of Forum and Comitium; Rostra Cae-
saris; acquisition of land for theater (of Marcellus); Horti Caesaris.

49 Temple of Quirinus burned and restored.

48 Sacellum of Bellona on Capitoline destroyed; Temple of Isis and Serapis on Capitoline razed.

46 Forum Iulium and Temple of Venus Genetrix dedicated; Equus Caesaris; Circus Maximus
enlarged and euripus dug in front of spectators; Naumachia Caesaris in Codeta M inor;
Temple of Libertas decreed.

44 Temple of Clementia Caesaris decreed; Temple of Concordia Nova decreed; Curia Hostilia
rebuilt; Temple of Felicitas projected; Temple of Pietas dismantled; altar and column erected
to Julius Caesar and later removed.

43 Naumachis Caesaris filled in; Sepulcrum Hirtii and Sepulcrum Pansae in Campus Martius;
Temple of Isis and Serapis voted.

42 Temple of M ars Ultor vowed; Temple of Divus Iulius begun; Rostra Augusti dedicated;
Temple of Saturn rebuilt.

4 2 3 2 Temple of Neptune vowed and constructed by Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus.

41 Expensive wall constructed around the grove of Iuno Lucina.

ca. 38 Atrium Libertatis reconstructed by Asinius Pollio; Bibliotheca Asinii Pollionis.

36 Regia burned and restored; Temple of Apollo Palatinus vowed; Columna Rostrata of Octa-
vian erected.

34 Basilica Paulli dedicated; Villa Publica possibly restored by Fonteius Capito.

33 Agrippa undertakes to overhaul the water and sewer systems of Rome; Aqua Appia repaired;
Aqua M arcia repaired; Aqua Iulia constructed and its water mixed with Aqua Tepula; Aqua
Virgo begun; Gabine stone conduits of Cloaca and lower Petronia Amnis installed; Porticus
Octavia restored.

32 Theater of Pompey restored.

31 Temple of Spes (in Foro Holitorio) burned and restored; Temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera
burned and restored; Circus Maximus burned and restored and Pulvinar added.

450
30 b .c -9 b .c . C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M O N U M EN TS

30 Columna Rostrata of Octavian and Agrippa.

29 Temple of Divus Iulius dedicated; Curia Iulia together with Chalcidicum dedicated and Altar
of Victoria dedicated in Curia; Temple of Hercules Musarum restored together with Porticus
Philippi; Amphitheater of Statilius Taurus constructed; Arch of Augustus (Octavian).

28-A.D.14 Principate of Augustus: Temple of Diana on Aventine restored by L. Cornificius; Temple of

Flora (iuxta Circum Maximum) restored; Temple of Iuno Regina on Aventine restored;
Temple of Minerva restored; Temple of Iuppiter Libertas on Aventine restored; Area Capito
lina cleared of dedications, and statues moved to Campus Martius; Temple of Iuppiter Fere-
trius restored; Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus restored; Temple of Lares restored;
Temple of Penates restored; Arch of Octavius erected on Palatine; Lupercal restored; Basilica
Iulia completed and Forum redeveloped; Shrine of Apollo Sandaliarius erected; Temple of
Venus Erucina at Porta Collina restored; Porticus ad Nationes built; Macellum Liviae;
Temple of Bona Dea Subsaxana restored by Livia.

28 Temple of Apollo Palatinus dedicated; Mausoleum Augusti; Stadium Augusti.

27 Pantheon of Agrippa; oak crown and pair of laurels added to house of Augustus.

26 Temple of Iuppiter Tonans vowed; Saepta Iulia dedicated.

25 Basilica Neptuni dedicated; house of Antony on Palatine burned.

2 5 -1 2 Program of Agrippa in Campus Martius: Baths of Agrippa with Stagnum Agrippae and euri-
pus; Campus Agrippae with Porticus Vipsania; Horti Agrippae; Pons Agrippae; also Horrea
Agrippiana of Regio VIII.

2 3 -2 1 Pons Fabricius repaired after being damaged by floods.

after 23 Porticus Octaviae with Temple of Iuppiter Stator and Temple of Iuno Regina, Bibliothecae
Porticus Octaviae, Curia Octaviae, and Scholae.

22 Temple of Iuppiter Tonans on Capitoline dedicated.

2 0 (?) Milliarium Aureum in Forum.

19 Aqua Virgo completed; Parthian Arch of Augustus in Forum; Altar of Fortuna Redux.

16 Temple of Iuventas burned and restored; restoration of Temple of Quirinus together with
porticoes completed.

15 House of Vedius Pollio presented to Augustus and razed.

14 Basilica Paulli burned and restored; Temple of Vesta burned and restored.

13 Ara Pacis Augustae decreed by senate; Theater and Crypta Balbi dedicated; Theater of Mar-
cellus dedicated (13 or 11).

before 12 Sepulcrum C. Cestii (Pyramid of Cestius).

12 Horti Agrippae and Baths of Agrippa presented to Roman people with endowment for main
tenance.

after 12 Campus Agrippae completed by Augustus; Domus Publica presented to Vestal Virgins for
inclusion in Atrium Vestae; statue and altar of Vesta established on Palatine; Pons Aemilius
restored and Fornix Augusti added.

1 1 -4 Augustus repairs water system of Rome, especially Aquae Anio Vetus, M arcia, and Iulia;
Aqua Augusta built to supplement Aqua Appia.

11 Statues of Salus Publica, Concordia, and Pax.

10 Obeliscus Augusti, Gnomon, brought from Egypt and erected as part of Horologium Au
gusti; Obeliscus Augusti brought from Egypt and erected on spina of Circus Maximus.

9 Ara Pacis Augustae dedicated.

451
CH R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F DATED M ONUM EN TS 9 B . C . A . D . 4 1

after 9 Arcus Drusi (1).

8 Cohortes Vigilum organized and stationed throughout the city.

7 City of Rome reorganized into fourteen geographical regiones; Diribitorium opened; Porticus
Liviae dedicated to Concordia; Campus Agrippae dedicated; Tiberius undertakes to rebuild
the Temple of Concordia on the Forum.

5 Compitum Acili restored; aqueduct arch constructed over Via Tiburtina (Porta Tiburtina).

before 2 Aqua Alsietina constructed.

2 Forum Augustum dedicated, although still unfinished, together with Temple of M ars Ultor;
Naumachia Augusti.

a .d . 2 Arcus Lentuli et Crispini.

3 Temple o f Magna M ater restored.

ca. 3 House of Augustus burned and rebuilt; Horti Lamiani created (?).

6 Temple of Castor rebuilt and dedicated by Tiberius.

7 Altar of Ceres M ater et Ops Augusta dedicated.

10 Arcus Dolabellae et Silani.

10 or 12 Temple o f Concordia completed and dedicated by Tiberius.

12 Basilica Iulia rebuilt and enlarged after a fire, dedicated in the names of Gaius and Lucius
Caesar; shrine of Fortuna Augusta; statue of Stata Mater.

14 Aqua Iulia repaired.

1 4 -3 7 Principate o f Tiberius: Sacrarium Divi Augusti (ad Capita Bubula on Palatine); Templum
Divi Augusti (Novum) with Bibliotheca Divi Augusti Novi; Domus Tiberiana on Palatine;
Schola Xanthi in Forum.

15 Cura Riparum of Tiber instituted after a great flood.

16 Arcus Tiberii in Forum.

16 Temple o f Ceres, Liber, and Libera dedicated after restoration; Temple of Flora dedicated
after restoration; Temple of Fors Fortuna dedicated; Templum of Ianus (in Foro Holitorio)
dedicated after restoration; Temple of Spes restored by Germanicus and dedicated.
19 Arcus Drusi et Germanici; Arcus (Fornix) Germanici (in Circo Flaminio).

20 Theater of Pompey burned and restored.

2123 Castra Praetoria constructed.

22 Basilica Paulli restored by L. Aemilius Lepidus; Ara Pietatis vowed.

23 Arcus Drusi (2) decreed.

27 Mons Caelius devastated by fire.

28 Altars of Amicitia Tiberii and Clementia Tiberii decreed by senate.

30 Colossus of Tiberius erected near Temple of Venus Genetrix.

36 Parts of Circus Maxim us toward Aventine burned and repaired.

3741 Principate o f Caligula: Templum Divi Augusti Novum dedicated; restoration of Theater
of Pompey completed; Domus Tiberiana enlarged and bridge from this to Capitoline con
structed; Gaianum created; Circus Gaii et Neronis begun and Obeliscus Vaticanus brought
from Egypt and erected on spina; Amphitheatrum Caligulae begun in Campus Martius;
Temple of Isis Campensis constructed (?).

452
A .D . 38- a .d . 75 C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TE D M O N U M EN TS

38 Anio Novus and Claudia Aqueducts begun.

3 9 4 0 Faade o f Career added.

4 1 -5 4 Principare o f Claudius: Amphitheatrum Caligulae demolished; Altar of Iuppiter Depulsor

dedicated on Capitoline; Temple of Felicitas burned and apparently not restored; Temple of
Salus burned and restored; Carceres of Circus Maximus rebuilt in marble; Theater of Pom-
pey rededicated; Porticus Minucia Frumentaria constructed; statue of Diva Livia added in
Temple o f Divus Augustus.

43 Ara Pietatis Augustae dedicated.

46 Aqua Virgo repaired.

47 Aqua Claudia completed.

49 Pomerium extended with traditional ritual.

5 1 -5 2 Arcus Claudii added to Aqua Virgo at crossing of Via Lata to celebrate victory in Britain.

52 Anio Novus aqueduct completed; Aqua Claudia dedicated; monumental arch to take aque
ducts over Via Praenestina and Via Labicana.

5 4 -6 8 Principate of Nero: Temple of Divus Claudius begun by Agrippina (before 64); Domus Tran
sitoria connecting imperial properties on Palatine with Horti Maecenatiani on Esquiline; Ar
cus Caelimontani (Arcus Neroniani of Aqua Claudia); seating in Circus Maximus improved
and euripus o f Julius Caesar filled in; Atrium Vestae rebuilt before 6 4 ; Balneum Tigillini.
57 Amphitheatrum Neronis.

58 Arcus Neronis decreed.

59 Macellum Magnum on Caelian dedicated.

60 Thermae and Gymnasium Neronis in Campus Martius dedicated.

62 Arcus Neronis on Capitoline dedicated; trophies of Nero on Capitoline; Gymnasium Neronis

struck by lightning and burned.

63 Temple of Fecunditas decreed.

64 Baths of Nero restored and rededicated; fire of Nero destroys Circus M aximus, Ara M axim a
Herculis, Temple of Luna, Regia, Temple of Vesta, Amphitheatrum Statilii Tauri, Domus
Transitoria.

6 4 -6 8 Domus Aurea with Aedes Fortunae Seiani, Colossus Neronis, porticoes on Sacra Via (Porti
cus M iliariae), Stagnum Neronis; Temple of Divus Claudius transformed; Ara M axim a Her
culis, Atrium and Temple of Vesta, and Circus Maximus restored; Pons Neronianus con
structed.

68 Principate of Galba: Horrea Galbae enlarged and restored; contingent of German soldiers
stationed in Atrium Libertatis.

69 Principate of O tho: continues construction of Domus Aurea.

69 Principate of Vitellius: Temple of Iuppiter OptimusMaximus burned.

6 9 -7 9 Principate of Vespasian: Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus rebuilt; sacellum of Iuppiter

Conservator on Capitoline dedicated by Domitian; Stagnum Neronis drained and construc
tion of Amphitheatrum Flavium begun on site; Temple of Divus Claudius completed as
planned; Temple o f Honos et Virtus restored; Colossus Neronis altered to Colossus Solis;
Theater of Marcellus restored.

70 Aedicula Fontis (in Transtiberim).

71 Aqueducts repaired; Templum Pacis begun.

75 Pomerium extended; Templum Pacis dedicated.

453
C H RO N O LO G IC A L L IST O F D ATED M ON U M EN TS A .D . 7 9 - A .D . 1 1 3

before 79 Templum Divi Augusti Novum burned.

7 9 81 Principate of Titus: adds third and fourth storeys to the Amphitheatrum Flavium; begins
construction of Temple of Divus Vespasianus; begins construction of Thermae Titi.

79 Aqua M arcia repaired.

80 Amphitheatrum Flavium dedicated with games; Thermae Titi dedicated; fire of Titus destroys
Campus Martius from Pantheon to Porticus Octaviae and from scaena of Theater of Pompey
to Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, including Baths of Agrippa, Basilica Neptuni,
Saepta Iulia, Diribitorium, Temple of Isis, Theatrum and Crypta Balbi, Area Sacra di Largo
Argentina, possibly Temple of Venus Genetrix and parts of Forum Romanum and Domus
Tiberiana.

8 081 Aqua Claudia repaired; triple arch of Titus and Vespasian erected in Circus Maximus.

8196 Principate of Domitian: Amphitheatrum Flavium completed; the so-called Arae Incendii Ne-
ronis erected; various Arcus Domitiani; Arcus Titi (2) erected; Atria Septem built; Templum
Divi Augusti Novum restored; Balineum Charini; Balineum Claudii Etrusci; Balineum Lupi;
Basilica Argentaria begun; Temple of Castor restored; Castra Misenatium established; Circus
Maxim us burned; Curia Iulia rebuilt; Templum Divorum constructed; Domus Tiberiana re
modeled and vestibule complex on Forum added; Temple of Venus Genetrix rebuilt; Forum
Transitorium (Nervae) created; Forum Traiani projected; Temple of Gens Flavia constructed;
Horrea Agrippiana rebuilt; Horrea Piperataria constructed; Ianus Quadrifrons of Forum
Nervae constructed; Temple of Isis Campensis restored; Porticus Octaviae and its two
temples restored; Temple of Iuppiter Custos constructed; Temple of Iuppiter Optimus M axi
mus restored; four ludi for training of gladiators constructed around Amphitheatrum Flav
ium; Minerva Chalcidica constructed; Naumachia Domitiani constructed; Horologium Au
gusti raised and corrected; Odeum constructed; Temple of Divus Vespasianus completed;
Porticus Minucia Vetus restored; Stadium Domitiani constructed; Theatrum and Crypta
Balbi restored; Theater of Pompey restored; Baths of Agrippa restored; Horti Domitiae
created.

89 Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus dedicated.

90 M ica Aurea constructed.

91 Equus Domitiani erected.

ca. 9 2 Domus Augustiana on Palatine completed.

93 Temple of Fortuna Redux completed.

96 M eta Sudans constructed.

9 6 98 Principate of Nerva: work on Amphitheatrum Flavium continued; Atrium Libertatis re

stored; Horrea Nervae (?).

97 Forum Nervae dedicated.

9 8 -1 1 7 Principate of Trajan: work on Amphitheatrum Flavium continued;Anio Novus aqueduct ex

tended to better sources; Aqua M arcia extended to serve Aventine; Aqua Traiana con
structed; Atrium Vestae renovated; Basilica Argentaria completed; Circus Maximus restored
and seating capacity increased; Baths of Sura; Ludus Magnus rebuilt; Naumachia Traiani
constructed; Pantheon struck by lightning and burned; Theatrum Traiani in Campus M ar
tius; Temple of Fortuna; Altar of Pudicitia to Plotina; Odeum of Domitian restored; Arch of
Trajan on Via Appia.

104 Domus Aurea burned and Baths of Trajan then built over ruins.

112 Basilica Ulpia dedicated.

113 Temple of Venus Genetrix dedicated after restoration; Forum Traiani dedicated;Columna
Traiani dedicated.

454
A .D . 1 1 7 - A .D . 2 1 1 C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M ON UM EN TS

117 Entrance arch of Forum Traiani made victory monument.

1 1 7 -1 3 8 Principate of Hadrian: Aqua M arcia repaired; Arcus Divi Traiani erected; Templum Divi
Traiani added to Forum Traiani; Athenaeum (Atrium Minervae?) constructed; aedicula Ves-
tae constructed and Atrium Vestae improved; Basilica (Templum) Matidiae et Marcianae
constructed; Basilica Neptuni restored; Temple of Bona Dea Subsaxana restored; Domus Ti-
beriana given new front on Sacra Via; Lavacrum Agrippinae restored; Pantheon rebuilt;
Saepta Iulia restored; Baths of Agrippa restored; Temple of Divus Iulius restored; Forum Au-
gustum restored; Auguratorium restored.

121 Entrance court of Domus Aurea destroyed and platform for Temple of Venus et Roma begun;
pomerium restored.

ca. 128 Colossus Solis (Neronis) moved to stand near Amphitheatrum Flavium.

134 Pons Aelius completed,

ca. 135 Temple of Venus et Roma dedicated,

ca. 137 Altar of Diva Sabina.

1 3 8 -1 6 1 Principate of Antoninus Pius: possibly completes Temple of Venus et Rom a; Amphitheatrum

Flavium restored; Templum Divi Augusti Novum restored; Graecostadium restored after fire;
section of Circus Maximus collapses; Temple of Bacchus (on Sacra Via?) restored; Baths of
Novatius.

139 Mausoleum Hadriani completed,

ca. 1 3 9 -1 4 3 Balineum Mamertini.

after 141 Altar of Diva Faustina; Temple of Antoninus and Faustina on Sacra Via.
143 Curia Athletarum.

145 Temple o f Divus Hadrianus dedicated.

147 Pons Agrippae restored.

152 Pons Cestius restored.

1 6 1 -1 8 0 Principate of Marcus Aurelius: Columna Antonini Pii; Arcus Divi Veri; Temple of Mercury
restored (?).

161 Rededication of Temple of Faustina to Divus Antoninus Pius and Diva Faustina.

after 175 Altar of Diva Faustina (M inor); Columna Marci Aurelii Antonini.

176 Arcus M arci Aurelii decreed.

176181 Temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus of Lucus Furrinae rebuilt.

1 8 0 -1 9 3 Principate of Commodus: Temple of Divus Marcus Aurelius constructed; Colossus of Sol

(Nero) altered to portray Commodus with attributes of Hercules; cippi of o ctro i (customs)
boundary.

183 Thermae Commodianae.

189 Bibliotheca Capitolina burned.

191 Fire of Commodus destroys Templum Pacis, Horrea Piperataria, and Temple of Vesta; shrine
o f Iuppiter Dolichenus on Esquiline enlarged and rededicated.

1 9 3 -2 1 1 Principate of Septimius Severus: Templum Pacis restored; Temple of Divus Vespasianus re

stored; Tensa Iovis removed to Circus M aximus; Balinea Severi (in Transtiberim); Castra
Nova Severiana Equitum Singularium constructed; Coriaria Septimiana (in Transtiberim);
Domus Augustiana enlarged by new wing and exedra of hippodrome rebuilt; Equus Septimii
Severi in Forum Romanum; Forum repaved; Rostra Augusti modified; Thermae Septimianae

455
CH RO N O LO G ICA L LIST O F D ATED M ONUM ENTS a .d . 1 9 6 - a .d . 2 7 3

(in Transtiberim) and Thermae Severianae (in Regio I) constructed; Julia Domna remodels
Atrium Vestae and restores Temple of Vesta.

196 Aqua M arcia repaired,

ca. 1 9 7 Domus Lateranorum presented; Septem Domus and Parthorum presented.

202 Pantheon restored.

203 Arcus Septimii Severi in Forum Romanum; Porticus Octaviae and its temples restored; Septi-
zodium constructed.

ca. 203 Domus Cilonis presented.

204 Arcus Septimii Severi in Foro Boario.

2 0 9 211 Some restoration of Theater of Pompey.

2112 1 7 Principate of Caracalla: Aqua M arcia repaired and Fons Antoninianus added to it to supply
Thermae Antoninianae; Pons Aurelius constructed (?); ian u ae of Circus Maximus enlarged;
Via Nova constructed to serve baths.

216 Thermae Antoninianae dedicated; Arco di Druso probably constructed.

217 Amphitheatrum Flavium struck by lightning and severely damaged by fire.

2 1 8 2 2 2 Principate of Elagabalus: Sessorium palace ad Spem Veterem largely rebuilt, together with
Amphitheatrum Castrense and Circus Varianus; repair of Amphitheatrum Flavium begun;
part of peribolus of Thermae Antoninianae constructed; worship of Dea Virgo Caelestis in
troduced into Rome.

221 Temple of Elagabalus on Palatine dedicated; senaculum mulierum on Quirinal constructed.

2 2 2 -2 3 5 Principate of Alexander Severus: Aqua Alexandrina constructed to supply his baths; Biblio-
theca Panthei; Temple of Iuppiter Ultor (Victor) on Palatine restored; Diaetae Mammaeae
created; Temple of Isis Campensis embellished; Temple of Dea Suria constructed; Basilica
Alexandrina projected; Stadium of Domitian restored; shrine of Iuppiter Redux in Castra
Peregrina.

223 Repair of Amphitheatrum Flavium continued.

226 Nymphaeum Alexandri.

227 Baths of Nero rebuilt and enlarged as Thermae Alexandrinae.

2 38 Principate of Gordians: Castra Misenatium enlarged; work on Thermae Surae; repair of

Amphitheatrum Flavium completed.

247 Theater of Pompey and Hecatostylon burned; Naumachia of Philippus Arabs (Naumachia
Augusti?).

2 4 9 -2 5 1 Principate of Decius.

250 Amphitheatrum Flavium repaired after fire.

252 Baths of Decius.

2 5 2 -2 6 8 Principate of Gallienus.

262 Arch o f Gallienus.

2 68 Rule of the Thirty Tyrants: Quadrigae Pisonis.

2 7 0 -2 7 5 Principate of Aurelian: extends pomerium; Castra Urbana in Campus Agrippae; adds Porti
cus M iliaria to Horti Sallustiani.

2 7 1 -2 7 2 Muri Aureliani begun.

2 73 Temple of the Sun.

456
,. d . 2 7 6 - a . d . 3 6 7 C H R O N O LO G IC A L LIST O F D A TED M ONUM EN TS

2 7 6 -2 8 2 Principate of Probus: Muri Aureliani completed; Pons Probi.

2 8 2 -2 8 4 Principate of Carinus: decoration of the stabulum of the Palatine palace.

283 Fire of Carinus destroys Basilica Iulia, Curia Iulia, Forum Iulium, Graecostadium, Porticus
and Theatrum Pompeii.

2 8 4 -3 0 5 Principate of Diocletian: restores Basilica Iulia, Curia Iulia, Forum Iulium, Porticus and
Theatrum Pompeii (with M axim ian); remodels Forum Romanum, adds new rostra and lines
of columns carrying honorific statues; Aqua Antoniniana (Marcia) augmented to supply his
baths; portion of Circus Maximus collapses.

303 Columns of Vicennalia in Forum Romanum.

3 0 3 -3 0 4 Arcus Novus in Via Lata.

after 303 Umbilicus Romae.

3 0 5 -3 0 6 Thermae Diocletiani on Quirinal.

3 0 6 -3 1 2 Principate of Maxentius: baths added to Domus Augustiana; Basilica Nova (Constantini) be

gun; Muri Aureliani heightened and improved throughout circuit; Temple of Divus Romulus
on Sacra Via.

307 Temple o f Venus et Roma rebuilt after fire.

311 Secretarium Senatus restored.

3 1 2 -3 3 7 Reign o f Constantine: restores Atrium Vestae and Circus M aximus; encloses M eta Sudans
with a new basin; constructs Ianus Quadrifrons in Forum Boarium and Porticus Constantini;
repairs Aqua Virgo.

312 Castra Praetoria dismantled.

after 313 Thermae Constantini.

3 1 5 -3 1 6 Arcus Constantini.

3 2 3 -3 2 6 Baths of Helena restored.

328 Statio Aquarum restored.

ca. 331 Basilica Iunii Bassi.

334 Equus Constantini.

341 Temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus of Lucus Furrinae destroyed.

3 3 7 -3 6 1 Reign of Constantius II.

3 4 4 -3 4 5 Baths of Agrippa restored by Constantius and Constans.

3 5 2 -3 5 3 Equus Constantii.

356 State visit of Constantius to Rome.

357 Obeliscus Constantii brought from Alexandria and erected on spina of Circus M axim us; Al
tar o f Victoria removed from Curia.

ca. 358 Baths of Naeratius Cerialis.

3 6 0 -3 6 3 Reign of Julian: Temple of Iuppiter Heliopolitanus of Lucus Furrinae rebuilt; Altar of V ic

toria restored in Curia.

363 Temple of Apollo Palatinus burned.

3 6 4 -3 7 8 Macellum Liviae restored.

3 6 5 -3 6 7 Valentinian I restores Pons Aurelius.

367 Porticus Deorum Consentium rebuilt by Vettius Praetextatus.

CH RO N O LO G ICA L LIST O F D A TED M ONUM ENTS A .D . 3 6 9 - A . D . 6 0 8

369 Pons Cestius rebuilt as Pons Gratianus.

ca. 3 7 4 Temple o f Bonus Eventus and Porticus Boni Eventus constructed.

3 7 9 3 8 3 Arcus Gratiani, Valentiniani, et Theodosii.

ca. 3 8 0 Porticus Maximae.

3 81 Repair of Anio Novus.

382 Altar o f Victoria removed from Curia by Theodosius; Mansiones Saliorum restored.

3 8 4 3 8 7 Pons Theodosii; Theater of Pompey restored.

3954 2 3 Reign o f Honorius: Theater of Pompey restored.

398 Quadriga of Arcadius and Honorius.

4 0 2 4 0 3 Muri Aureliani restored and gates extensively redesigned; Statuae Stilichonis.

404 Last gladiatorial games offered in Amphitheatrum Flavium.

after 4 0 5 Arcus Arcadii, Honorii, et Theodosii.

408 Earthquakes (?) for a week in Templum Pacis.

410 Sack of Alaric: Basilica Paulli burned; Horti Sallustiani devastated.

412 Secretarium Senatus repaired.

414 Baths of Sura restored.

416 Basilica Iulia restored by Gabinius Vettius Probianus.

442 Earthquake damages Forum Romanum, Amphitheatrum Flavium, and Porticus Nova (Pom
peii?).

443 Baths of Constantine restored.

450 Forum Esquilinum restored.

4 6 3 -4 8 3 Basilica Iunii Bassi converted into church.

470 Earthquake damages Amphitheatrum Flavium.

ca. 4 7 0 Rostra Vandalica.

4 9 3 5 2 6 Reign o f Theodoric: Forum Romanum repaired, Muri Aureliani repaired; Atrium Libertatis
(Bibliotheca Ulpia?) restored; Stadium of Domus Augustiana repaired.

5 0 7 -5 1 1 Theater o f Pompey restored by Symmachus.

5 08? Amphitheatrum Flavium repaired by prefect Basilius.

5 23 Last venationes offered in Amphitheatrum Flavium.

5 2 6 -5 2 7 Temple o f Divus Romulus converted into church.

535 Library established in Domus Aniciorum on Caelian by Pope Agapetus I.

537 Aqua Traiana cut by Goths of Vitiges; Rome sacked.

608 Columna Phocae in Forum Romanum.

458
This page constitutes a continuation of the copyright page. Joan Jones, drawing by (after L. Quilici), Regiones Quat-
tuor and Sacraria of the Argei, as Known: Fig. 74
The author and publisher extend their thanks for permis
sion to publish figures from the following sources: Joan Jones, drawing by (after L. Quilici), Septimontium:
Fig. 75
Acta A rchaeologica (Copenhagen) 59 (1988): Fig. 23
H. Kahler, D er rm ische Tempel (Berlin, Gebr. Mann Ver
Analecta rom ana Instituti Danici, suppl. 10 (1983): Figs.
lag 1970): Fig. 36
3 0 ,3 1 ,9 0
E. La Rocca, A m azzonom achia (Rome, De Luca Editore
F. E. Brown, Rom an Architecture (New York, George Bra-
s.r.l. 1985): Figs. 6, 7
ziller, Inc. 1961, 1961): Fig. 64
R. Locher and B. Sigel, eds., D om us Tiberiana, nuove ri-
E. Buchner, D ie Sonnenuhr des Augustus (Mainz, Philipp
cerche, studi di restauro (Zrich, Verlag der Fachvereine
von Zabern 1982): Fig. 42
1985): Figs. 33, 34
G. Carettoni, Das H aus des Augustus a u fd em Palatin
W. L. MacDonald, An Introductory Study, vol. 1 of The
(Mainz, Philipp von Zabern 1983): Fig. 29
Architecture o f the Rom an Em pire (New Haven, Yale Uni
G. Carettoni, A. M. Colini, L. Cozza, and G. Gatti, La versity Press 1965): Figs. 27, 28, 57
pianta m arm rea di R om a antica (Rome, X Ripartizione
M. Meie and C. Mocchegiani Carpano, eds., L area del
del Comune di Roma 1960): Figs. 1, 2, 3, 17, 26, 43, 46,
santuario siriaco del G ian icolo (Rome, Edizioni Quasar
65, 68, 70, 82
1982): Fig. 50
G. Cipriani, H orti Sallustiani (Rome, Istituto Nazionale
M em orie della Pontificia A ccadem ia Rom ana di A rcheolo-
delle Assicurazioni 1982): Figs. 44, 45
gia 8 (1955): Fig. 78; 13 (1981): Fig. 38
F. Coarelli, Guida archeologica di R om a (Verona, A. Mon-
M onument! antichi 41 (1951): Figs. 21, 22
dadori 1974): Figs. 14, 16, 19, 20, 32, 37, 62, 63, 72, 83
E. Nash, Pictorial D ictionary o f Ancient Rom e, 2d ed. 2
F. Coarelli, II sepolcro degli Scipioni a R om a (Rome, Fra-
vols. (London, Thames and Hudson 1968). Courtesy Ernst
telli Palombi 1988): Figs. 76, 77
Wasmuth Verlag GmbH and Co., Tbingen: Figs. 48, 52
F. Coarelli, I. Kajanto, U. Nyberg, and M. Steinby, L area
La parola del passato 32 (1977): 11 (Napoli, Macchiaroll
sacra di Largo Argentina (Rome, X Ripartizione del Co
editore): Fig. 9
mune di Roma 1981): Figs. 8, 69, 80
G. Picard, Living Architecture: Rom an (New York, Gros
A. M. Colini, Stadium D om itiani (Rome, Istituto di Studi
set and Dunlap 1965): Fig. 84
Romani 1943): Fig. 79
Rendiconti della Pontificia A ccadem ia Rom ana di Archeo-
M. Contichello deSpagnolis, II tem pio dei D ioscuri nel
logia 45 (1972-73): Fig. 25
Circo Flam inio (Rome, De Luca Editore s.r.l. 1984): Fig.
24 R estored Papers o f the British S chool at R om e 12 (1932):
Fig. 15
G. Cozzo, II C olosseo (Anfiteatro Flavio) (Rome, Fratelli
Palombi 1971): Fig. 4 Rom a, archeologia nel centro (Rome, De Luca Editore
s.r.l. 1985): Figs. 35, 39, 49, 53, 60, 61, 87, 91
M. Cristofani, ed., L a grande R om a dei Tarquini (Rome,
l e r m a di Bretschneider 1990): Figs. 10, 11 Rm ische Mitteilungen 86 (1979): Fig. 56

P. Fidenzoni, II teatro di M arcello (Rome, Edizioni Liber E. M. Steinby, Lacus luturnae I (Rome, De Luca Editore
1970): Figs. 71, 81 s.r.l. 1989): Fig. 51

G. Gatti, Topografa ed edilizia di R om a antica (Rome, B. Tamm, N eros Gymnasium in Rom (Stockholm, Alm-
l e r m a di Bretschneider 1989): Figs. 18, 47, 54, 55, 6 6 qvist and Wiksell 1970) (Fototeca Unione): Fig. 89

C. F. Giuliani and P. Verduchi, L area centrale del foro ro
m ano (Florence, Leo S. Olschki Editore 1987): Fig. 41
E. Gjerstad et al., Les Origines de la republique rom aine
(Entretiens Hardt 13) (Vandoeuvres Geneva 1967): Fig. 73
Joan Jones (adapted from C. F. Giuliani and P. Verduchi,
L area centrale del fo r o rom ano [Florence, Leo S. Olschki
Editore 1987]): Fig. 40
Joan Jones (adapted from R om a m edio republicana
[Rome, Assessorato Antichit, Belle Arti e Problemi della
Cultura 1973]): Fig. 58
Joan Jones, drawing by, Pomerium of Imperial Rome
Fig. 67
E. B. Van Deman, The Atrium Vestae (Washington, D.C.,
Carnegie Institution Publications 1909): Figs. 12, 13
J. B. Ward-Perkins, Rom an Im perial Architecture (Har-
mondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd 1981): Figs. 5, 59, 85,
8 6 ,8 8 ,9 2
Endpapers: Etching by Giovanni Battista Piranesi, Veduta
del Tempio di Giove Tonante, Vedute di Roma, plate 49
(now recognized as the Temple of Divus Vespasianus and
Divus Titus)